Connect with us

News

Way off the beaten track in Brazil’s diamond country

Published

on

Way off the beaten track in Brazil’s diamond country

Rain pummelled the roof of my tent, the sound mingling with the thunder of a nearby waterfall. After 10 days on the trail I had no clothes that weren’t damp and stinking. Ticks and mosquitoes had besieged my arms and legs. I lay in the dripping dark, wondering how it had come to this. Once upon a time, luxury travel was about gold taps and chocolates on the pillow. Of course, the genre has widened to include ever more exclusive and unusual experiences — but physical discomfort and insect bites were never part of the equation. 

I first encountered Gift of Go through its sprawling, lavishly illustrated website, which pitched the company as something of an antidote to a travel industry dedicated to commodifying adventure. Rather than selling “carefully crafted authenticity and readily collectible ‘once-in-a-lifetime’ experiences” this new company promised “true stories” and “the most compelling journeys on earth” — albeit at sky-high prices.

Paul Richardson and co-founder of Gift of Go Elisa Oliveira, centre, with some of the horsemen at a chapel in the village of Macacos © Eddie Lott

Gift of Go is the creation of Eddie Lott, 43, a Texan, and his wife Elisa Oliveira, 32, travel-industry newcomers based in the small town of Diamantina in northern Minas Gerais. Launched this year after three years of research and planning, the company’s trips include a 28-day expedition on foot and horseback in Brazil’s Serra do Espinhaço — a vast and little-visited mountain wilderness in the former diamond-mining region of Minas Gerais. Guests camp or stay in village houses, and pay a very luxurious-sounding $2,000 per person, per day, for the privilege.  

GM080611_24X-BRAZIL-Travel-Map

Towards the end of 2023 I interviewed the couple several times by Zoom. Little did I know that in fact it was me who was being assessed — for my state of health, level of trekking experience, and general suitability to join them as a guinea pig on a condensed version of their 28-day trip, entitled “Diamonds/Wild Tales + Lost Trails”. Condensed it might be, but it was still a two-week journey through some very tough terrain indeed. 

Then the packing list arrived. It spoke volumes, but also opened up whole new vistas of doubt and trepidation. Sleeping mats, headlamps and heavy-duty bug sprays were all required. Clothes were to be soaked in liquid permethrin, a powerful insect repellent, to ward off ticks. Much of the modern language of hiking gear was foreign to me, but there were words even I could recognise — like “snakes”. A pair of wraparound gaiters for protection against the region’s venomous serpents, which tend to attack at shin-level, was apparently essential.  

I flew in to São Paulo and took a connecting flight to Belo Horizonte, state capital of Minas Gerais, where Lott and Oliveira picked me up for the four-hour drive north to Diamantina. For 200 years during the Portuguese colonial era this small town was a global centre of the diamond trade. The rivers of northern Minas were dredged for gold and precious stones using slave labour, these riches being funnelled directly into the coffers of the Portuguese crown. With the final decline of the local diamond trade in the late 20th century, the region fell into grinding rural poverty and chronic depopulation.

Advertisement
A view of a vast green landscape and a distant mountain
The peak of Itambé as seen from Pico do Raio, with the landscape of the cerrado in between © Eddie Lott
A trail of two tyre tracks leading down a hill into the distance
A dirt track in the Serra do Espinhaço
A ball-shaped flower formed of thousands of stems with small white heads
A paepalanthus, emblematic flower of the Serra do Espinhaço © Eddie Lott

What remains is its huge and almost entirely unexploited natural landscape. Today the conservation areas of the Serra do Espinhaço include a national park, various state parks and other reserves, adding up to more than 150,000ha of protected land. Our great trek’s (very roughly) circular route would take us south and east out of Diamantina into the back country along the Jequitinhonha river valley, moving up into the highlands of Rio Preto State Park and plunging into the immensity of Sempre Vivas National Park before looping back towards Diamantina and civilisation. This was, explained Lott, not only among the most sparsely populated regions anywhere in Brazil, but had almost no tourist infrastructure either.

Early on an April morning we left São Gonçalo do Rio das Pedras, a low-rise colonial village where a rustic pousada would be the last conventional accommodation I’d be seeing for a while, heading into wide-open country where white sand trails once used by mule-riding tropeiros (commercial travellers) meandered between rocky uplands. Accompanying us was Julio Brabo, a local geologist, geographer and trail guide with a wide-ranging knowledge of the Serra do Espinhaço in all its grandeur and complexity. Understanding these surroundings meant learning from Brabo about the various biomes we’d be traversing, such as mata atlântica, the broadleaved forest typical of southern and eastern Brazil, and cerrado, a rocky savannah of tremendous biodiversity. 

After a long wet summer a blazing sun had kick-started the Serra into exuberant life. The cerrado was exploding in blasts of purple, yellow, white, and Barbie pink. By the side of the trail lay a bunch of small white sempre-viva flowers with a button-like shape and long thin stems, seemingly left there to dry. Sempre-viva is highly valued by the international floristry trade, said Brabo, and gathering the flowers provides a source of revenue for the hardscrabble rural communities on the outer edges of the Serra.

Water tumbles off the side of a cliff sending white spray into the air
One of the many hidden waterfalls in Sempre Vivas National Park © Eddie Lott
Men sit drinking around a camp fire in the dark
Julio Brabo, a geologist and trail guide with a wide-ranging knowledge of the Serra do Espinhaço, with some locals
A coffee cup and a flask perched on a rock
Coffee served in a cave used by flower-pickers © Eddie Lott

Our walking fell into a quick, steady rhythm. The four of us moved ahead in single file, scrambling up rough hillsides of quartzite rock, fording streams and picking through boggy meadows. As we went, Lott told me tales of his days as a backpacking wanderer in Central and South America, his recycling business in Dallas, Texas, and his career as a singer-songwriter (his 2015 album “Blame It On My Wild Soul” is still streaming on Spotify). Oliveira, an architect by training, was born and raised in Minas Gerais.

Lott had driven through the region in 2013 and, when he stopped at a gas station, took a photo of the lush green surroundings. When the image popped up as an automated “memory” on his phone a few years later, he decided to return to explore. “That was the start of my relationship with the Espinhaço,” he says. “It was hard going, but amazing and beautiful. It was so remote. And best of all, there was nobody here.”


From the top of Pico do Raio at 1,405 metres, massive views stretched to a bluish horizon. The silence up here was deep and viscous. Flocks of yellow and black swallowtail butterflies fluttered ecstatically around the summit. After a hard climb my breath came in gasps, my heart thumping over billows of nausea. If this was described in the itinerary as an “easy” 25km day, I reflected nervously, how on earth would I cope with a difficult one?

A man sits at the wheel of a van
Gift of Go’s support vehicle, a 1989 Toyota Bandeirante, with driver Natanael ‘Xaxau’ Nardis © Eddie Lott

The answer would come soon enough. Out in this untrammelled wilderness there would be moments of exhaustion, but also of exhilaration, such as I’d never known in a lifetime of travel. Some nights we slept in tents in forest clearings or on white-sand river beaches. Other times our lodgings were dirt-floored adobe houses in remote hamlets. Especially when the going got tough, I privately wondered about Gift of Go’s business model and its potential clientele — both willing and able to take on this spartan travel regime, and happy to pay for it to the tune of $2000 a day, or even more for the bespoke trips on offer. For many years Lott had had in mind the idea of offering “transformative journeys” in off-the-map places. The course he took at the Boulder Outdoor Survival School (BOSS), a survival-skills centre in the Utah desert where he shared water rations with multi-millionaire executives, suggested there might be a niche market for this kind of hardcore adventure tourism.

Day five was a 31k monster. After reveille at 4am and a breakfast of sweet black coffee and biscuits, we set off along a valley where giant mango trees stood like oaks and humpbacked cattle grazed the verdant meadows. Grey crags in phantasmagorical, eroded forms thrust themselves out of the landscape; up ahead loomed the forbidding, flat-topped peak of Itambé (2052 metres).

Advertisement

“Where in Europe does this scene remind you of?” asked Lott. I racked my brain, but his question went unanswered. Everything here was new and strange; nothing lay within my frame of reference.

A view down a sloping rock face towards hills and a sunset
Sunset at the Santa Bárbara waterfall © Eddie Lott
Riding gear hanging on nails on the wall of a shed, with bound flowers
Still-life at a remote farm, with drying sempre-viva flowers
A couple stand in the bright-green frame of a window of their home
Santos and Maria Conceiçao, at their home in Bica d’Agua, a stop enroute © Eddie Lott

A rushing sound in the distance might be one of two things: a breeze blowing through the waving indaiá palms, or a fast-flowing river with waters whose natural tannins stained them the colour of Coca-Cola. Sometimes we’d stop beside one of these rivers to sling off our backpacks, fill up our water bottles, and nibble on Brazilian trail food like banana bars and biscoitinho, a weirdly addictive tapioca puff.

Dusk was falling when we pitched up at the house of Santos Evaristo and Maria da Conceiçao Aguiar, an elderly couple belonging to the Espinhaço’s ever-decreasing population of subsistence farmers. From the valley bottom came the rumble of a waterfall. At the farmhouse Maria bustled barefoot around her earth-floored kitchen. On a wood-fired range sat bubbling pans of frango caipira (chicken stew), costelinha (braised pork ribs), fried okra, beans, and the polenta-like maize porridge angú — the ribsticking repertoire of traditional mineiro cooking. Ravenous with hunger, we piled our tin plates high while Santos, wearing a battered cowboy hat and a grizzled moustache, handed round jam jars full of home-made cachaça.

Men try to free a jeep tilted sideways in a gully
The back-up Bandeirante, a 1989 Toyota 4×4 with a Mercedes engine, gets stuck in the mud in Sempre Vivas National Park © Eddie Lott
A man cuts his way through dense growth
Eddie Lott in bushwhacking mode in Sempre Vivas National Park © Eddie Lott

We would need all the sustenance we could get. Jewel in the crown of northern Minas’ conservation areas is the mighty Sempre Vivas National Park, which covers an area the size of Los Angeles but whose inhabitants could be counted (said Lott) on the fingers of two hands. It was here, I found, that the demands of the trek were at their harshest. In the taquaral, a dense bamboo forest at the heart of the park, the trails had grown over and Lott began bushwhacking to left and right with a machete like a real-life Indiana Jones. Careful with the unha de gato, said Oliveira: the fearful spines of the “cat’s claw” creeper can rip your flesh open. Despite the permethrin, clumps of tiny ticks had begun to appear around my waist and thighs.

Unlike the usual run of high-end adventure operators, Gift of Go doesn’t do glamping, Aman-style luxe-in-the-middle-of-nowhere, or surprise-and-delight dinners with white linen tablecloths in stunning locations. (Though Lott’s veggie risotto, cooked on a calor-gas burner poised on a boulder, wasn’t bad at all.) Bathing possibilities were reduced (or increased) to a dip in the river. Toilet facilities involved wandering a discreet distance from the camp with a trowel in hand, keeping a weather eye out for snakes.

Two men walk along a trail some distance apart. A cow stands at the side of the road
Walking along a hidden valley on day three © Eddie Lott
Water runs down the side of rocks into a dark green pool
A remote waterfall in Pico do Itambé State Park © Eddie Lott

Yet there were many compensations. Various sections of the trek were undertaken on mules and horses provided by local cowboys, and one evening we made a memorable four-hour descent from the high plains of Sempre Vivas to the village of Curimataí, my sure-footed mule picking its way down a perilous stony gorge under a refulgent moon.   

Another great pay-off was chasing waterfalls. The Serra do Espinhaço is prodigal in the number and magnificence of its cachoeiras or waterfalls, some of which are so inaccessible they may not have been visited for years. At one nameless wonder, reached by a tortuous trail through thick scrub, we clambered down to lounge at the base of the falls, awestruck by the water’s howling roar and the savage beauty of this lost world.

In the mud-spattered settlement of Quartéis we spent our last night on the fringes of the Espinhaço. In our two weeks of tramping the trails of the Serra, extraordinary as it seemed, we’d seen not a single fellow traveller. This was the land that not only time, but also tourism, had forgotten.

Advertisement

We stumbled back into Diamantina on a Saturday night when the town was brimful of visitors for the Vesperata, a festival with local bandsmen playing from the balconies. Feeling out of place in our sweaty, grimy clothes, we wandered the cobbled streets, thinking how overdressed and overfed these party people looked and how the Espinhaço’s ragged, rugged wilderness already seemed half a world away.

A large crowd gather in a square lit at night, listening to and dancing to music
The Vesperata music festival in Diamantina © Eddie Lott

I would miss our little gang of four. Lott and Oliveira plan to maintain the intimate, hands-on vibe of their fledgling company, guiding the trips in person and keeping guest numbers down to a single individual or small group. But what about the price? Is this simply a company selling backpacking to the very well-off? While admitting the rates might be “uncommon”, Lott argues they are fair given the client/staff ratio and remote locations. Each trip has five full-time staff and between five and 15 more part-time helpers, horsemen, cooks and so on. “Each one is highly personalised and crafted — and we only guide very few per year.” For Gift of Go’s next phase he is turning his attention to two more of the world’s untouristed places: the Darién Gap on the Panama/Colombia border, and the lonely deserts of Big Bend Country where in south west Texas bumps up against northern Mexico. 

Certainly this trek in the Brazilian highlands had been unlike any journey I’d undertaken. The challenges it posed had left me tired and four kilos lighter than when I’d started, but there was also a deep satisfaction and a new confidence in my capacity for physical endurance. I thought of those Shakespeare plays where characters go into a wood and emerge lightly bruised by their adventures, but permanently wiser.

Paul Richardson was a guest of Gift of Go (thegiftofgo.com)

Find out about our latest stories first — follow FTWeekend on Instagram and X, and subscribe to our podcast Life and Art wherever you listen

Advertisement
Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

News

Trump Says Israel and Lebanon Agree to Extend Cease-Fire by Three Weeks

Published

on

Trump Says Israel and Lebanon Agree to Extend Cease-Fire by Three Weeks

President Trump announced a three-week extension of a cease-fire between Israel and Lebanon that had been set to expire in a few days, after hosting a meeting between Israeli and Lebanese diplomats at the White House on Thursday.

Hezbollah, the Iranian-backed militant group that has been attacking Israel from southern Lebanon, did not have representatives at the meeting and did not immediately comment on the announcement. The prime minister of Israel and the president of Lebanon also did not comment.

A successful peace agreement would hinge upon Hezbollah halting attacks, which Lebanon’s government has little power to enforce because it does not control the militia. Lebanon’s military has mostly stayed out of the fighting and is not at war with Israel.

The cease-fire, which was scheduled to end on April 26, would last until May 17 if it takes effect as Mr. Trump described it. Before the cease-fire was brokered last week, nearly 2,300 people were killed in Lebanon and 13 in Israel. Since then, the number of Israeli airstrikes and Hezbollah attacks have been dramatically reduced, though the two sides have continued exchanging fire.

The Lebanese Ambassador to the United States, Nada Hamadeh, credited Mr. Trump for extending the cease-fire, saying that “with your help and support, we can make Lebanon great again.” Mr. Trump replied, “I like that phrase, it’s a good phrase.”

Advertisement

Asked about the potential of a lasting peace agreement between Israel and Lebanon, Mr. Trump said that “I think there’s a great chance. They are friends about the same things and they are enemies on the same things.”

But Lebanon and Israel have periodically been at war since Israel’s founding in 1948. Israel has invaded Lebanon for the fifth time since 1978, incursions that have destabilized the country and the delicate balance of power between Muslim, Christian and Druze communities.

In the hours before the president’s announcement on social media, Israel and Hezbollah were trading attacks in southern Lebanon, testing the existing cease-fire.

Mr. Trump said the meeting at the White House had been attended by high-ranking U.S. officials, including Vice President JD Vance, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and the U.S. ambassadors to Israel and Lebanon.

Earlier on Thursday, an Israeli strike near the southern Lebanese city of Nabatieh killed three people, according to Lebanon’s health ministry. Hezbollah claimed three separate attacks on Israeli troops who are occupying southern Lebanon, though none were wounded or killed.

Advertisement

Hezbollah set off the latest round of fighting last month by attacking Israel soon after the start of the U.S.-Israeli bombing campaign in Iran. Israel responded to Hezbollah’s attacks by launching airstrikes across Lebanon and widening a ground invasion of the country’s south.

Continue Reading

News

U.S. soldier charged with suspected Polymarket insider trading over Maduro raid

Published

on

U.S. soldier charged with suspected Polymarket insider trading over Maduro raid

Smoke rises from Port of La Guaira in Venezuela on Jan. 3, 2026 after U.S. forces seized the country’s president, Nicolas Maduro and his wife.

Jesus Vargas/Getty Images


hide caption

toggle caption

Advertisement

Jesus Vargas/Getty Images

Federal prosecutors on Thursday unsealed an indictment against a U.S. Army soldier, accusing him of using his insider knowledge of the clandestine military operation to capture Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro in January to reap more than $400,000 in profits on the popular prediction market site Polymarket.

The Justice Department says Gannon Ken Van Dyke, 38, who was stationed at Fort Bragg, in North Carolina, was part of the team that planned and carried out the predawn raid in Caracas earlier this year that resulted in the apprehension of Maduro.

The Department of Justice and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission filed the actions against Van Dyke, the first time U.S. officials have leveled criminal charges against someone over prediction market wagers.

Advertisement

According to the indictment, Van Dyke now faces counts of wire fraud, commodities fraud, misusing non-public government information and other charges.

Trading under numerous usernames including “Burdensome-Mix,” Van Dyke allegedly traded about $32,000 on the arrest of Maduro, resulting in profits exceeding $400,000.

“Prediction markets are not a haven for using misappropriated confidential or classified information for personal gain,” said U.S. Attorney Jay Clayton for the Southern District of New York. “Those entrusted to safeguard our nation’s secrets have a duty to protect them and our armed service members, and not to use that information for personal financial gain.”

Van Dyke’s defense lawyer is not yet publicly known. Polymarket did not return a request for comment.

The charges against Van Dyke come at a sensitive time for the prediction market industry, which has been growing exponentially, despite calls in Washington and among state leaders for the sites to be reined in.

Advertisement

Van Dyke is the first to be charged in the U.S. for suspected Polymarket insider trading, but Israeli authorities in February arrested several people and charged two on suspicion of using classified information to place bets about military operations in Iran on Polymarket.

Continue Reading

News

Senate Adopts GOP Budget, Laying the Groundwork to Fund ICE and Reopen DHS

Published

on

Senate Adopts GOP Budget, Laying the Groundwork to Fund ICE and Reopen DHS

The Senate early Thursday morning adopted a Republican budget blueprint that would pave the way for a $70 billion increase for immigration enforcement and the eventual reopening of the Department of Homeland Security.

Republicans pushed through the plan on a nearly party-line vote of 50 to 48. It came after an overnight marathon of rapid-fire votes, known as a vote-a-rama, in which the G.O.P. beat back a series of Democratic proposals aimed at addressing the high cost of health care, housing, food and energy. The debate put the two parties’ dueling messages on vivid display six months before the midterm elections.

Republicans, who are using the budget plan to lay the groundwork to eventually push through a filibuster-proof bill providing a multiyear funding stream for President Trump’s immigration crackdown, used the all-night session to highlight their hard-line stance on border security, seeking to portray Democrats as unwilling to safeguard the country.

Democrats tried and failed to add a series of changes aimed at addressing cost-of-living issues, seizing the opportunity to hammer Republicans as out of touch with and unwilling to act on the concerns of everyday Americans.

Here’s what to know about the budget plan and the nocturnal ritual senators engaged in before adopting it.

Advertisement

The budget blueprint is a crucial piece of Republicans’ plan to fund the Department of Homeland Security and end a shutdown that has lasted for more than two months. After Democrats refused to fund immigration enforcement without new restrictions on agents’ tactics and conduct, the G.O.P. struck a deal with them to pass a spending bill that would fund everything but ICE and the Border Patrol. Republicans said they would fund those agencies through a special budget bill that Democrats could not block.

“We can fix this with Republican votes, and we will,” said Senator Lindsey Graham, Republican of South Carolina and the Budget Committee chairman. “Every Democrat has opposed money for the Border Patrol and ICE at a time of great peril.”

In resorting to a new budget blueprint, Republicans laid the groundwork to deny Democrats a chance to stop the immigration enforcement funding. But they also submitted themselves to a vote-a-rama, in which any senator can propose unlimited changes to such a measure before it is adopted.

The budget measure now goes to the House, which must adopt it before lawmakers in both chambers can draft the legislation funding immigration enforcement. That bill will provide yet another opportunity for a vote-a-rama even closer to the November election.

Democrats took to the floor to criticize Republicans for supercharging funding for federal immigration enforcement rather than moving legislation that would address Americans’ concerns over affordability.

Advertisement

“This is what Republicans are fighting for,” said Senator Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York and the Democratic leader. “To maintain two unchecked rogue agencies that are dreaded in all corners of this country instead of reducing your health care costs, your housing costs, your grocery costs, your gas costs.”

Democrats offered a host of amendments along those lines, all of which were defeated by Republicans — and that was the point. The proposals were meant to put the G.O.P. in a tough political spot, showcasing their opposition to helping Americans afford high living costs. Fewer than a handful of G.O.P. senators crossed party lines to support them.

The G.O.P. thwarted an effort by Mr. Schumer to require that the budget measure lower out-of-pocket health care costs for Americans. Two Republicans who are up for re-election this year, Senators Susan Collins of Maine and Dan Sullivan of Alaska, voted with Democrats, but the proposal was still defeated.

Republicans also squelched a move by Senator Ben Ray Lujan, Democrat of New Mexico, to create a fund that would lower grocery costs and reverse cuts to food aid programs that Republicans enacted last year. Ms. Collins and Mr. Sullivan again joined Democrats.

Also defeated by the G.O.P.: a proposal by Senator John Hickenlooper, Democrat of Colorado, to address rising consumer prices brought on by Mr. Trump’s tariffs and the war in Iran; one by Senator Edward J. Markey, Democrat of Massachusetts, to require the budget measure to address rising electricity prices, and another by Mr. Markey to create a fund to bring down housing costs.

Advertisement

Senator Jon Ossoff, a Democrat who is up for re-election in Georgia, also sought to add language requiring the budget plan to address health insurance companies denying or delaying access to care, but that, too was blocked by Republicans.

While Republicans had fewer proposals for changes to their own budget plan, they also sought to offer measures that would underscore their aggressive stance on immigration enforcement and dare Democrats to vote against them.

Mr. Graham offered an amendment to allocate funds toward a deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to the apprehension and deportation of adult immigrants convicted of rape, murder, or sexual abuse of a minor after illegally entering the United States. It passed unanimously.

Senator Josh Hawley, Republican of Missouri, sought to bar Medicaid payments to Planned Parenthood, which provides abortion and other services, and criticized the organization for providing transgender care to minors. Senator John Kennedy, Republican of Louisiana, also attempted to tack on the G.O.P. voter identification bill, known as the SAVE America Act. Both proposals were blocked when Democrats, joined by a few Republicans, voted to strike them as unrelated to the budget plan.

The Republicans who crossed party lines to oppose their own party’s proposals for new voting requirements were Ms. Collins along with Senators Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Thom Tillis of North Carolina.

Advertisement

Ms. Collins and Ms. Murkowski also opposed the effort to block payments to Planned Parenthood.

Continue Reading
Advertisement

Trending