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Meet the religious leaders shaping the next generation of social justice activism

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Meet the religious leaders shaping the next generation of social justice activism

Rev. Dr. William Barber has long been known for his civil rights activism, including being arrested as part of nonviolent demonstrations.

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Most public policy lecture halls do not echo with call-and-response Gospel hymns. But on a recent Tuesday afternoon, singer and musicologist Yara Allen warms up a class in New Haven, Conn.

“Woke up this morning with my mind stayed on Jesus,” she sings, her voice filling the room. Quickly, the fifty or so students pick up the tune and the words and then repeat the verse.

The class is one of the new offerings of Yale Divinity School’s Center for Public Theology & Public Policy. The goal is to prepare the next generation of ministers to not only think deeply about the Bible, theology, and church history, but also equip them for public ministry and leadership in the wider community.

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Teaching this class is one of the most well-known religious leaders in America: Rev. William Barber, whose work with the Poor People’s Campaign and Repairers of the Breach has been his own public ministry.

Rev. Barber rises and begins his lecture. “The forces that are perpetrating extremism are not weak,” he says as his eyes dart around the room, “and they are well-funded.”

He admonishes his students that as future church leaders, they cannot argue political positions like everyone else. He tells them their arguments and reasoning must be deeply moral positions, rooted in scripture. “Your language,” he says, “has to be different.”

Rev. Barber is the founding director of the Center, having come here after three decades of parish ministry in North Carolina.

“I always wanted to train others, even as a pastor,” he says. “If I pastored somewhere 30 years and nobody gets called to be a preacher and nobody gets trained, what kind of preaching have I done?”

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Teaching the politics of moral fusion

What Barber’s done is lead one of the most prominent efforts to unite diverse groups around issues of justice, from voting rights to anti-poverty measures.

“What are the major tenets of religion as it relates to the public square?” he asks. His answer is a litany his repeats often: “Love, truth, justice, mercy, grace, the least of these, the poor, the sick, the imprisoned. Look at this piece of legislation. How are these policies affecting people? How is it affecting their living and their dying?”

While he continues his activism around the country, he’s now helping upcoming leaders prepare for what he describes as urgent public witness.

“If you don’t stand in challenge to poverty and denial of health care in this moment, in this life, you’ve wasted part of it,” he says.

In an age of atomization over identity politics, Rev. Barber’s teaching what he calls moral fusion politics.

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“When people sit down across the lines that have tended to divide us – race, geography, sexuality – and then take an honest look at the politics of extremism,” he says, “they figure out that the same people who are voting against people because they are gay are also blocking living wages.”

If extremists, says Rev. Barber, are working together, then his side needs to come together too.

Working beyond the classroom and pulpit

This work extends beyond the classroom, into the divinity school’s daily chapel. A student stands to lead the opening prayer: “God, you have chosen in your Grace to be a God who shares the work. You invite us to labor alongside you and one another in the pursuit of hope, justice and peace.”

Sitting near the back is Rev. Barber, praying and singing with his students. He has a word of encouragement for each of them. Before and after chapel students huddle around him, offering updates on projects, papers and field work.

Summer placements in churches focusing on voting rights and poverty are central to the work of his Center. Student Benjamin Ball spent part of his summer in Alabama.

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“We were standing outside of Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery,” he says, “which is the church where Dr. King preached and worked, which is right outside of the Montgomery State Capital.”

For Ball, who’s from Tennessee, the experience was transformative.

“To stand outside of the doors of that church and see the state capital right in front of you,” he says, “I don’t think there’s a more profound image. If you walk out of church and ignore this, you’re missing something right in front of you.”

The point is that morality isn’t the sole province of religious conservatives, says ministry student Ed Ford, from Connecticut.

“The Gospel is telling us to do justice, love, mercy and walk humbly with our God. It’s saying, ‘If you’re sick, would you care for me? If I’m a stranger, would you take care of me? If you are poor and those who are really suffering in the world?” Says Ford. “Those are the things that we’re supposed to be talking about. Jesus calls us to help the least of these. Right?”

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Help needs to come, says Ford, not just through traditional direct services churches often provide such as food banks, but also help through legislation and public policy.

“Poverty doesn’t know if you’re Black, White, Asian, Latino,” he says. “It knows, though, at the root of it all in our country is this: ‘Is our government going to step in and help people? Is our church going to speak up and talk about what’s right?”

Ford echoes Rev. Barber’s own language from the earlier lecture when he concludes: “Are we going to be chaplains of Empire? Are we going to be prophets of God?”

These students are learning the ways of the biblical prophets, who broach impolite topics and speak truth to power, whether within congregations or the public square.

These are lessons student Lizzie Chiravono, from South Carolina, began learning early in life. “Being from the South,” she says, “there’s no way to disconnect religion and politics because every social setting I walked into was both political and religious.”

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As an example, Chiravono describes how both the government and churches provide food to poor families.

“I grew up in poverty,” she says. “And for people who are impacted by poverty and other forms of suffering, politics or religion are never far from their minds.”

Institutionalizing the Center’s movement for civil rights

What these students are learning is to take these early lessons and develop them into a way of thinking, a way of living and a way of working.

“To be able to get the courage to then go and talk — that’s what this is about,” says longtime civil rights leader and labor attorney Rosalyn Woodward Pelles, who helps direct Yale’s Center for Public Theology & Public Policy here in New Haven.

“It’s about spreading an understanding once you have it,” she says. “This is institutionalizing the movement. And so it ends up in people’s hearts. It ends up in changing religious education. And it ends up in strengthening the movement we’re trying to build.”

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This program goes beyond simply educating these aspiring ministers. It’s also about formation and tapping into a longing, says another of the center’s leaders, Jonathan Wilson-Hartgrove.

“Students here have a deep spiritual hunger connected to their sense that something is wrong with the way the world works,” he says. And the mission is to direct that sense of wrong into a sense of purpose.

“It doesn’t have to be this way. And God doesn’t want it to be this way,” says Wilson-Hartgrove. “And something inside of them tells them that it could be otherwise, and they can be part of that. They want to know ‘How does that work?’”

Speaking out against the “heresy” of Christian Nationalism

It’s late afternoon at the Berkeley Episcopal Center, a few blocks from the Divinity School. Again, singer Yara Allen is rousing the crowd.

“We shall not. We shall not be moved,” she sings, as Rev. William Barber punctuates the verse with “Oh Lord!” in his resonant bass voice.

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He’s here to be interviewed for a podcast called The Leader’s Way.

“Welcome everyone,” says host Brandon Nappi. “Thank you for your presence.”

Some students have followed Barber to this recording and sit in the audience. Other people, from the larger university community and the public, show up to hear him talk as well.

No matter where he appears – in class, in chapel or an off-campus podcast recording — he draws a crowd eager to take up what Barber calls the cause of the Hebrew prophets and Christian Gospels.

“If you don’t deal with public theology and you don’t deal with issues of how we treat the least of them,” he says, “you actually cut the scriptures apart.”

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He says that’s what he sees Christian Nationalism doing today — using religion to divide rather than unite and harm rather than help. He calls this movement to unite religion with official government power heresy. Rather, he says the Bible teaches something different.

“‘Thy kingdom come’ is a direct announcement to Caesar that your stuff is not real, that your way of life has to pass,” Barber says. “We’re praying for another kind of kingdom to come that’s rooted in love and justice and lifting all people.”

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Satellite images show Iran school strike hit more buildings than earlier reported

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Satellite images show Iran school strike hit more buildings than earlier reported

The bombing of an Iranian elementary school that killed some 165 people, many of them schoolgirls, included more targets near the school than has been initially reported, a review of commercial satellite imagery by NPR has found.

The images suggest that the school was hit on Saturday as part of a precision airstrike on a neighboring Iranian military complex — and that it may have been struck as a result of outdated targeting information.

The new images come from the company Planet and are of the city of Minab, located in southeastern Iran. They show that a health clinic and other buildings near the school were also struck. Three independent experts confirmed NPR’s analysis of the additional strike points.

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The strike points “look like pretty clean detonation centroids,” said Corey Scher, a postdoctoral researcher at the Conflict Ecology laboratory at Oregon State University.

“These certainly appear like detonation sites,” agreed Scher’s colleague, Oregon State associate professor Jamon Van Den Hoek.

Jeffrey Lewis, a professor at Middlebury College who specializes in satellite imagery, said the imagery was consistent with a precision airstrike.

The images show “very precise targeting,” Lewis told NPR. “Almost all the buildings [in the compound] are hit.”

A satellite image of an Iranian Revolutionary Guard compound taken on March 4.

A satellite image of an Iranian Revolutionary Guard compound taken on March 4, several days after an airstrike destroyed a school on the edge of the compound. The image reveals that half a dozen other buildings in addition to the school were struck.

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Iranian state media said 165 people died in the bombing, which struck a girls’ school. The school was located within less than 100 yards of the perimeter of an Iranian Revolutionary Guard naval base, according to satellite images and publicly available information. The clinic was also located within the base perimeter, although both facilities had been walled off from the base.

Israel has denied involvement. “We are not aware at the moment of any IDF operation in that area,” Israel Defense Forces spokesperson Nadav Shoshani told NPR on Monday. “I don’t know who’s responsible for the bombing.”

At a press conference Wednesday morning, U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said that the U.S. is looking into what happened at the school. “All I know, all I can say, is that we’re investigating that,” Hegseth said. “We, of course, never target civilian targets.”

Given Minab’s location in the southeastern part of Iran, Lewis believes it’s more likely the U.S. would have conducted the strike than Israel. As one gets farther south and east in Iran, “a strike is much more likely to be a U.S. strike than an Israeli strike because of the type of munitions and the geographic location,” he said.

Esmail Baghaei, the spokesman for Iran’s Foreign Ministry, called the strike “deliberate” and said that the U.S. and Israel bombed the school in part to tie up Iranian forces in the region with rescue efforts. “To call the attack on the girls school merely a ‘war crime’ does not capture the sheer evil and depravity of such a crime,” he said.

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But Lewis said it’s more likely that the strike was the result of an error. Satellite images show that the school and clinic buildings were both once part of the base. The school was separated from the base by a wall between 2013 and 2016. The clinic was walled off between 2022 and 2024.

Lewis believes it’s possible American military planners had not updated their target sets.

“There are thousands of targets across Iran, and so there will be teams in the United States and Israel that are responsible for tracking those targets and updating them,” he said. “It’s possible that the target didn’t get updated.”

The Pentagon did not immediately respond to NPR’s request for additional information about the strike.

NPR’s Arezou Rezvani and NPR’s RAD team contributed to this report.

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Mojtaba Khamenei, son of former supreme leader, tipped to become Iran’s next head of state

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Mojtaba Khamenei, son of former supreme leader, tipped to become Iran’s next head of state

Mojtaba Khamenei, the second son of the assassinated Ali Khamenei, is being heavily tipped to succeed his father as supreme leader of Iran, which would pitch a hardliner into the task of steering the Islamic republic through the most turbulent period in its 48-year history and offer a powerful signal that, for now, it has no intention of changing course.

No official confirmation has been given and the announcement may be delayed until after the funeral of Ali Khamenei, which was on Wednesday postponed.

His son is believed to have been the choice of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and the Israeli defence minister, Gideon Saar, has warned he will be assassinated.

Ayatollah Seyed Khatani, a member of the Assembly of Experts, the body that chooses the new supreme leader, said the assembly was close to selecting a leader.

Rigid in his anti-western views, Mojtaba Khamenei is not the candidate Donald Trump would have wanted. Marco Rubio, the US secretary of state, said on Tuesday that Iran was run by “religious fanatic lunatics” – and Khamenei’s appointment is hardly likely to dispel that opinion.

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‘They were going to attack first’: Trump gives update on Iran – video

The choice of supreme leader is made by the 88-strong Assembly of Experts, who in this case are picking from a field of six possible candidates. His election would be a powerful if unsurprising symbol that the government is not looking to find an accommodation with America.

Trump has said the worst-case scenario would be if Khamenei’s successor was “as bad as the previous person”.

There has been speculation for more than a decade that he would be his father’s successor, which grew when Ebrahim Raisi, the elected president and favourite of Khamenei, was killed in a helicopter crash.

Mojtaba Khamenei was born in 1969 and studied theology after graduating from high school. At the age of 17, he went to serve in the Iran-Iraq war, but it was not until the late 1990s that he came to be recognised as a public figure in his own right.

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After the landslide defeat of Khamenei’s preferred candidate, Ali Akbar Nategh Nuri, in the 1997 presidential election, where he won only 25% of the final vote, various conservative Iranian groups realised the need to make changes to their structures and Mojtaba Khamenei was central to that project.

He was also seen as instrumental by reformists in suppressing the protests in 2009 that came after allegations the presidential election had been rigged, with his name chanted in the streets as one of those responsible. Mostafa Tajzadeh, a senior member of Iran’s reformist parties who was imprisoned after the vote, alleged that his and his wife, Fakhr al-Sadat Mohtashamipour’s, legal case was under the direct supervision of Mojtaba Khamenei.

In 2022 he was given the title of ayatollah – essential to his promotion. By then he was a regular figure by his father’s side at political meetings, as well as playing an influential role in the Islamic Republic’s Broadcasting Corporation, the government’s official media outlet often criticised for churning out dull political propaganda that many Iranians reject in favour of overseas satellite channels. He has also played a central role in the administration of his father’s substantial financial empire.

His closest political allies are Ahmad Vahidi, the newly appointed IRGC commander; Hossein Taeb, a former head of the IRGC’s intelligence organisation; and Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the current speaker of the parliament.

His rumoured appointment and its hereditary nature has long been resisted by reformists. The former prime minister Mir Hossein Mousavi, referring to the long history of rumours about Mojtaba Khamenei succeeding his father as leader, wrote in 2022: “News of this conspiracy have been heard for 13 years. If they are not truly pursuing it, why don’t they deny such an intention once and for all?”

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The Assembly of Experts, in response, denounced “meaninglessness of doubts” and said the assembly would select only “the most qualified and the most suitable”.

Israel on Tuesday struck the building in the Iranian city of Qom, one of Shia Islam’s main seats of power, where the assembly was scheduled, but the building was empty, according to IRGC-affiliated media.

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Video: Senators Question Kristi Noem on ICE Immigration Tactics

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Video: Senators Question Kristi Noem on ICE Immigration Tactics

new video loaded: Senators Question Kristi Noem on ICE Immigration Tactics

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Senators Question Kristi Noem on ICE Immigration Tactics

Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem repeatedly refused to apologize for suggesting that Alex Pretti and Renee Good, two U.S. citizens shot and killed by agents, were domestic terrorists.

What we’ve seen is a disaster under your leadership, Ms. Noem. A disaster. What we’ve seen is innocent people getting detained that turn out are American citizens. I could talk about the culture that’s been created here. After the killings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti, when I spoke to Alex’s parents, they told me that you calling him a domestic terrorist — this was directly from them — the day after he was killed, a nurse in our V.A., Alex — one of the most hurtful things they could ever imagine was said by you about their son. Do you have anything you want to say to Alex Pretti’s parents? Ma’am, I did not call him a domestic terrorist. I said It appeared to be an incident of — I think the parents saw it for what it was. In a hearing — recent hearing before the HSGAC committee, C.B.P. and ICE officials testified under oath that their agencies did not inform you that Pretti was a domestic terrorist — during that hearing, stated during that hearing, I was getting reports from the ground, from agents at the scene, and I would say that it was a chaotic scene. How did you think that calling them domestic terrorists at that scene was somehow going to calm the situation? The fact that you can’t admit to a mistake, which looks like under investigation, it’s going to prove that Ms. Good and Mr. Pretti probably should not have been shot in the face and in the back. Law enforcement needs to learn from that. You don’t protect them by not looking after the facts.

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Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem repeatedly refused to apologize for suggesting that Alex Pretti and Renee Good, two U.S. citizens shot and killed by agents, were domestic terrorists.

By Christina Kelso and Jackeline Luna

March 3, 2026

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