Business
Column: Healthcare — and not just reproductive care — was on the ballot, and it lost big
It was perhaps natural that campaign coverage of the presidential candidates’ healthcare policies began and ended with abortion rights; since June 2022, when the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, 20 states have banned abortions or enacted draconian restrictions on the procedure.
That landscape could turn even more dire with the reelection of Donald Trump. But many other healthcare issues were implicitly on the ballot Tuesday. Republicans may well feel empowered to continue their long campaign against the nation’s public health infrastructure, to step up their attacks on science, and to spread the anti-vaccine mantra of Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who has worked his way into Trump’s inner circle.
The Biden administration’s progress in making healthcare more accessible and affordable for all Americans, especially seniors on Medicare, is almost certain to be rolled back. RFK Jr. and other healthcare quacks, such as Florida Surgeon General Joseph Ladapo, may move into national policy-making. Religion-based policies may move to the fore, shouldering science-based policies aside. The plundering of healthcare institutions by private equity investors could pick up steam.
I will not give one penny to any school that has a vaccine mandate or a mask mandate.
— Donald Trump, threatening millions of children with measles, polio, COVID and other vaccine-preventable diseases
If any of these eventualities come to pass, America’s health profile will be in danger of declining, and sharply. The main victims would be women, seniors and low-income households.
Let’s examine the particulars. Some of these derive from the Heritage Foundation’s notorious Project 2025, a road map to a reactionary future that is sure to animate many Trump administration policies. But others reflect policy efforts already tried in red states or promoted during Trump’s first term.
ABORTION: Protections for abortion rights were on the ballot in 10 states, and passed in seven — not including Florida, where a measure rolling back the state’s draconian abortion ban garnered 57% of the vote but fell short of the 60% required to pass. (That threshold was enacted in 2006 after it was placed on the ballot by a Republican-controlled legislature; as it happens, the 60% rule passed even though it did not itself garner 60% of the vote.)
In only two other states is a supermajority required to pass a ballot measure: Colorado (55% required) and New Hampshire (two-thirds, or 66.7%).
The seven states in which voters protected abortion rights by enshrining them in the state constitution were Arizona, Colorado, Maryland, Missouri, Montana, New York and Nevada. Measures failed in South Dakota and Nebraska.
Republican and conservative hostility to abortion rights has persisted despite the ghastly deaths of pregnant women because doctors were unwilling to terminate their pregnancies because the treatment would break the law in their states, even in an emergency, and expose the doctors to consequences including criminal prosecution.
Trump has specifically said he would not support a national abortion ban “under any circumstances,” but that leaves open a multitude of ways he could achieve that goal by another name, whether by applying an ancient federal law to constrain the shipment of abortion pills, installing reproductive rights opponents at federal healthcare agencies as he did in his first term, or some other means. Plainly, abortion rights aren’t safe in a Trump presidency.
GENDER: Trump made gender-related medical treatments a target of his campaign, spinning a deranged fantasy about schools subjecting children to gender-changing surgery behind their parents’ backs; Project 2025 disdains what it calls “the new woke gender ideology, which has as a principal tenet ‘gender affirming care’ and ‘sex-change’ surgeries on minors.”
This parallels laws passed in several red states barring any gender-affirming care for minors. In fact, surgery is not part of the standard of care in gender-affirming cases involving children and adolescents. The authors of Project 2025 advocate barring transgender individuals from serving in the military.
AFFORDABLE CARE ACT: The repeal of Obamacare, as it’s familiarly known, has been a prime goal of Republicans since the law’s enactment in 2010. The law was saved from repeal in 2017, during the last Trump administration, by a single “no” vote from the late Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.).
It’s still a target. House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) vowed last month that there would be “No Obamacare” in another Trump term. The law is popular, however, favored by 62% of Americans according to a KFF opinion poll in May. Trump has repeatedly promised to offer an alternative program, but never has done so.
Project 2025 calls for giving more latitude to bare-bones health plans such as association health plans and short-term health plans. These don’t meet ACA standards because they often exclude essential healthcare services and can mislead consumers into thinking an illness or treatment is covered — learning the truth only when they try to obtain coverage.
The road map also calls for curtailing the ACA’s contraceptive mandate, which it says “has been the source of years of egregious attacks on many Americans’ religious and moral beliefs.” (Of course, the ACA doesn’t require that anyone actually use a contraceptive, only that they be covered without cost-sharing.)
It calls for removing the “morning-after pill” Ella from the contraceptive mandate. It also calls for turning the clock back on the Food and Drug Administration’s safety approval for the abortion pill mifepristone, which is currently the target of a lawsuit file by antiabortion activists.
MEDICAID and MEDICARE: These crucial federal healthcare programs — the first serving low-income Americans and the second serving seniors — are in the GOP’s gunsights. Project 2025 claims that they are “the principal drivers of our $31-trillion national debt. … In essence, our deficit problem is a Medicare and Medicaid problem.”
Never mind that the single biggest driver of federal deficits is the tax cut for corporations and the wealthy signed by Trump in 2017, which could add $5.2 trillion to deficits over the next 10 years.
By Project 2025’s reckoning, Medicare and Medicaid together cost $17.8 trillion from 1967 through 2020, a span of 53 years. This year, the two programs enroll more than 140 million Americans, or more than 41% of the population. (Medicare members also pay premiums for some of its parts.)
Although Trump has vowed not to cut Medicare benefits, conservative antagonism toward Medicaid, the state-federal healthcare program for low-income Americans, has never ebbed. In 2014, under former Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wisc.), House Republicans proposed converting the program from one that covered a percentage of state spending on healthcare to enrollees into a block-grant structure, that lacked the flexibility needed to confront disease outbreaks as they occur. Ryan’s plan would have cut Medicaid funding by 26% over a decade.
Vaccines have eradicated smallpox and either eliminated or sharply reduced the incidence of measles, polio, rubella and whooping cough. So why are Trump and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. attacking them?
(Centers for Disease Control and Prevention)
It failed, but the idea was taken up by Trump in his first term, though it wasn’t enacted. Expect it to be considered again. Project 2025 advocates adding work requirements to Medicaid, an idea that has proved in the past to achieve nothing in terms of reducing joblessness or improving enrollees’ health, but did end up throwing thousands of people out of the program.
Permission that the last Trump administration granted some states to impose work requirements for Medicaid was overturned by a federal judge in 2019; the Biden White House consigned the idea to the dumpster.
Project 2025 asserts that the ACA “mandates that states must expand their Medicaid eligibility standards” to include everyone at or below 138% of the federal poverty level. This is a lie. Following a Supreme Court ruling, the ACA leaves it to individual states to cover childless low-income individuals; 10 states, all of which are under the control of GOP governors or legislatures, still haven’t done so. The project also calls for eliminating the 90% government match of the cost of that coverage and reducing it to a “fairer and more rational level,” presumably lower.
VACCINES: The rapid development of COVID-19 vaccines, which averted about 1.1 million U.S. deaths and more than 10.3 million hospitalizations within a year of their introduction in December 2020, was one of the few genuine achievements of the first Trump term. So it’s a mystery why he has turned against them, and against vaccines in general.
During his campaign he promised, “I will not give one penny to any school that has a vaccine mandate or a mask mandate.”
It’s possible that this reflects the sway that Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has exercised over Trump, who has promised to place RFK Jr. in a policymaking role over healthcare. The prospect should make all Americans queasy, for Kennedy is a one-stop shop for conspiracy theories ranging from anti-vaccine claims to outright antisemitism.
The truth is that vaccines are indisputably a triumph of medical science. They’ve eradicated smallpox from the face of the Earth and reduced diseases such as measles, polio and whooping cough to occasional outbreaks (among the unvaccinated). If Trump and RFK Jr. intend to make the world safe again for these diseases, they should come right out and say so.
To the authors of Project 2025, the COVID vaccines along with other anti-pandemic policies were nothing but infringements on individual rights (don’t think about the children and families whose rights to a healthy life would be jeopardized by the elimination of school vaccine mandates).
The project rails against the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the National Institutes of Health — the country’s premier public health agencies — for “the irrational, destructive, un-American mask and vaccine mandates that were imposed upon an ostensibly free people during the COVID-19 pandemic.” It also claims that “masks provide little to no benefit in preventing the spread of viruses and might even be counterproductive,” a statement that is unadulterated BS.
But that’s just one example of how the right wing, which will now occupy a favored perch in the White House, has elevated an amorphous concept of individual freedom over the undeniably real benefits, to millions of people, of robust pubic health imperatives based on communal responsibility.
How much worse will things have to get before the public wakes up to the consequences? Why in heaven’s name would anyone want to find out?
Business
Nike to Cut 1,400 Jobs as Part of Its Turnaround Plan
Nike is cutting about 1,400 jobs in its operations division, mostly from its technology department, the company said Thursday.
In a note to employees, Venkatesh Alagirisamy, the chief operating officer of Nike, said that management was nearly done reorganizing the business for its turnaround plan, and that the goal was to operate with “more speed, simplicity and precision.”
“This is not a new direction,” Mr. Alagirisamy told employees. “It is the next phase of the work already underway.”
Nike, the world’s largest sportswear company, is trying to recover after missteps led to a prolonged sales slump, in which the brand leaned into lifestyle products and away from performance shoes and apparel. Elliott Hill, the chief executive, has worked to realign the company around sports and speed up product development to create more breakthrough innovations.
In March, Nike told investors that it expected sales to fall this year, with growth in North America offset by poor performance in Asia, where the brand is struggling to rejuvenate sales in China. Executives said at the time that more volatility brought on by the war in the Middle East and rising oil prices might continue to affect its business.
The reorganization has involved cuts across many parts of the organization, including at its headquarters in Beaverton, Ore. Nike slashed some corporate staff last year and eliminated nearly 800 jobs at distribution centers in January.
“You never want to have to go through any sort of layoffs, but to re-center the company, we’re doing some of that,” Mr. Hill said in an interview earlier this year.
Mr. Alagirisamy told employees that Nike was reshaping its technology team and centering employees at its headquarters and a tech center in Bengaluru, India. The layoffs will affect workers across North America, Europe and Asia.
The cuts will also affect staffing in Nike’s factories for Air, the company’s proprietary cushioning system. Employees who work on the supply chain for raw materials will also experience changes as staff is integrated into footwear and apparel teams.
Nike’s Converse brand, which has struggled for years to revive sales, will move some of its engineering resources closer to the factories they support, the company said.
Mr. Alagirisamy said the moves were necessary to optimize Nike’s supply chain, deploy technology faster and bolster relationships with suppliers.
Business
Senate committee kills bill mandating insurance coverage for wildfire safe homes
A bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to homeowners who take steps to reduce wildfire risk on their property died in the Legislature.
The Senate Insurance Committee on Monday voted down the measure, SB 1076, one of the most ambitious bills spurred by the devastating January 2025 wildfires.
The vote came despite fire victims and others rallying at the state Capitol in support of the measure, authored by state Sen. Sasha Renée Pérez (D-Pasadena), whose district includes the Eaton fire zone.
The Insurance Coverage for Fire-Safe Homes Act originally would have required insurers to offer and renew coverage for any home that meets wildfire-safety standards adopted by the insurance commissioner starting Jan. 1, 2028.
It also threatened insurers with a five-year ban from the sale of home or auto insurance if they did not comply, though it allowed for exceptions.
However, faced with strong opposition from the insurance industry, Pérez had agreed to amend the bill so it would have established community-wide pilot projects across the state to better understand the most effective way to limit property and insurance losses from wildfires.
Insurers would have had to offer four years of coverage to homeowners in successful pilot projects.
Denni Ritter, a vice president of the American Property Casualty Insurance Assn., told the committee that her trade group opposed the bill.
“While we appreciate the intent behind those conversations, those concepts do not remove our opposition, because they retain the same core flaw — substituting underwriting judgment and solvency safeguards with a statutory mandate to accept risk,” she said.
In voting against the bill Sen. Laura Richardson, (D-San Pedro), said: “Last I heard, in the United States, we don’t require any company to do anything. That’s the difference between capitalism and communism, frankly.”
The remarks against the measure prompted committee Chair Sen. Steve Padilla, (D-Chula Vista), to chastise committee members in opposition.
“I’m a little perturbed, and I’m a little disappointed, because you have someone who is trying to work with industry, who is trying to get facts and data,” he said.
Monday’s vote was the fourth time a bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to so-called “fire hardened” homes failed in the Legislature since 2020, according to an analysis by insurance committee staff.
Fire hardening includes measures such as cutting back brush, installing fire resistant roofs and closing eaves to resist fire embers.
Pérez’s legislation was thought to have a better chance of passage because it followed the most catastrophic wildfires in U.S. history, which damaged or destroyed more than 18,000 structures and killed 31 people.
The bill was co-sponsored by the Los Angeles advocacy group Consumer Watchdog and Every Fire Survivor’s Network, a community group founded in Altadena after the fires formerly called the Eaton Fire Survivors Network.
But it also had broad support from groups such as the California Apartment Association, the California Nurses Association and California Environmental Voters.
Leading up to the fires, many insurers, citing heightened fire risk, had dropped policyholders in fire-prone neighorhoods. That forced them onto the California FAIR Plan, the state’s insurer of last resort, which offers limited but costly policies.
A Times analysis found that that in the Palisades and Eaton fire zones, the FAIR Plan’s rolls from 2020 to 2024 nearly doubled from 14,272 to 28,440. Mandating coverage has been seen as a way of reducing FAIR Plan enrollment.
“I’m disappointed this bill died in committee. Fire survivors deserved better,” Pérez said in a statement .
Also failing Monday in the committee was SB 982, a bill authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, (D-San Francisco). It would have authorized California’s attorney general to sue fossil fuel companies to recover losses from climate-induced disasters. It was opposed by the oil and gas industry.
Passing the committee were two other Pérez bills. SB 877 requires insurers to provide more transparency in the claims process. SB 878 imposes a penalty on insurers who don’t make claims payments on time.
Another bill, SB 1301, authored by insurance commissioner candidate Sen. Ben Allen, (D-Pacific Palisades), also passed. It protects policyholders from unexplained and abrupt policy non-renewals.
Business
How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner
Times Insider explains who we are and what we do, and delivers behind-the-scenes insights into how our journalism comes together.
Politicians in Washington and the reporters who cover them have an often adversarial relationship.
But on the last Saturday in April, they gather for an irreverent celebration of press freedom and the First Amendment at the Washington Hilton Hotel: The White House Correspondents’ Association dinner.
Hosted by the association, an organization that helps ensure access for media outlets covering the presidency, the dinner attracts Hollywood stars; politicians from both parties; and representatives of more than 100 networks, newspapers, magazines and wire services.
While The Times will have two reporters in the ballroom covering the event, the company no longer buys seats at the party, said Richard W. Stevenson, the Washington bureau chief. The decision goes back almost two decades; the last dinner The Times attended as an organization was in 2007.
“We made a judgment back then that the event had become too celebrity-focused and was undercutting our need to demonstrate to readers that we always seek to maintain a proper distance from the people we cover, many of whom attend as guests,” he said.
It’s a decision, he added, that “we have stuck by through both Republican and Democratic administrations, although we support the work of the White House Correspondents’ Association.”
Susan Wessling, The Times’s Standards editor, said the policy is a product of the organization’s desire to maintain editorial independence.
“We don’t want to leave readers with any questions about our independence and credibility by seeming to be overly friendly with people whose words and actions we need to report on,” she said.
The celebrity mentalist Oz Pearlman is headlining the evening, in lieu of the usual comedy set by the likes of Stephen Colbert and Hasan Minhaj, but all eyes will be on President Trump, who will make his first appearance at the dinner as president.
Mr. Trump has boycotted the event since 2011, when he was the butt of punchlines delivered by President Barack Obama and the talk show host Seth Meyers mocking his hair, his reality TV show and his preoccupation with the “birther” movement.
Last month, though, Mr. Trump, who has a contentious relationship with the media, announced his intention to attend this year’s dinner, where he will speak to a room full of the same reporters he often derides as “enemies of the people.”
Times reporters will be there to document the highs, the lows and the reactions in the room. A reporter for the Styles desk has also been assigned to cover the robust roster of after-parties around Washington.
Some off-duty reporters from The Times will also be present at this late-night circuit, though everyone remains cognizant of their roles, said Patrick Healy, The Times’s assistant managing editor for Standards and Trust.
“If they’re reporting, there’s a notebook or recorder out as usual,” he said. “If they’re not, they’re pros who know they’re always identifiable as Times journalists.”
For most of The Times’s reporters and editors, though, the evening will be experienced from home.
“The rest of us will be able to follow the coverage,” Mr. Stevenson said, “without having to don our tuxes or gowns.”
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