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Businesses bemoan Indian ‘tax terrorism’ and red tape

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Businesses bemoan Indian ‘tax terrorism’ and red tape

On the face of it, expanding operations in one of the world’s fastest-growing countries should be a no-brainer, but for bearings maker Timken India, there may be easier places to do business.

Sanjay Koul, managing director, told investors last year that the Ohio-based parent company could instead look at other countries “where there is less of tax terrorism” and “where they can have ease of doing business”.

Since then, the company has been hit with an unexpected Rs250mn ($2.9mn) tax demand, which it is contesting.

For Timken, there are still good reasons to be in India, and Koul said “India is a great place to source”. But when asked about further investments in the country, he said: “Obviously, we want to carefully invest so that we get the best bang for the buck.”

The experience of a company that has been in India for about three decades, employs more than 1,200 staff and has operations in several Indian states speaks to authorities’ challenge as economic growth slows.

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Investors have long urged India to reduce red tape, relax labour laws and simplify taxation and compliance, arguing that reform, particularly of taxation, could stimulate investment and create jobs.

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At a time when Prime Minister Narendra Modi has wooed global investors such as Apple and wants to establish India as a global manufacturing hub to rival China, it has become a matter of pressing importance.

Modi’s chief economic adviser V Anantha Nageswaran has urged central and state governments to “get out of the way” and to start “rolling back regulation significantly” or face a “high risk of economic growth stagnation”.

With growth forecast at 6.5 per cent for the current fiscal year, down from 9.2 per cent in 2023-24, finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman in February used this year’s budget to announce a review of business rules, certifications, licences and compliances as well as the creation of an investment friendliness index of states.

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Just before his appointment as governor of India’s central bank, former revenue secretary Sanjay Malhotra in December warned government tax officers that they should “not kill the golden goose” with their demands.

Already, many blame falling investment on red tape and erratic enforcement of taxation. Net foreign investment flows fell to about $1.2bn during April to December, from $7.8bn during the same period in the previous year, according to the central bank’s February economic bulletin.

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Under Modi, India has eased company registrations, consolidated labour codes and digitised tax processes, all with the aim of making life easier for business.

Still “nobody is going to consider India an easy country to do business in, there is still a lot of capriciousness in the implementation of rules and regulation”, said Nirmalya Kumar, professor at Singapore Management University. It remained difficult to set up and exit a business and fire people, the former Tata Sons executive said.

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Several regulations dated back to the early days of independence from Britain, said Ajay Shriram, chair of the Ease of Doing Business task force at the Confederation of Indian Industry. Although seldom enforced, he said that the Factories Act of 1948 can result in jail terms for business owners for minor violations — including not whitewashing toilets.

A landmark national goods and services tax reform in 2017 did simplify taxation, but many companies fall foul of India’s tax system and are sucked into marathon legal disputes. Taxes are levied at three levels — central, state and local — and can be interpreted in a vague and contradictory fashion.

In February, in the High Court of Mumbai, a lawyer for Volkswagen’s Indian arm argued that a $1.4bn tax demand made on the company last year over an alleged misclassification in the importation of car parts was a “matter of life and death” for a carmaker that employs 4,500 people.

In August, Indian technology services giant Infosys was hit with a $4bn retrospective tax notice. South Korean carmaker Kia is also fighting tax demands.

Heineken beer bottles are arranged upright in a cooler
Alcoholic beverage companies, including Heineken’s India business, have been targeted in raids and embroiled in tax and licence disputes © Priyanshu Singh/Reuters

In February, Sitharaman put forward a bill in parliament, proposing cutting half of the 500,000 words in the 1961 income tax manual in an aim to reduce disputes. Disputed tax demands totalled Rs13.4tn as of March 2024, according to the finance ministry.

Alcoholic beverage companies, including Diageo, Pernod Ricard and Heineken’s Indian businesses have been targeted in raids and embroiled in tax and licence disputes amid an ever-shifting patchwork of regulation, in a country where booze is seen as taboo by many and a cash cow by states that retain control over liquor taxation.

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While recent government announcements meant to remove bottlenecks “will help”, Kumar said, taxation “is quite complicated for people to figure out, the legal system still takes a long time for disputes to get resolved”.

An unwieldy bureaucracy, characterised by overlapping offices and opaque approvals, makes change difficult.

“A lot of it is like Yes Minister,” said a senior executive at a major Mumbai-based business conglomerate, referring to the classic British satirical show where civil servants thwart attempts at reform while senior officials “end up getting frustrated because the hydra has grown too much”.  

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In this context, many businesses see China’s centralised system as more attractive.

“If you set up a factory in China you get everything right up there, signed, sealed and delivered up front with a lot of land, with all the connections given, road access given and the only job is to set up the factory,” said a top executive at a major Indian company.

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In India, “they just let it meander, rather than somebody taking charge”.

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Donald Trump has no ‘phase two’ plan for Iran war, says US senator

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Donald Trump has no ‘phase two’ plan for Iran war, says US senator

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Man accused of plot to assassinate Trump testifies Iran pressured him, says Biden and Haley were other possible targets

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Man accused of plot to assassinate Trump testifies Iran pressured him, says Biden and Haley were other possible targets

The allegation sounded like the stuff of spy movies: A Pakistani businessman trying to hire hit men, even handing them $5,000 in cash, to kill a U.S. politician on behalf of Iran ‘s powerful paramilitary Revolutionary Guard.

It was true, and potential targets of the 2024 scheme included now-President Donald Trump, then-President Joe Biden and former presidential candidate and ex-U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley, the man told jurors at his attempted terrorism trial in New York on Wednesday. But he insisted his actions were driven by fear for loved ones in Iran, and he figured he’d be apprehended before anything came of the scheme.

“My family was under threat, and I had to do this,” the defendant, Asif Merchant, testified through an Urdu interpreter. “I was not wanting to do this so willingly.”

Merchant said he had anticipated getting arrested before anyone was killed, intended to cooperate with the U.S. government and had hoped that would help him get a green card.

U.S. authorities were, indeed, on to him – the supposed hit men he paid were actually undercover FBI agents – and he was arrested on July 12, 2024, a day before an unrelated attempt on Trump’s life in Butler, Pennsylvania.  During a search, investigators said they found a handwritten note that contained the codewords for the various aspects of the plot, CBS News previously reported

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Merchant did sit for voluntary FBI interviews, but he ultimately ended up with a trial, not a cooperation deal.

“You traveled to the United States for the purpose of hiring Mafia members to kill a politician, correct?” Assistant U.S. Attorney Nina Gupta asked during her turn questioning Merchant Wednesday in a Brooklyn federal court.

“That’s right,” Merchant replied, his demeanor as matter-of-fact as his testimony was unusual.

The trial is unfolding amid the less than week-old Iran war, which killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in a strike that Trump summed up as “I got him before he got me.” Jurors are instructed to ignore news pertaining to the case.

The Iranian government has denied plotting to kill Trump or other U.S. officials.

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Merchant, 47, had a roughly 20-year banking career in Pakistan before getting involved in an array of businesses: clothing, car sales, banana exports, insulation imports. He openly has two families, one in Pakistan and the other in Iran – where, he said, he was introduced around the end of 2022 to a Revolutionary Guard intelligence operative. They initially spoke about getting involved in a hawala, an informal money transfer system, Merchant said.

Merchant testified that his periodic visits to the U.S. for his garment business piqued the interest of his Revolutionary Guard contact, who trained him on countersurveillance techniques.

The U.S. deems the Revolutionary Guard a “foreign terrorist organization.” Formally called the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the force has been prominent in Iran under Khamenei.

Merchant said the handler told him to seek U.S. residents interested in working for Iran. Then came another assignment: Look for a criminal to arrange protests, steal things, do some money laundering, “and maybe have somebody murdered,” Merchant recalled.

“He did not tell me exactly who it is, but he told me – he named three people: Donald Trump, Joe Biden and Nikki Haley,” he added.

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In 2024, multiple sources familiar with the investigation told CBS News Merchant planned to assassinate current and former government officials across the political spectrum.

Merchant allegedly sketched out the plot on a napkin inside his New York hotel room, prosecutors said, and told the individual “that there would be ‘security all around’ the person” they were planning to kill.

“No other option”

After U.S. immigration agents pulled Merchant aside at the Houston airport in April 2024, searched his possessions and asked about his travels to Iran, he concluded that he was under surveillance. But still he researched Trump rally locations, sketched out a plot for a shooting at a political rally, lined up the supposed hit men and scrambled together $5,000 from a cousin to pay them a “token of appreciation.”

This image provided by the Justice Department, contained in the complaint supporting the arrest warrant, shows Asif Merchant. 

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He even reported back to his Revolutionary Guard contact, sending observations – fake, Merchant said – tucked into a book that he shipped to Iran through a series of intermediaries.

Merchant said he “had no other option” than to play along because the handler had indicated that he knew who Merchant’s Iranian relatives were and where they lived.

In a court filing this week, prosecutors noted that Merchant didn’t seek out law enforcement to help with his purported predicament before he was arrested. He testified that he couldn’t turn to authorities because his handler had people watching him.

Prosecutors also said that in his FBI interviews, Merchant “neglected to mention any facts that could have supported” an argument that he acted under duress.

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Merchant told jurors Wednesday that he didn’t think agents would believe his story, because their questions suggested “they think that I’m some type of super-spy.”

“And are you a super-spy?” defense lawyer Avraham Moskowitz asked.

“No,” Merchant said. “Absolutely not.”

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Satellite images show Iran school strike hit more buildings than earlier reported

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Satellite images show Iran school strike hit more buildings than earlier reported

The bombing of an Iranian elementary school that killed some 165 people, many of them schoolgirls, included more targets near the school than has been initially reported, a review of commercial satellite imagery by NPR has found.

The images suggest that the school was hit on Saturday as part of a precision airstrike on a neighboring Iranian military complex — and that it may have been struck as a result of outdated targeting information.

The new images come from the company Planet and are of the city of Minab, located in southeastern Iran. They show that a health clinic and other buildings near the school were also struck. Three independent experts confirmed NPR’s analysis of the additional strike points.

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The strike points “look like pretty clean detonation centroids,” said Corey Scher, a postdoctoral researcher at the Conflict Ecology laboratory at Oregon State University.

“These certainly appear like detonation sites,” agreed Scher’s colleague, Oregon State associate professor Jamon Van Den Hoek.

Jeffrey Lewis, a professor at Middlebury College who specializes in satellite imagery, said the imagery was consistent with a precision airstrike.

The images show “very precise targeting,” Lewis told NPR. “Almost all the buildings [in the compound] are hit.”

A satellite image of an Iranian Revolutionary Guard compound taken on March 4.

A satellite image of an Iranian Revolutionary Guard compound taken on March 4, several days after an airstrike destroyed a school on the edge of the compound. The image reveals that half a dozen other buildings in addition to the school were struck.

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Iranian state media said 165 people died in the bombing, which struck a girls’ school. The school was located within less than 100 yards of the perimeter of an Iranian Revolutionary Guard naval base, according to satellite images and publicly available information. The clinic was also located within the base perimeter, although both facilities had been walled off from the base.

Israel has denied involvement. “We are not aware at the moment of any IDF operation in that area,” Israel Defense Forces spokesperson Nadav Shoshani told NPR on Monday. “I don’t know who’s responsible for the bombing.”

At a press conference Wednesday morning, U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said that the U.S. is looking into what happened at the school. “All I know, all I can say, is that we’re investigating that,” Hegseth said. “We, of course, never target civilian targets.”

Given Minab’s location in the southeastern part of Iran, Lewis believes it’s more likely the U.S. would have conducted the strike than Israel. As one gets farther south and east in Iran, “a strike is much more likely to be a U.S. strike than an Israeli strike because of the type of munitions and the geographic location,” he said.

Esmail Baghaei, the spokesman for Iran’s Foreign Ministry, called the strike “deliberate” and said that the U.S. and Israel bombed the school in part to tie up Iranian forces in the region with rescue efforts. “To call the attack on the girls school merely a ‘war crime’ does not capture the sheer evil and depravity of such a crime,” he said.

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But Lewis said it’s more likely that the strike was the result of an error. Satellite images show that the school and clinic buildings were both once part of the base. The school was separated from the base by a wall between 2013 and 2016. The clinic was walled off between 2022 and 2024.

Lewis believes it’s possible American military planners had not updated their target sets.

“There are thousands of targets across Iran, and so there will be teams in the United States and Israel that are responsible for tracking those targets and updating them,” he said. “It’s possible that the target didn’t get updated.”

The Pentagon did not immediately respond to NPR’s request for additional information about the strike.

NPR’s Arezou Rezvani and NPR’s RAD team contributed to this report.

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