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China plays down hopes for ‘strong medicine’ at top economic policy meeting

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China plays down hopes for ‘strong medicine’ at top economic policy meeting

Peng, an employee at a Chinese state-owned media outlet in Beijing, is reeling after being forced to take her second pay cut in less than a year, as the country’s economic weakness hits even its government enterprises.

“I can barely live on this,” she complained. “The work keeps increasing, but the money keeps decreasing.”

Peng’s situation, which is mirrored across China as the economy struggles to recover from a property crisis and the pandemic, illustrates the challenges facing President Xi Jinping’s government as it prepares to hold one of the Communist party’s most important quinquennial meetings this month.

In the past, the Chinese Communist party has used the third plenary session of its central committee, its elite leadership body, to address the most important economic issues of the day. In 1978, Deng Xiaoping used the meeting to launch China’s post-Mao Zedong-era “reform and opening up” drive.

Some experts argue similarly bold action is needed now to kick-start domestic demand and prevent the world’s second-biggest economy from falling into a deflationary spiral. But at a recent World Economic Forum event known as the “summer Davos” in the north-eastern seaside city of Dalian, Premier Li Qiang signalled that no shock therapy would be forthcoming.

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In the wake of the pandemic, China’s economy was like a patient recovering from a serious illness, Li said. “According to Chinese medical theory, at this time, we cannot use strong medicine. We should precisely adjust and slowly nurture [the economy], allowing the body to gradually recover”.

China’s economy has been hit by weak consumer and investor confidence, hampering its return to stronger growth © Vincent Thian/AP

China’s headline growth was solid in the first quarter, expanding 5.3 per cent on the year before, driven by manufacturing and industrial output, although consumer spending remained patchy.

Analysts have been scrutinising recent speeches by Xi and other leaders for signals of Beijing’s policy direction over the next five or more years that could be unveiled at the conclave, which will be held from July 15 to 18.

Possible areas of focus include Xi’s “new quality productive forces”, party jargon that analysts believe refers to advanced technology, green energy industries and upgraded manufacturing, as well as fiscal and social welfare reforms, changes to China’s hukou household registration system and efforts to reinvigorate private sector confidence.

The central committee — which currently consists of 205 full members and 171 alternates appointed at the party’s 20th congress in October 2022 — generally convenes seven plenums over its five-year term. The third meeting attracts particular international attention because of past pronouncements on economic policy.

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“The base case is that this third plenum will not mark a fundamental departure from the course Xi has already laid out,” said Gavekal analysts Andrew Batson and Wei He in a research note.

“Its official agenda is to study ‘advancing Chinese-style modernisation’, Xi’s term for pursuing his vision of national greatness, in which technological self-sufficiency and national security outweigh economic growth.”

A factory worker is seen in a reflection at a lithium-ion battery production facility in China’s eastern Zhejiang province
Xi has prioritised industrial output in cutting-edge sectors such as electric vehicles, batteries and semiconductors to revive China’s economy © Stringer/Reuters

New productive forces is one such example. Xi this year linked his industrial production strategy, which has prioritised investment in sectors such as electric vehicles, batteries, semiconductors and biotech, to the concept of total factor productivity, a measure of economic output not driven by increases in inputs such as capital and labour.

This has raised hopes among economists of a more market-driven approach to growth. But Gavekal argued there was no indication the state would reduce its role in the economy. Beijing still wants to “direct the allocation of resources to achieve the policy goals of industrial upgrading and technological innovation”, Batson and Wei said.

Fiscal reform, however, is one area where there could be change, analysts in Beijing said.

China’s central government only accounts for about 10 per cent of total government spending, compared with a global average of about 20 per cent. Yet Beijing controls a disproportionate amount of revenue compared with local governments. This has contributed to a debt crisis in many local governments, which have struggled to raise revenue amid the property crisis.

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“The main direction of the reform to take place is how to increase the percentage of central government spending in the whole country’s expenditure,” economists at one government-linked think-tank said.

Line chart of Share of government revenue and expenditure, by level (%) showing China’s government spending burden mostly falls on local governments

On pension reform, businesses will be closely watching for any hint of delays to the retirement age, which is among the lowest in the world, at 60 for men, 55 for women in white-collar work and 50 for women in manual work.

As demographic decline sets in — China’s population shrank for the second year in a row last year — policymakers need to find ways to mitigate the growing fiscal burden of pension payments, experts have warned.

Further relaxation of the hukou household registration regime — which restricts people from fully accessing public services outside their home cities — could fuel more urbanisation and aid the struggling property market.

But some observers argued that Xi was unlikely to fully dismantle hukou, which prevents the overcrowding of “first-tier” cities, especially Beijing and Shanghai, and provides the party with control over population flows.

Column chart of Central government revenue and expenditure (Rmb100mn) showing China’s central government spending has not kept up with rising revenue

Some businessespeople hope for sweeteners for the private sector, such as lifting limits on foreign shareholding in some industries, to revive spirits damped by crackdowns on the property and ecommerce sectors.

Others are also still seeking a decisive response to the property crisis. The government has launched schemes to directly intervene in the market by buying unsold inventory, but its measures have failed to lift confidence. The third plenum could be a good forum for a ‘big bang’ announcement on real estate, some analysts suggested.

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“In an upside scenario . . . forceful policies could be hinted at or even introduced in the third plenum,” said Yifan Hu, chief investment officer at UBS Global Wealth Management.

But most observers admit this is unlikely, cautioning that the main focus will be continuity as Beijing tries to transition from a debt-fuelled, high-growth economic model driven by real estate and infrastructure to one marked by investment in high-tech industries and the green transition.

“We should not expect too much around the third plenum,” said one prominent economist with a government think-tank.

The economist added that markets were already anticipating a muted meeting. The Shenzhen and Shanghai stock indices have slumped 1.6 per cent since Li Qiang’s remarks in Dalian.

For Chinese citizens seeking relief from salary cuts and job losses, that is not good news. State media worker Peng said austerity was evident in all levels in her organisation.

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One of her bosses recently had his salary slashed by 35 per cent, which “left him unable to keep up with his monthly mortgage payments”, she said.

Landmark events at China’s third plenum

1978

Regarded as a turning point in the Chinese Communist party’s history, the 11th third plenum in 1978 established Deng Xiaoping as China’s top leader and initiated the “reform and opening up” era that ended Mao Zedong’s planned economy and led to rapid economic growth

1993

Jiang Zemin, the late CCP general-secretary, called for the establishment of a “socialist market economy” by the end of the 20th century, and instituted reforms to encourage private enterprise and amend the operations of state-owned companies’ operations

2013

The first third plenum under President Xi Jinping affirmed the market’s “decisive role” in resource allocation, and included steps to liberalise the banking system, encourage private investment in state-owned enterprises, abolish re-education through labour and ease the one-child policy

2018

The most recent third plenum, held unusually early in the term, approved reforms to party and state institutions and consolidated Xi’s status after the party announced a constitutional amendment to abolish presidential term limits, paving the way for Xi to rule for life

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Map: 4.9-Magnitude Earthquake Shakes Louisiana

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Map: 4.9-Magnitude Earthquake Shakes Louisiana

Note: Map shows the area with a shake intensity of 4 or greater, which U.S.G.S. defines as “light,” though the earthquake may be felt outside the areas shown.  All times on the map are Central time. The New York Times

A light, 4.9-magnitude earthquake struck in Louisiana on Thursday, according to the United States Geological Survey.

The temblor happened at 5:30 a.m. Central time about 6 miles west of Edgefield, La., data from the agency shows.

U.S.G.S. data earlier reported that the magnitude was 4.4.

As seismologists review available data, they may revise the earthquake’s reported magnitude. Additional information collected about the earthquake may also prompt U.S.G.S. scientists to update the shake-severity map.

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Source: United States Geological Survey | Notes: Shaking categories are based on the Modified Mercalli Intensity scale. When aftershock data is available, the corresponding maps and charts include earthquakes within 100 miles and seven days of the initial quake. All times above are Central time. Shake data is as of Thursday, March 5 at 8:40 a.m. Eastern. Aftershocks data is as of Thursday, March 5 at 10:46 a.m. Eastern.

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Donald Trump has no ‘phase two’ plan for Iran war, says US senator

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Donald Trump has no ‘phase two’ plan for Iran war, says US senator

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Man accused of plot to assassinate Trump testifies Iran pressured him, says Biden and Haley were other possible targets

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Man accused of plot to assassinate Trump testifies Iran pressured him, says Biden and Haley were other possible targets

The allegation sounded like the stuff of spy movies: A Pakistani businessman trying to hire hit men, even handing them $5,000 in cash, to kill a U.S. politician on behalf of Iran ‘s powerful paramilitary Revolutionary Guard.

It was true, and potential targets of the 2024 scheme included now-President Donald Trump, then-President Joe Biden and former presidential candidate and ex-U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley, the man told jurors at his attempted terrorism trial in New York on Wednesday. But he insisted his actions were driven by fear for loved ones in Iran, and he figured he’d be apprehended before anything came of the scheme.

“My family was under threat, and I had to do this,” the defendant, Asif Merchant, testified through an Urdu interpreter. “I was not wanting to do this so willingly.”

Merchant said he had anticipated getting arrested before anyone was killed, intended to cooperate with the U.S. government and had hoped that would help him get a green card.

U.S. authorities were, indeed, on to him – the supposed hit men he paid were actually undercover FBI agents – and he was arrested on July 12, 2024, a day before an unrelated attempt on Trump’s life in Butler, Pennsylvania.  During a search, investigators said they found a handwritten note that contained the codewords for the various aspects of the plot, CBS News previously reported

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Merchant did sit for voluntary FBI interviews, but he ultimately ended up with a trial, not a cooperation deal.

“You traveled to the United States for the purpose of hiring Mafia members to kill a politician, correct?” Assistant U.S. Attorney Nina Gupta asked during her turn questioning Merchant Wednesday in a Brooklyn federal court.

“That’s right,” Merchant replied, his demeanor as matter-of-fact as his testimony was unusual.

The trial is unfolding amid the less than week-old Iran war, which killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in a strike that Trump summed up as “I got him before he got me.” Jurors are instructed to ignore news pertaining to the case.

The Iranian government has denied plotting to kill Trump or other U.S. officials.

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Merchant, 47, had a roughly 20-year banking career in Pakistan before getting involved in an array of businesses: clothing, car sales, banana exports, insulation imports. He openly has two families, one in Pakistan and the other in Iran – where, he said, he was introduced around the end of 2022 to a Revolutionary Guard intelligence operative. They initially spoke about getting involved in a hawala, an informal money transfer system, Merchant said.

Merchant testified that his periodic visits to the U.S. for his garment business piqued the interest of his Revolutionary Guard contact, who trained him on countersurveillance techniques.

The U.S. deems the Revolutionary Guard a “foreign terrorist organization.” Formally called the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the force has been prominent in Iran under Khamenei.

Merchant said the handler told him to seek U.S. residents interested in working for Iran. Then came another assignment: Look for a criminal to arrange protests, steal things, do some money laundering, “and maybe have somebody murdered,” Merchant recalled.

“He did not tell me exactly who it is, but he told me – he named three people: Donald Trump, Joe Biden and Nikki Haley,” he added.

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In 2024, multiple sources familiar with the investigation told CBS News Merchant planned to assassinate current and former government officials across the political spectrum.

Merchant allegedly sketched out the plot on a napkin inside his New York hotel room, prosecutors said, and told the individual “that there would be ‘security all around’ the person” they were planning to kill.

“No other option”

After U.S. immigration agents pulled Merchant aside at the Houston airport in April 2024, searched his possessions and asked about his travels to Iran, he concluded that he was under surveillance. But still he researched Trump rally locations, sketched out a plot for a shooting at a political rally, lined up the supposed hit men and scrambled together $5,000 from a cousin to pay them a “token of appreciation.”

This image provided by the Justice Department, contained in the complaint supporting the arrest warrant, shows Asif Merchant. 

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AP


He even reported back to his Revolutionary Guard contact, sending observations – fake, Merchant said – tucked into a book that he shipped to Iran through a series of intermediaries.

Merchant said he “had no other option” than to play along because the handler had indicated that he knew who Merchant’s Iranian relatives were and where they lived.

In a court filing this week, prosecutors noted that Merchant didn’t seek out law enforcement to help with his purported predicament before he was arrested. He testified that he couldn’t turn to authorities because his handler had people watching him.

Prosecutors also said that in his FBI interviews, Merchant “neglected to mention any facts that could have supported” an argument that he acted under duress.

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Merchant told jurors Wednesday that he didn’t think agents would believe his story, because their questions suggested “they think that I’m some type of super-spy.”

“And are you a super-spy?” defense lawyer Avraham Moskowitz asked.

“No,” Merchant said. “Absolutely not.”

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