Louisiana
Louisiana sanctions use of pepper spray and mace on detained juveniles | The Lens
In one of its first moves since taking over licensing and oversight from the Department of Children and Family Services, the state Office of Juvenile Justice (OJJ) has authorized the use of mace and pepper spray in local juvenile detention facilities.
OJJ had already sanctioned the use of mace and pepper spray in its long-term “secure care” facilities, which hold teens who have been convicted and put into state custody. But even there, its use was criticized by advocates – and the kids themselves.
At the Jackson Parish Detention Center, guards would use pepper spray in response to minor verbal altercations, said one young man who spoke with The Lens. He described being sprayed indiscriminately while in OJJ custody in Jackson last summer. Each guard carries an orange can of pepper spray, he said, so if a kid talked back, a guard might lift his hand and spray into the child’s face, he said.
In response to a teen showing disrespect or violating an order, guards would also frequently reach into the door of the cell or the dorm and depress the sprayer for five or six seconds, then turn off the water in the cells after teens were sprayed, the young man claimed. The Jackson Parish Sheriff’s Department did not respond to questions from The Lens on the matter.
Once the pepper spray was in the air, the young man said, it would float to neighboring cells, affecting the eyes and breathing of everyone within the area. Its use hit him hard, he said, because he suffers from asthma and found that he could not breathe unless he covered his face with a pillow and blanket.
“It burns to breathe,” he said. “It cuts off oxygen.”
On top of the physical pain, he described a psychological toll.
“It’ll make you feel violated, it’ll make you feel wronged, it’ll make you humiliated, it’ll mess your mind up,” he said. “This is like a torture thing.”
At least one child has reported facial scarring due to the sprays, an advocate said.
The negative impacts of chemical agents goes beyond the initial physical toll on kids, says Mark Soler, former executive director of the Center for Children’s Law and Policy, who has seen its use undermine trust between facility staff and kids, closing off communication in a way that will make it tough for staff to manage future conflicts.
“When the kids don’t trust the staff, they’re not going to tell them anything,” Soler said. “And anybody who sprays pepper spray in my face —I’m not going to be sharing any information with them.”
Expanding use of mace, to kids held pretrial
In July, OJJ expanded the option to use pepper spray and mace on a whole new group of kids: those who are incarcerated pretrial across the state in facilities that are usually run locally, by cities or parishes.
A new state law took effect on July 1 that put OJJ in charge of licensing and regulating all detention facilities. Before then, it was under the authority of the state Department of Children & Family Services.
Soon after the shift, newly appointed OJJ director Kenneth “Kenny” Loftin implemented an emergency rule change allowing staff in those juvenile-detention facilities to use “chemical agents” – defined as “any product… which is dispensed by means of an aerosol spray to control an individual’s combative and/or restive behavior.”
Under DCFS, staff in detention facilities were barred from using any “chemical restraints,” including pepper spray and mace.
Loftin’s move has drawn sharp criticism from youth advocates and attorneys.
“We have this new oversight agency who suddenly needs to put out emergency rules — rules that bypass the legislative process and bypass a lot of public oversight,” said Aaron Clark-Rizzio, with Louisiana Center for Children’s Rights.
“It just starts looking very much like you want and intend to mistreat children inside jails, which we know in this state are full of children who are predominantly and Black and brown.”
The Office of Juvenile Justice did not respond to questions from The Lens regarding the newest changes, and did not make anyone available for an interview.
The new regulations appear to allow for a wide range of chemical sprays to be used on kids — with unspecified limits.
The young man who was housed in Jackson Parish told The Lens that guards used two different types of spray. One was a pepper gel carried by guards on their hips, he said, and used for minor altercations between individuals and staff members. Another he called “bear mace,” a stronger substance that came in a larger can, he said. It was used during riots and larger disturbances.
According to a DCFS inspection report from Jackson, the facility used at least three different types of chemical agents, only one of which would seem to be deployed by aerosol, making it allowable by the new rule.
Jackson used JPX, OC spray, and pepper balls, DCFS inspectors reported. JPX, described in the report as a “mace-like substance,” appears to refer to a range of cartridge-based guns that shoot targeted streams of pepper-spray gel. OC spray is shorthand for oleoresin capsicum spray, a generic term for pepper spray. Typically, pepper balls are projectiles fired by a special launcher that burst on impact and create a cloud of pepper irritant.
By using any of the products, the facility was in violation of the standards in place at the time, according to the DCFS report. It is unclear if JPX and pepper balls — because they are non-aerosol — would still be out of compliance with OJJ’s new emergency rules.
‘Very few’ other states use mace on juveniles
Again, it seems, Louisiana is an outlier in its justice policies.
“While most law enforcement agencies across the country authorize the use of (pepper) spray on adult offenders, very few states authorize its use for juvenile offenders,” according to a 2011 brief on the issue written by the Council of Juvenile Correctional Administrators.
In 2019, only 14 state juvenile justice agencies authorized any use of chemical restraints in secure care facilities, according to a council study, while only seven states authorized its personnel to carry mace in secure-care facilities. (Louisiana sanctioned its use in secure-care facilities after the survey.)
The handful of states that permitted mace have commonalities. “Additional analyses found that those States that authorized the use of chemical sprays also had adopted policies and procedures that were more punitive in nature and resembled a adult-correction approach to managing juvenile offenders,” according to the council’s 2011 summary.
“For an agency to use pepper spray in its juvenile facilities is testament to a colossal failure to have enough staff in the facility and [a failure] to provide adequate training for the staff in the facility,” said Soler, the former executive director of Center for Children’s Law and Policy. “I spent my career — 40 years — as a child advocate. I went into many, many juvenile facilities around the country and studied them very carefully. There is no need to use pepper spray in a juvenile facility. It’s just a sign that the administration doesn’t have any better ideas.”
Still, Louisiana’s new regulations do carry some restrictions. Chemicals can only be sprayed if youth are “armed/and/or barricaded” or pose “a danger of bodily harm to self or others.” Also, the situation must be urgent to the point that a delay “would constitute a serious hazard to the youth or others, or would result in a major disturbance or serious property damage.”
Medical staff are to be consulted prior to use, but that only applies if the circumstance does not require “immediate response.”
Following its use, staff must file an incident report.
Those policy guardrails merely prop up unnecessary action, Soler said. There are always other ways, he said, of controlling a situation in a detention facility without resorting to chemical sprays — which is why most facilities don’t use them at all.
‘Say it, don’t spray it’ – feds prioritize talking before macing
Federal guidelines generally frown upon the use of chemical sprays.
The federal philosophy on chemical restraints is important because Louisiana gets funding through the federal Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, an office within the U.S. Department of Justice. To receive funding, states must submit plans about policies, procedures and training within juvenile facilities. The federal office’s guidelines, Juvenile Justice Use of Force Continuum, specify that “the least restrictive intervention/interaction should be used to garner cooperation from a youth” in juvenile justice facilities.
Last month, the U.S. Department of Justice used that same standard – “least restrictive intervention” – to describe changes needed within juvenile secure-care facilities in Texas. In a lengthy report, the DOJ included descriptions of staffers mistreating youth and over-using pepper spray, “far more frequently than necessary to meet the threat posed.”
To comply with federal “least restrictive” standards, Texas juvenile-facility staff now must first attempt verbal redirection and de-escalation techniques and other non-force interventions with each child. If those fail, they must use only the amount of pepper spray needed, followed by “adequate and timely decontamination of all children exposed to pepper spray via timely access to cold-water decontamination showers.”
Texas facilities must also “identify and prohibit pepper spray use on children with chronic, serious respiratory problems or other serious health conditions that would make pepper-spray exposure particularly dangerous.”
Federal monitors have set limits on chemical sprays because pepper spray and mace could have serious adverse effects on youth. The Children’s Center for Law and Policy, a national organization that advocates on behalf of kids in the criminal legal system, emphasizes that facility staff may be unable to predict which kids might have “dangerous and potentially deadly” reactions to mace, because of asthma and other health conditions.
In general, children are especially vulnerable because they are “smaller in size, take more frequent breaths per minute, and have a limited cardiovascular stress response when compared to adults,” according to a Children’s Center fact sheet. The risks are even greater inside detention facilities, which often have limited ventilation.
The Children’s Center analysis acknowledges that juvenile facilities must prioritize keeping youth and staff safe. But it notes that “[m]ost facilities fulfill that responsibility without using chemical agents such as pepper spray and tear gas.”
When sprays are allowed, the Children’s Center experts warn, staffers may automatically reach for the spray cans — instead of finding “more effective and humane ways” of managing youth with behaviors that are often rooted in mental diagnoses such as emotional-behavioral disorders.
‘If a parent pepper sprayed their child they would be arrested’
Beyond giving detention staff permission to use pepper spray, the emergency order by OJJ opens the door to other previously banned practices and omits some youth protections.
DCFS had prohibited juvenile-detention staff from “punching, hitting, poking, pinching, or shoving,” a child in handcuffs or other restraints. The new emergency order removes that prohibition.
Under DCFS, medical providers in detention facilities were required to “ensure that any medical examination and treatment conforms to state laws on medical treatment of minors.” That provision has been deleted.
Also, detention centers are no longer required to notify a child’s attorney when the child is accused of committing a crime while in detention, a provision that assured that a child had immediate legal backing for any in-custody offenses.
The newly implemented changes, when taken together, appear to be advocating “for harsher, more punitive and violent treatment of children,” while simultaneously avoiding accountability, Clark-Rizzio said.
In recent years, OJJ has been sued several times over the mistreatment of kids in their custody. In 2022, civil rights groups sued the agency over their plans to move kids to a wing of Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola that had previously been used to house adult death-row prisoners. Last year, U.S. District Judge Shelly Dick ordered OJJ to move the youth out of Angola after finding that the agency was holding kids in solitary confinement while failing to provide sufficient education and mental-health programming.
The emergency rules are in place for six months, until mid-January. The new emergency rules also temporarily resolved a technicality, by bringing administrative code into compliance with the new law, which mandates that OJJ take over licensing and oversight from DCFS.
Some critics believe that the OJJ order itself did not comply with state law, because it wasn’t triggered by any emergent conditions. State law only allows emergency orders for certain allowable reasons – including to “prevent imminent peril to health, safety, or welfare of youth, support staff, or the general public,” the reason used by OJJ last month.
“No ‘emergency’ justifies such a response,” Meg Garvey with the Orleans Public Defenders Office said in a statement.
Once January arrives, OJJ can move to make the changes permanent, likely through the standard procedure for administrative-code changes — which include posting the change in the Louisiana register, soliciting feedback, and submitting a statement of fiscal impact.
Garvey also described the order’s focus, the use of chemical sprays on juveniles, as “illegal,” pointing to a provision in the Louisiana Children’s code, which mandates that care for detained kids be “as nearly as possible equivalent to that which the parents should have given him.”
“If a parent pepper sprayed their child they would be arrested,” Garvey said.
JJIC still bans use of chemical agents in the facility
It’s not yet clear how local detention centers in Louisiana are responding to the change in rules, and if they plan to start utilizing mace or pepper spray.
The Juvenile Justice Intervention Center, the pre-trial detention center in New Orleans, bans the use of any chemical agents in the facility and considers it “grounds for the immediate dismissal of the employee(s) involved,” according to policies posted online.
A spokesperson for the city confirmed that those policies were still intact, despite the changes by OJJ.
JJIC administrators will likely remain opposed to using chemical agents in juvenile facilities, regardless of state standards, said Clark-Rizzio, whose clients are typically held in JJIC.
“Our understanding of that facility and its leadership is that they do not desire or intend to use pepper spray on the children there, Clark-Rizzio said. “So this (OJJ) change hasn’t led to them suddenly using pepper spray.”
Related
Louisiana
McGlinchey Stafford vote to shut down reshuffles Louisiana legal landscape
The decision by McGlinchey Stafford PLLC leaders this week to shutter their powerhouse law firm after more than 50 years sent shock waves across south Louisiana’s legal community, and even took some of the firm’s attorneys by surprise.
It also began reshaping the local legal landscape. In the days since the announcement, at least two firms have announced that McGlinchey attorneys will be joining them, bringing lucrative practices and longtime clients along.
New Orleans-based Adams and Reese said Thursday it is hiring nearly a third of McGlinchey’s Baton Rouge office — 11 attorneys and two paralegals — from the real estate and corporate transactions group. More announcements are expected to follow, as firms try to snag top McGlinchey talent before the competition does.
Amid the reshuffling, the full picture of what caused McGlinchey’s partners who own the firm, known as equity members, to vote to dissolve is starting to emerge. According to attorneys familiar with the situation and a statement from the firm’s managing partner, Michael Ferachi, McGlinchey had been struggling for a while. It had lost several highly skilled attorneys that had lucrative client lists, announcements from rival firms show, and departures had accelerated in recent months.
Now, dozens of secretaries and back-office staff are scrambling for positions, according to social media posts. Some younger attorneys or attorneys without large books of business are also looking for work.
Loyola University law professor Dane Ciolino said they’ll be doing so in a Louisiana legal market that’s more competitive and less lucrative than it used to be.
“Big cases with high billable hours are fewer and father between than 30 or 40 years ago because we don’t have the big companies that generated that kind of work,” said Ciolino. “As the business community goes, so goes the legal community.”
Big dreams
It’s not unusual for mid-sized law firms like McGlinchey to experience ups and down, lose groups of attorneys and merge or sell to other firms. But according to 10 other attorneys in New Orleans and Baton Rouge who agreed to be interviewed for this is story but declined to give their names, it was surprising that McGlinchey’s owners voted to dissolve.
The New Orleans-based firm was among the most aspirational and aggressive in the city when it was founded in 1974. Back then, the city’s legal community was dominated by a handful of old-line firms populated by socially prominent attorneys.
McGlinchey sought to be different.
Founding partners Graham Stafford and Dermott McGlinchey were young, ambitious and smart, those who knew them remember. They wanted their firm to be taken seriously, setting up offices in One Shell Square, now the Hancock Whitney Center, then the city’s newest and tallest skyscraper.
The firm started out doing mostly insurance defense, which bills at a lower hourly rate and isn’t as prestigious as corporate transactions. But it quickly expanded as attorneys logged long hours and pursued out-of-state clients, which was less common then than today. They also sought to recruit the best and brightest young talent coming out of law school.
By the late 1980s, the firm had bought its own office building on Magazine Street in the newly trendy Warehouse District. In a nod to the New York-style firms it sought to emulate, McGlinchey had its own cafeteria, gym and showers, signaling that its attorneys were expected to live at the office.
Both founding partners died young. Stafford in 1987; McGlinchey, at age 60, in 1993. The firm continued to grow in their absence, but some longtime competitors said it didn’t hum with the same intensity.
String of departures
In a statement released Tuesday, Ferachi, a Baton Rouge-based commercial litigation specialist who became the firm’s managing member in 2021, said that no single factor had led to the vote to dissolve. Rather, troubles had been building.
“This is not because of any specific attorney’s departure, or any individual financial decision or leadership action that led us to this point,” he said. “This is the result of a combination of market factors, such as lagging collections, compounded with various internal factors over several years.”
The statement also said the firm’s leaders made the decision after “assessing several strategic alternatives.”
Ferachi declined to make additional comment or respond to additional questions. His predecessor, Rudy Aguilar, also a Baton Rouge attorney who is leading the group going to Adams and Reese, also did not respond to requests seeking comment.
Prominent departures have been ongoing for at least a decade and began building in recent months.
In 2015, two prominent attorneys in the real estate and commercial transactions division took their practice to Kean Miller, according to an announcement from Kean Miller at the time. In 2020, five partners from McGlinchey’s consumer finance litigation practice went to Hinshaw, a national firm based in Chicago with more than 500 attorneys across the country, a release from Hinshaw shows.
Around the same time, the firm downsized its footprint in the Pan American Life Center in New Orleans, where it had moved in 2008 after vacating the Magazine Street building, according to real estate sources familiar with the move.
According to Law.com, an online trade publication for the legal industry, the firm’s head count declined from 199 in 2016 to 37 in 2021, though it was back up to between 150-160 attorneys the time of the announcement.
In 2024, defense attorney Ally Byrd left McGlinchey for Jones Walker. More recently, in late November 2025, Deirdre McGlinchey, daughter of the late founding partner, moved her successful corporate litigation practice, which represented national clients and included three attorneys, to Jones Walker.
By then, the Baton Rouge McGlinchey office was already in serious talks with Adams and Reese, according to a statement from Adams and Reese.
On Jan. 2, three days before the McGlinchey vote, Hinshaw announced it had hired four attorneys from McGlinchey’s Washington D.C, and Fort Lauderdale, Florida offices, the firm announced. All specialize in defending consumer financial services companies in high stakes lawsuits.
At the same time it was losing some of its top rainmakers, the firm was continuing to sign new leases for offices. In 2023, it moved its Boston office into One Beacon Street, among the city’s most prestigious office towers, with estimated rents of near $50 per square foot.
In May, it moved its Baton Rouge offices from their longtime headquarters in One American Place to the newly renovated II Rivermark Centre down the street.
Late last year, the firm announced it had created four new administrative positions, hiring from within. The move, the firm said at the time, was designed to strengthen and improve back-office functions.
The firm had also “reconfigured its governance structure and compensation system,” Ferachi said in his statement.
‘Dignity and grace’
The effect of McGlinchey’s closure is already reverberating across the markets where it operated.
Adams and Reese Managing Partner Gyf Thornton said bringing on McGlinchey’s real estate practice in Baton Rouge will not only benefit the individual attorneys from both firms but create new opportunities.
“With these kinds of combinations, we have found that we typically get a one plus one equals three,” he said. “We start with their current book of business and together we grow to something bigger than the sum of the two parts.”
Partners may bring their associates and paralegals with them when they move, though they don’t typically bring back-office staff.
In a LinkedIn post, McGlinchey’s Chief Business Development Officer Heather Morse posted on behalf of her colleagues, saying “There are people, the #McGlinchey Family, who need to find their next beginning. Many of us are blessed with wide networks, but others are not.”
She tagged 20 colleagues from the firm’s administrative staff, noting she also was “open to new opportunities.”
There’s no word on how long the wind down will take, but Ferachi said the firm “was committed to comporting ourselves with dignity and grace during this process.”
Ciolino said it’s hard to say what exactly the departure of McGlinchey will mean for the market, noting it “does seem odd the way it all went down.”
Louisiana
DOJ ends another desegregation consent decree in Louisiana
Donald Trump is leading the most openly pro-segregation administration in recent American history, and it advanced that agenda this week when it killed yet another school desegregation agreement with a Louisiana parish.
The Associated Press reported Thursday that the Trump administration got a George W. Bush-appointed judge to lift another decades-old anti-segregation consent decree in the Bayou State.
Per the AP:
A federal judge on Monday approved a joint motion from Louisiana and the U.S. Justice Department to dismiss a 1967 lawsuit in DeSoto Parish schools, a district of about 5,000 students in the state’s northwest. It’s the second such dismissal since the Justice Department began working to overturn desegregation cases it once championed. Louisiana Attorney General Liz Murrill thanked President Donald Trump and Attorney General Pam Bondi on Wednesday for ‘helping us to finally end some of these cases.’
The AP quoted Murrill saying, “DeSoto Parish has its school system back,” and that “for the last 10 years, there have been no disputes among the parties, yet the consent decree remained.”
Of course, the absence of disputes under a consent decree is not exactly proof that the consent decree is no longer needed. To borrow an analogy from the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in her dissent from Shelby County, to throw out a consent decree because there’s been no resegregation or discrimination “is like throwing away your umbrella in a rainstorm because you are not getting wet.”
This follows the administration in February removing language that banned federal contractors from operating segregated facilities, and its decision last spring to quash a different consent decree with Louisiana’s Plaquemines Parish.
Louisiana
Louisiana task force confronts future of Greek life, pushes new hazing safeguards
BATON ROUGE, La (Louisiana First) — The final meeting for the Caleb Wilson Hazing Prevention Task Force took place Thursday.
The committee, organized by the Louisiana Board of Regents, brought together lawmakers, university leaders, student advisors, and hazing prevention stakeholders to make sure no Louisiana family loses another student to hazing.
State representative Vanessa LaFleur, a leading voice on this task force, said, “We don’t want there to ever be another Max [Gruver], or another Caleb in the state of Louisiana.”
Her statement referenced two high-profile hazing deaths that reshaped the conversation around student organizations in the state. Members echoed the sentiment that this isn’t just an isolated issue; it’s a culture issue.
“There are things that shift culture, things that create culture,” said Winton Anderson. “And what we were doing today was not only dealing with the prevention piece as much as dealing with the accountability piece.”
Task force leaders said Thursday’s meeting was about closing gaps in oversight, enforcement, and advisor responsibility for all Louisiana schools.
“Today, what you saw is closing the gap of our attempt to close the gap on what we believe are going to be the next phase of policies to help us ensure that there’s accountability at every level,” said Anderson.
The policy reform is key, but leaders said education is the foundation.
“The key to this is education,” said LaFleur. “And I think we’ve put in the safeguards for that. Safeguards will be there when the legislation drops. We’ve got to show them why hazing does not create sisterhood, why hazing does not create. But what it does is it destroys.”
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