Louisiana
Louisiana sanctions use of pepper spray and mace on detained juveniles | The Lens
In one of its first moves since taking over licensing and oversight from the Department of Children and Family Services, the state Office of Juvenile Justice (OJJ) has authorized the use of mace and pepper spray in local juvenile detention facilities.
OJJ had already sanctioned the use of mace and pepper spray in its long-term “secure care” facilities, which hold teens who have been convicted and put into state custody. But even there, its use was criticized by advocates – and the kids themselves.
At the Jackson Parish Detention Center, guards would use pepper spray in response to minor verbal altercations, said one young man who spoke with The Lens. He described being sprayed indiscriminately while in OJJ custody in Jackson last summer. Each guard carries an orange can of pepper spray, he said, so if a kid talked back, a guard might lift his hand and spray into the child’s face, he said.
In response to a teen showing disrespect or violating an order, guards would also frequently reach into the door of the cell or the dorm and depress the sprayer for five or six seconds, then turn off the water in the cells after teens were sprayed, the young man claimed. The Jackson Parish Sheriff’s Department did not respond to questions from The Lens on the matter.
Once the pepper spray was in the air, the young man said, it would float to neighboring cells, affecting the eyes and breathing of everyone within the area. Its use hit him hard, he said, because he suffers from asthma and found that he could not breathe unless he covered his face with a pillow and blanket.
“It burns to breathe,” he said. “It cuts off oxygen.”
On top of the physical pain, he described a psychological toll.
“It’ll make you feel violated, it’ll make you feel wronged, it’ll make you humiliated, it’ll mess your mind up,” he said. “This is like a torture thing.”
At least one child has reported facial scarring due to the sprays, an advocate said.
The negative impacts of chemical agents goes beyond the initial physical toll on kids, says Mark Soler, former executive director of the Center for Children’s Law and Policy, who has seen its use undermine trust between facility staff and kids, closing off communication in a way that will make it tough for staff to manage future conflicts.
“When the kids don’t trust the staff, they’re not going to tell them anything,” Soler said. “And anybody who sprays pepper spray in my face —I’m not going to be sharing any information with them.”
Expanding use of mace, to kids held pretrial
In July, OJJ expanded the option to use pepper spray and mace on a whole new group of kids: those who are incarcerated pretrial across the state in facilities that are usually run locally, by cities or parishes.
A new state law took effect on July 1 that put OJJ in charge of licensing and regulating all detention facilities. Before then, it was under the authority of the state Department of Children & Family Services.
Soon after the shift, newly appointed OJJ director Kenneth “Kenny” Loftin implemented an emergency rule change allowing staff in those juvenile-detention facilities to use “chemical agents” – defined as “any product… which is dispensed by means of an aerosol spray to control an individual’s combative and/or restive behavior.”
Under DCFS, staff in detention facilities were barred from using any “chemical restraints,” including pepper spray and mace.
Loftin’s move has drawn sharp criticism from youth advocates and attorneys.
“We have this new oversight agency who suddenly needs to put out emergency rules — rules that bypass the legislative process and bypass a lot of public oversight,” said Aaron Clark-Rizzio, with Louisiana Center for Children’s Rights.
“It just starts looking very much like you want and intend to mistreat children inside jails, which we know in this state are full of children who are predominantly and Black and brown.”
The Office of Juvenile Justice did not respond to questions from The Lens regarding the newest changes, and did not make anyone available for an interview.
The new regulations appear to allow for a wide range of chemical sprays to be used on kids — with unspecified limits.
The young man who was housed in Jackson Parish told The Lens that guards used two different types of spray. One was a pepper gel carried by guards on their hips, he said, and used for minor altercations between individuals and staff members. Another he called “bear mace,” a stronger substance that came in a larger can, he said. It was used during riots and larger disturbances.
According to a DCFS inspection report from Jackson, the facility used at least three different types of chemical agents, only one of which would seem to be deployed by aerosol, making it allowable by the new rule.
Jackson used JPX, OC spray, and pepper balls, DCFS inspectors reported. JPX, described in the report as a “mace-like substance,” appears to refer to a range of cartridge-based guns that shoot targeted streams of pepper-spray gel. OC spray is shorthand for oleoresin capsicum spray, a generic term for pepper spray. Typically, pepper balls are projectiles fired by a special launcher that burst on impact and create a cloud of pepper irritant.
By using any of the products, the facility was in violation of the standards in place at the time, according to the DCFS report. It is unclear if JPX and pepper balls — because they are non-aerosol — would still be out of compliance with OJJ’s new emergency rules.
‘Very few’ other states use mace on juveniles
Again, it seems, Louisiana is an outlier in its justice policies.
“While most law enforcement agencies across the country authorize the use of (pepper) spray on adult offenders, very few states authorize its use for juvenile offenders,” according to a 2011 brief on the issue written by the Council of Juvenile Correctional Administrators.
In 2019, only 14 state juvenile justice agencies authorized any use of chemical restraints in secure care facilities, according to a council study, while only seven states authorized its personnel to carry mace in secure-care facilities. (Louisiana sanctioned its use in secure-care facilities after the survey.)
The handful of states that permitted mace have commonalities. “Additional analyses found that those States that authorized the use of chemical sprays also had adopted policies and procedures that were more punitive in nature and resembled a adult-correction approach to managing juvenile offenders,” according to the council’s 2011 summary.
“For an agency to use pepper spray in its juvenile facilities is testament to a colossal failure to have enough staff in the facility and [a failure] to provide adequate training for the staff in the facility,” said Soler, the former executive director of Center for Children’s Law and Policy. “I spent my career — 40 years — as a child advocate. I went into many, many juvenile facilities around the country and studied them very carefully. There is no need to use pepper spray in a juvenile facility. It’s just a sign that the administration doesn’t have any better ideas.”
Still, Louisiana’s new regulations do carry some restrictions. Chemicals can only be sprayed if youth are “armed/and/or barricaded” or pose “a danger of bodily harm to self or others.” Also, the situation must be urgent to the point that a delay “would constitute a serious hazard to the youth or others, or would result in a major disturbance or serious property damage.”
Medical staff are to be consulted prior to use, but that only applies if the circumstance does not require “immediate response.”
Following its use, staff must file an incident report.
Those policy guardrails merely prop up unnecessary action, Soler said. There are always other ways, he said, of controlling a situation in a detention facility without resorting to chemical sprays — which is why most facilities don’t use them at all.
‘Say it, don’t spray it’ – feds prioritize talking before macing
Federal guidelines generally frown upon the use of chemical sprays.
The federal philosophy on chemical restraints is important because Louisiana gets funding through the federal Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, an office within the U.S. Department of Justice. To receive funding, states must submit plans about policies, procedures and training within juvenile facilities. The federal office’s guidelines, Juvenile Justice Use of Force Continuum, specify that “the least restrictive intervention/interaction should be used to garner cooperation from a youth” in juvenile justice facilities.
Last month, the U.S. Department of Justice used that same standard – “least restrictive intervention” – to describe changes needed within juvenile secure-care facilities in Texas. In a lengthy report, the DOJ included descriptions of staffers mistreating youth and over-using pepper spray, “far more frequently than necessary to meet the threat posed.”
To comply with federal “least restrictive” standards, Texas juvenile-facility staff now must first attempt verbal redirection and de-escalation techniques and other non-force interventions with each child. If those fail, they must use only the amount of pepper spray needed, followed by “adequate and timely decontamination of all children exposed to pepper spray via timely access to cold-water decontamination showers.”
Texas facilities must also “identify and prohibit pepper spray use on children with chronic, serious respiratory problems or other serious health conditions that would make pepper-spray exposure particularly dangerous.”
Federal monitors have set limits on chemical sprays because pepper spray and mace could have serious adverse effects on youth. The Children’s Center for Law and Policy, a national organization that advocates on behalf of kids in the criminal legal system, emphasizes that facility staff may be unable to predict which kids might have “dangerous and potentially deadly” reactions to mace, because of asthma and other health conditions.
In general, children are especially vulnerable because they are “smaller in size, take more frequent breaths per minute, and have a limited cardiovascular stress response when compared to adults,” according to a Children’s Center fact sheet. The risks are even greater inside detention facilities, which often have limited ventilation.
The Children’s Center analysis acknowledges that juvenile facilities must prioritize keeping youth and staff safe. But it notes that “[m]ost facilities fulfill that responsibility without using chemical agents such as pepper spray and tear gas.”
When sprays are allowed, the Children’s Center experts warn, staffers may automatically reach for the spray cans — instead of finding “more effective and humane ways” of managing youth with behaviors that are often rooted in mental diagnoses such as emotional-behavioral disorders.
‘If a parent pepper sprayed their child they would be arrested’
Beyond giving detention staff permission to use pepper spray, the emergency order by OJJ opens the door to other previously banned practices and omits some youth protections.
DCFS had prohibited juvenile-detention staff from “punching, hitting, poking, pinching, or shoving,” a child in handcuffs or other restraints. The new emergency order removes that prohibition.
Under DCFS, medical providers in detention facilities were required to “ensure that any medical examination and treatment conforms to state laws on medical treatment of minors.” That provision has been deleted.
Also, detention centers are no longer required to notify a child’s attorney when the child is accused of committing a crime while in detention, a provision that assured that a child had immediate legal backing for any in-custody offenses.
The newly implemented changes, when taken together, appear to be advocating “for harsher, more punitive and violent treatment of children,” while simultaneously avoiding accountability, Clark-Rizzio said.
In recent years, OJJ has been sued several times over the mistreatment of kids in their custody. In 2022, civil rights groups sued the agency over their plans to move kids to a wing of Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola that had previously been used to house adult death-row prisoners. Last year, U.S. District Judge Shelly Dick ordered OJJ to move the youth out of Angola after finding that the agency was holding kids in solitary confinement while failing to provide sufficient education and mental-health programming.
The emergency rules are in place for six months, until mid-January. The new emergency rules also temporarily resolved a technicality, by bringing administrative code into compliance with the new law, which mandates that OJJ take over licensing and oversight from DCFS.
Some critics believe that the OJJ order itself did not comply with state law, because it wasn’t triggered by any emergent conditions. State law only allows emergency orders for certain allowable reasons – including to “prevent imminent peril to health, safety, or welfare of youth, support staff, or the general public,” the reason used by OJJ last month.
“No ‘emergency’ justifies such a response,” Meg Garvey with the Orleans Public Defenders Office said in a statement.
Once January arrives, OJJ can move to make the changes permanent, likely through the standard procedure for administrative-code changes — which include posting the change in the Louisiana register, soliciting feedback, and submitting a statement of fiscal impact.
Garvey also described the order’s focus, the use of chemical sprays on juveniles, as “illegal,” pointing to a provision in the Louisiana Children’s code, which mandates that care for detained kids be “as nearly as possible equivalent to that which the parents should have given him.”
“If a parent pepper sprayed their child they would be arrested,” Garvey said.
JJIC still bans use of chemical agents in the facility
It’s not yet clear how local detention centers in Louisiana are responding to the change in rules, and if they plan to start utilizing mace or pepper spray.
The Juvenile Justice Intervention Center, the pre-trial detention center in New Orleans, bans the use of any chemical agents in the facility and considers it “grounds for the immediate dismissal of the employee(s) involved,” according to policies posted online.
A spokesperson for the city confirmed that those policies were still intact, despite the changes by OJJ.
JJIC administrators will likely remain opposed to using chemical agents in juvenile facilities, regardless of state standards, said Clark-Rizzio, whose clients are typically held in JJIC.
“Our understanding of that facility and its leadership is that they do not desire or intend to use pepper spray on the children there, Clark-Rizzio said. “So this (OJJ) change hasn’t led to them suddenly using pepper spray.”
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Louisiana
Louisiana wildlife officials urge safe boating ahead of Fourth of July weekend
WOODWORTH, La. (KALB) – The Louisiana Department of Wildlife and Fisheries is reminding boaters to stay safe and never operate a vessel while impaired as the Fourth of July weekend draws crowds to the state’s lakes and rivers.
The department is participating in Operation Dry Water, a nationwide campaign focused on stopping impaired boating. Since its launch in 2009, the campaign has removed nearly 8,000 impaired operators from waterways across the country.
“Fourth of July weekend, this is a nationwide campaign that all your local, state and federal law enforcement participate in on your local waterways,” said Sgt. Jesse Davis with LDWF. “It’s just to make sure that we’re raising awareness and enforcement towards drinking alcohol and using drugs while you’re on the water.”
Wildlife officials said drinking and operating a boat can be just as dangerous as drinking and driving a car. They are encouraging anyone who plans to consume alcohol to designate a sober operator.
“At the end of the day, everybody wants to go home. Everybody wants to have a good time. It’s the Fourth of July. You can have a good time. Just get somebody to drive. Be responsible. Have somebody sober,” said Cpl. Ryan Durand with LDWF.

Officials are also recommending that boaters wear a life jacket while on the water. While adults are not required to wear one at all times, officials said a life jacket could save a life in an emergency.
“The most recent statistics on that are 87% of people that are involved in a recreational boating incident that they drown — fatality-wise — it’s 87% of those crashes involve that,” Durand said. “When you’re in a boat, you’re not always required by law to wear that personal flotation device, but it’s always a very good measure to have that on in case something happens.”
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Copyright 2026 KALB. All rights reserved.
Louisiana
A little history lesson on the Revolutionary War, and Louisiana’s role
The Fourth of July holiday usually brings to mind fireworks and hot dogs, patriotic t-shirts and hot weather.
But as American marks her 250th birthday, it can also be a time to learn something about the origins of our nation. KATC sat down with a couple of historians from South Louisiana Community College to get a history lesson: SoLAcc Humanities Chair Sarah Senette and Steven Schwamenfeld, PhD., Associate Professor of Humanities and Communication.
If you’d like to hear all their answers, scroll down; we’ve put together a video of their unedited responses to our questions.
We learned a lot. For instance – did you know that Louisiana, and in particular the Acadians, were pivotal in the course of the Revolutionary War?
“The war would not have been won without Louisiana. It’s not just the foreign aid that comes with France and Spain. That is very important. The war would not have been won without that alone, but without the participation of Louisianans specifically. I don’t think the American Revolution at least would have ended w hen it did,” says SoLAcc Humanities Chair Sarah Senette.
The French and Spanish – both of whom controlled what is now Louisiana at one time – both held bitter resentments against the British following the French and Indian War. And, the Acadians – who had just been expelled from their homes by the British in 1755 – had a personal score to settle and were ready to fight, she said.
“But you also had people like the Cajuns, I guess we to call them the Acadians then, who were exiled as a byproduct of the French and Indian War, who were living in Louisiana at that time. And they are passionate about fighting against the English. And in f act, (00;03;38;40: it’s one of the only times in Cajun history where you really see active participation from the Cajuns, in the military campaign. In fact, Galvez, the governor of Louisiana, he actually writes about them in one of his letters. And he says the Acadian men in particular, remember the past injustices of the English. So it was personal for them,” Senette says.
Another person with Louisiana ties who played a pivotal role in the war was Galvez – Bernardo de Galvez, who was colonial governor of Spanish Louisiana and Cuba, and later Viceroy of New Spain. He led the Gulf Campaign of the war – which many people have never heard of.
“This is a very heroic campaign. So they have all the Spanish ships that are out in the Gulf, and they want to do a siege against Pensacola. But it’s a little bit problematic because there’s another fort that’s more of a supply for the smaller fort , Fort George, and a little bit inland and so they can’t siege against Pensacola because it will just go on indefinitely. But they have to take Pensacola because it’s going to cut off the back entrance to, for supplies that keep the British from coming around to the western side of the American Revolution. So they must take Pensacola,” Senette says.
“Famously, Galvez says, who’s with me? And everyone’s like, nobody. No, we’re not doing it. And it’s because it’s dangerous. The British are smart. They know that this is really the only way to effectively win. So they have cannons on either side. It’s going to be very treacherous. And so famously, Galvez says, fine, I’ll do it myself. “ Yo solo ” I alone am going to, you know, lead this campaign. And actually it goes on his coat of arms later when he becomes, I think, the viceroy for all of Latin America, he is elevated into the upper aristocracy for this. But, so he takes it and he does lead the campaign i n this, you know, long, drawn out battle which ultimately determines the course of the American Revolution. So he is someone that is almost never talked about as a great military commander. But he was, and he’s quite heroic, even by his own account. So I feel like we should be very proud of. Yes, we should be very proud of his contributions. He was only about mid 30s, I think he was about 37 maybe by the time that happens. But so he was a young man doing all this,” she continues.
In recent years, more historians have begun studying this aspect of the war, she added.
“When you talk about the American Revolution, you hear about the northern front, you hear about the southern front, maybe you know the Navy, but you you don’t hear about the Gulf front. What is that? Right: Louisiana? I thought they were Spanish, but no, actually, Louisiana is deeply involved in this war,” she says.
Many Louisiana folks are familiar with Joseph Broussard dit Beausoleil, the guerrilla fighter who teamed up with indigenous people to resist the British up in Acadie. His son was a hero of the Revolutionary War; he fought under Galvez.
“It ’ s just a little slice of their of Cajun history. By the time you’re talking about the American Revolution, you have approximately 2,000, Acadians in Louisiana, and that’s men, women and children. And that would be the larger end of that number. So perhaps just a few hundred [Cajuns] are actually actively fighting in the American Revolution. So the Acadians are completely disinterested in fighting in the Civil War, right? They don’t get truly passionate about another war until World War Two. So this is a very odd moment in Cajun history, but one that when you know what the British did to the Acadians makes perfect sense,” she adds.
But it wasn’t just the Acadians who fought in the War on the side of the colonies, she adds.
“So you have Choctaw who were, you know, strong French allies, the Native Americans, you know, the French, you have the Spanish, you have the African militia, which was, which was an all African American, troop that gained its freedom under the French during something called the Natchez Revolt. They fight in the American Revolution on behalf of America, as part of the Spanish campaign. I mean, le gens de couleur libres, free men of color.
“So it it’s funny because when people think about ‘what did an American soldier look like,’ right? I mean, I’m, I’m guilty of this. I think, like, oh, it’s John Adams and he’s got a big mug of cider and you’re just ready for that. But really, you think about a lot of the important points in the Revolutionary War. They might have been speaking Spanish. They might have been speaking French. These are every different kind of phenotype. People looking completely not at all like I think what most Americans would think of when they think of the important American soldier. And there were women, by the way, that we can’t know those numbers because they’re women, obviously had to go in disguise. But there were women who were wounded in the American Revolution. And when they were defrocked, it became known that they were in fact not young boys. And there have been some estimates that it could be, you know, maybe as much as a couple hundred women possibly, that secretly fought in the American Revolution.”
We learned a lot about the political landscape and military details from Schwamenfeld. John Adams argued that there were three political factions in the colonies leading up to the war.
“America was evenly divided, between patriots, loyal active loyalists and the indifferent. In practice, probably the percentage of loyalists was somewhat lower than that. Probably not a full third of the population. Probably something more like 20% or less. The problem that the British had was that they’re not the majority anywhere. Loyalists do not form a majority of the population anywhere. So they became, in a sense, a source of weakness for the British. The British hoped that loyalists would come flocking to the colors. That the revolution was led by a sort of cabal, conspiracy of extremists. And as soon as soldiers showed up, people would come out of the woodwork, to declare their loyalty to the king and ask for the army’s protection. That really didn’t happen. Instead, the loyalist minority had to be protected. The British had to divide their own forces, to protect loyalists from the larger number of colonists who were actively engaged in revolutionary activities and support for the revolution,” Shwamenfeld said.
“Now, usually the numbers are 40%, in favor of the revolution. Actively. 40%. More or less on the fence and 20%, actively loyal. Initially, the British actually did not want to recru it loyalist soldiers because they wanted to prevent civil war. They just wanted to kind of, reestablish order, come in and do a police action. Didn’t didn’t work out that way,” he says. “They found organized patriot resistance and the Patriots in the majority. Later in the war, after France and Spain, entered an alliance, with the French entering a formal alliance with the Americans. British became desperate for manpower. They had to commit more of their troops to the defense of the home islands. And then they activel y recruited loyalists and perhaps as many as 20,000, Americans did serve in British forces. In in loyalist regiments, during the war. But again, that’s much smaller number than served in Patriot militias and in the Continental Army.”
The French and the Spanish were pivotal, he says – with the French looking for an opportunity for pay-back.
“It’s hard to overstate the significance of the French and Spanish contributions. Even before the French formally recognized the United States as independent and basically entered into alliance, the French were secretly providing the Americans with muskets, with ammunition, and even with cannon, which had the emblem of the French monarchy scratched off,” Shwamenfeld says. “A very high proportion of American colonies did own firearms, probably a higher proportion among the population than anywhere else on Earth. But those were all manufactured in England, and in Europe. So the Americans were very short of weapons. And they began to come from both France and Spain, before any official recognition. Of course, the American uprising was a great opportunity for France and Spain, especially France, to get just plain old revenge on Great Britain. For the events of the previous war, Seven Years War with the Americans called the French and Indian War, in which the French were essentially driven from the North American continent. Now they had an opportunity to stir up some serious trouble, within Britain’s own empire.”
The French and the Spanish got their revenge, eventually.
“The American Revolution would have gone on much longer. Much, much longer if France and Spain had not actively supplied the rebels. The 13 colonies were very large. British Navy was the largest in the world, so they could always blockade successfully the American coastline. But the British Army was by no means the largest in the world, which is why they ultimately had to recruit loyalists and more.
The war’s hero, George Washington, had a strategy most don’t realize.
“Despite multiple defeats, Washington preserved his army in most general engagements. He certainly never wanted a decisive victory until the very end. It’s only the final campaign of the war that Washington actually chooses full strategic goal, destroys a British army in the field, causes its surrender. Until that point, he basically just kept the army going,” Schwamenfeld said.
In addition to being a military commander, he had to be capable of political maneuvers as well.
“He fully understood the precariousness, of his position. That there were officers in his army who were actually plotting against him to take control, to actually take control of the Army, to convince Congress to remove him from command. This did not spur him to take unnecessary risks, to try to gain spectacular victories in the field that might actually end up with the army being exposed. So he showed tremendous self – control. It was, in many ways, his greatest characteristic. He was able to curb his own desire t o try to gain, glory in a single tactical engagement, and instead pursue this consistent strategy of of caution and maintaining the army, intact,” Schwamenfeld says.
Some facts about Washington’s army probably aren’t palpable to some. He wanted a long-term, professional, trained militia.
“It should be said that Washington kept corporal punishment in the Continental Army, to help maintain those European standards. He did. It’s not something that we necessarily want to talk about, but it was. The American soldiers were flogged during the Revolutionary War. In the regular army. It should also be said that the Continental Army was the only American army to be integrated. And this was true of the regular regiments rather than the militia regiments. Washington was looking for soldiers to fill up his army and maintain and stick with it, for months and years at a time. And so African Americans served side by side with white soldiers in the Continental Army. Something that would end pretty much with the Revolutionary War and would not be seen again until the Korean War,” Schwamenfeld says.
Here’s the video:
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Louisiana
Louisiana State Police introduce two new K-9 officers
BATON ROUGE, La. (KNOE) – Louisiana State Police introduced two new k-9 officers Wednesday.
K-9 Billy and K-9 Rossy, German shorthair pointers specially trained in explosives detection, will serve LSP in the Capitol detail, LSP said in a Facebook post.
DPS Corporal Harold Conner and DPS Senior Officer Adrienne Colson will be their handlers. Both recently earned their national police K-9 certifications after completing weeks of intensive training, LSP said.
The teams will support security operations during special events, dignitary visits, sporting events and other high-profile events across the Capitol Complex, LSP said.
Copyright 2026 KNOE. All rights reserved.
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