California
California’s High-Speed Rail Dreams Could Go “Whoosh”
Riding Indonesia’s new bullet train Whoosh is like taking a peek into California’s high-speed rail’s future, writes columnist Joe Mathews. And it doesn’t look promising. Photo of Whoosh train by author.
The good news is that California will almost certainly have a high-speed rail line someday.
The bad news is that it may look a lot like “Whoosh.”
Whoosh is the name of the new high-speed rail line that opened last October on the Indonesian island of Java. Its existence is a breakthrough—Whoosh is the first bullet train in Southeast Asia and the Southern Hemisphere. Similarly, California’s train could be the first truly high-speed service in North America. (Amtrak’s Acela and Florida’s Brightline don’t count—they don’t surpass 150 miles per hour.)
I rode Whoosh during a reporting trip to Java in February. It was disappointing, in ways that may preview how Californians are likely to feel about the high-speed rail we eventually get.
Most stories about the possibilities for California high-speed rail look at proven, efficient bullet trains in Europe and East Asia. I myself have written about the glories of high-speed rail systems in Germany and Taiwan. Riding Whoosh was a very different experience.
Whoosh is the by-product of ambitions by the administration of President Joko Widodo to build a high-speed rail route traversing the 600 miles of the island of Java—from the mega-city of Jakarta in the west to Surabaya in the east. California’s official high-speed rail plans are of similar ambition, extending 600 miles from San Francisco and Sacramento in the north to San Diego in the south. Both systems will use similar technologies and have promised the same top speed—350 kilometers, or 220 miles, per hour.
But neither rail ambition, Indonesian nor Californian, seems likely to be achieved in our lifetimes. Whoosh is only a very partial realization of a trans-Java high-speed rail: It extends just 88 miles, from Jakarta to the outskirts of the city of Bandung—roughly the distance from L.A. to Santa Barbara. Similarly, California voters approved high-speed rail in 2008 on the promise they’d be zipping from L.A. to the Bay in less than three hours by 2020. Currently, only a first segment—171 miles from Merced to Bakersfield—is under construction, and even that isn’t scheduled to be operational until 2030.
I boarded Whoosh early on a weekday morning. The red train was shiny and new, and inside the car, seating was spacious and comfortable. But there were few other passengers. Even with subsidized fares that made my ticket the equivalent of $18, many trains were pretty empty. News reports say Whoosh is already losing money, as many high-speed rail systems worldwide do.
Why isn’t Whoosh more popular? One reason echoes a failure of California’s own high-speed rail plans—the first segment of this train doesn’t take you to the centers of the biggest cities.
What I learned in Java was that, in high-speed rail as in other things, you get what you pay for.
In Jakarta, you don’t board the train in the city center but at Halim Station, on the city’s southeast side. My taxi ride there from Central Jakarta took 45 minutes. Halim is next to a smaller domestic airport—Jakarta’s version of Burbank. But the train doesn’t go into the airport, and one can’t walk easily from terminals, or even surrounding neighborhoods, to the station, because it involves crossing highways.
The train ride itself, from Jakarta to Bandung, was fast and uneventful. It lasted only 45 minutes—much better than the three hours the trip would take by car.
However, on the other end of Whoosh, connections were even more fraught. The train doesn’t go near the center of Bandung. Instead, it dropped me at Tegalluar station, well to the south of Bandung.
There I found myself surrounded by open land and a large soccer stadium. To get to central Bandung, where I was to interview local government members and visit a school, I would need to spend another 45 minutes in the taxis. The two taxi rides—within Jakarta and greater Bandung—took 90 minutes, twice the amount of time I spent on the train ride.
On my return trip from Bandung to Jakarta, I tried an alternative path. I boarded a special feeder train—which ran slowly on diesel engines—from central Bandung to a different Whoosh station. That trip took 22 minutes. After Whoosh delivered me back to Halim station in southeast Jakarta, I boarded Jakarta’s Metro to return to where I was staying in Central Jakarta. That ride took 70 minutes.
California’s approach to high-speed rail suffers from a similar failure to connect. The first segment remains entirely within the Central Valley, not penetrating even the outer edges of the Bay Area or Southern California. That first segment’s endpoints, Merced and Bakersfield, have limited public transportation options; moving on to further destinations would require navigating slow transit connections, or accessing a car.
In California, as in Indonesia, it’s unlikely that either rail plan will ever produce a robust and deeply connected rail system. The obstacle is the same in both places: lack of public money.
Neither Indonesia’s nor California’s government is willing to pay the high costs of a great high-speed rail system. So, both projects are dependent on money from outside the state.
Whoosh’s funding came from China’s Belt and Road Initiative, Xi Jinping’s highly touted but largely failed infrastructure loan program. (Chinese entities own a big share of Whoosh as a result). Meanwhile, California, despite state bond funds, needs the federal government to make high-speed rail happen. And Washington is an unstable supporter. The Biden administration recently sent an infusion of $3.1 billion. The Trump administration previously took money away.
Worse still, both Indonesia and California have seen cost overruns and big delays on their first train segments—scandals that discourage further investment. Whoosh was more than $1 billion over budget, and four years late, on its first $7.2 billion segment. California’s first segment is estimated to cost $33 billion—as much as the estimated cost of the entire system when voters approved it in 2008. Now the entire system’s price tag is $128 billion, with completion still decades away.
What I learned in Java was that, in high-speed rail as in other things, you get what you pay for. And if your government won’t spend the money required to build robust and well-connected rail systems, you won’t get much.
California
7 arrested in a Northern California fireworks warehouse blast that killed 7 and injured 2
WOODLAND, Calif. (AP) — Seven people have been arrested in connection with a fireworks warehouse explosion in Northern California that killed seven people and injured two others last July, authorities said Friday.
The deadly fireworks explosion near the small farming community of Esparto in Yolo County sparked a massive fire and led to nearby Fourth of July celebrations being called off.
The Yolo County District Attorney’s Office is expected to announce the indictments for those arrested at a news conference Friday. Several of those arrested have been booked on murder charges, according to jail records.
Those arrested include Samuel Machado and Tammy Machado, who owned the warehouse about 40 miles (64 kilometers) northwest of Sacramento. At the time, Samuel Machado was a lieutenant with the Yolo County Sheriff’s Office and his wife, Tammy Machado, was a non-sworn administrative employee. They were put on leave after the incident.
Kenneth Chee, owner of Devastating Pyrotechnics, whose illegal fireworks were being stored at the warehouse, was arrested in Florida. He appeared in a Florida courtroom Friday and was told he will be extradited to California within the week, KCRA-TV reported.
Authorities also arrested Jack Lee, the operations manager for Devastating Pyrotechnic, and Gary Chan Jr., whose name is on the company’s federal license, the television station reported.
Craig Cutright, the owner of Blackstar Fireworks, which operated at the Esparto property owned by the Machados, was also among those arrested. Cutright, was a volunteer firefighter for the Esparto Fire District and was also listed as an employee of Devastating Pyrotechnics, KCRA-TV reported.
One of Cutright’s employees, Ronald Botelho III, has been in custody since December. More than a dozen new charges were filed against him Thursday, jail records show.
California
Big Boy: World’s largest locomotive embarks on California tour
(KTXL) — Northern California residents will have an opportunity to see the world’s largest steam locomotive when Union Pacific’s “Big Boy” makes numerous stops in the state over the next several days.
Big Boy No. 4014 is in the middle of a coast-to-coast tour that will take the train from California to Pennsylvania in celebration of the 250th anniversary of the United States. The train began the journey last month in Cheyenne, Wyoming, the locomotive’s home base, and arrived in Portola, California on Wednesday.
After stops in Oroville, Marysville and Lincoln Thursday, Big Boy will arrive for a multi-day stay in Roseville, California.
“We’re proud to welcome the Big Boy back to Roseville, a city that owes its founding more than a century ago to the railroad,” Roseville Mayor Krista Bernasconi said in a news release. “Big Boy’s return isn’t just a nod to our past; it brings visitors from across the region to explore the shopping, dining, events and attractions that make Roseville such a vibrant place to be.”
The train will be on public display at 375 Atlantic Street in Roseville for two days: 1-5 p.m. on April 10 and 9 a.m. to 3 p.m. on April 11.
While in the Golden State, the train will also make brief “whistle-stops” in several other area towns:
- Oroville, April 9, 2-2:30 p.m., 2181 High Street
- Marysville, April 9, 3:30-3:45 p.m., 7th Street Crossing
- Lincoln, April 9, 4:30-4:45 p.m., 7th Street Crossing
- Colfax, April 12, noon-12:45 p.m., Amtrak Depot, 99 Railroad Street
- Truckee, April 12, 4:45-5 p.m., 10065 Donner Pass Road
Admission is free, though Union Pacific warns that guests should always stay 25 feet back from the tracks and never climb on the locomotive.
U.S. Labor Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer, former Oregon congresswoman who now serves in President Donald Trump’s administration, will be in town to celebrate the visit. The cabinet member plans to talk with the Big Boy’s “steam team” and learn more about the locomotive, officials said.
Big Boy No. 4014 was one of 25 locomotives commissioned for Union Pacific Railroad beginning in 1941. According to the company, they were built to haul heavy equipment during World War II between Ogden, Utah and Cheyenne, Wyoming.
The locomotives are 133 feet long and weigh 1.2 million pounds. They are “hinged,” which helps the huge trains navigate curves.
The Big Boys were eventually decommissioned, including the retirement of No. 4014 in December 1961 after traveling more than a million miles, according to Union Pacific.
But in 2013, the company reacquired the locomotive from a museum in Pomona, California. And in May 2019, Big Boy No. 4014 was returned to service, celebrating the 150th anniversary of the completion of the Transcontinental Railroad.
California
California Candidate Offers Donors Money-Back Guarantee
Matt Mahan wants money to burn.
Photo: Casey Flanigan/Sipa USA/AP Photo
Finding new ways to raise money for political campaigns is a big cottage industry, particularly in California with its 14 expensive media markets. Now a novel wrinkle is being deployed by gubernatorial candidate and San Jose mayor Matt Mahan, as the New York Times explains:
Two months ago, Silicon Valley could not have been more agog about Matt Mahan, the moderate Democrat who had just entered the California governor’s race as a tech industry ally opposed to a billionaires’ tax …
Mr. Mahan quickly raised millions, including contributions from Sergey Brin, the Google co-founder. But he has struggled to gain traction among voters. Now, with the June primary fast approaching, Mr. Mahan’s supporters have concocted a rather unusual campaign-finance strategy.
The pitch: Help us raise $35 million by April 17, and you’ll get your money back if we fall short.
No, donors aren’t being promised a win or a refund. But they will get their money back if Mahan doesn’t raise enough money to become viable in the home stretch before mail ballots start being cast in early May (the end of the all-by-mail primary is June 3, the date by which those ballots must be postmarked). The conditional nature of these donations, moreover, means they will be anonymous until such time as Team Mahan hits the target and the money is transferred into an official campaign account. It provides a nice hedging device for big-money folk nervous about the fragile shape of the ten-candidate field that is vying for two general-election slots. And the cup-rattling is off to a pretty good start, says the Times:
The campaign is organized by David Crane, an influential California political fixer whose advocacy group, Govern for California, is popular among tech executives. Mr. Crane has told people in recent days that the group’s “escrow” account has $13.5 million so far with $5 million more in the pipeline, according to communications The Times reviewed. Donors pitching it include Michael Moritz, a billionaire venture capitalist and one of Mr. Mahan’s biggest supporters, and Blake Byers, a tech executive and investor.
Mahan’s money hustlers are his campaign’s strength and also one of his weaknesses. California progressives are intensely suspicious of the Silicon Valley bros who have been moving rapidly to the right in the last few years. Some have joined hands with Donald Trump and others have gravitated to “Abundance” Democrats, like Mahan, who have little tolerance for his party’s interest-and-constituency-group “base” and its policy preferences. If Mahan’s campaign did take off, it might stimulate a consolidation of support behind one of the more progressive candidates (probably Eric Swalwell, Katie Porter, or Tom Steyer). That’s particularly true now that Trump’s endorsement of Republican Steve Hilton has likely limited the number of Democratic participants in the general election to one.
For the moment, any Mahan surge is hypothetical. His late entry into the race at the end of January means he wasn’t even being included in early polls. The one public poll where he does appear, a March 15 survey from Berkeley IGS, showed him tied for seventh place at 4 percent. Yes, he needs money to catch up, but he also needs a compelling message that goes beyond “lefties hate me!” Said lefties would undoubtedly shrug and support Mahan if he is in a general election with Hilton. But they have plenty of other options — at least one of whom, Steyer, has more money to burn than Mahan can ever raise — before it comes to that.
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