Maine
Maine considers exempting all nonprofits from sales tax
Gov. Janet Mills has proposed extending a sales tax exemption to all nonprofits operating in Maine, which state officials say will address inequities among organizations seeking exemption and simplify the tax exemption process, but will cost the state about $10 million annually.
Of the 47 states with sales tax, Maine is among only 17 — and the only one in New England — without a blanket exemption for nonprofits, according to a report released last month by Maine Revenue Services.
Mills said in a statement that extending the exemption to all nonprofits “eliminates the need for the legislature to pass a new statutory exemption for every nonprofit seeking tax-exempt status and is consistent with the treatment of nonprofits in most other sales tax states.”
The proposal, which is included in the governor’s supplemental budget, would make any nonprofit that is exempt from federal income tax under the Internal Revenue Service automatically exempt from state sales tax on items purchased as part of an organization’s mission.
The move would make more than 5,200 organizations newly eligible for sales tax exemption, according to the report.
Hospitals and churches have been exempt from the tax since it went into effect in 1951. The legislature has added several dozen categories to the list over the years, including volunteer fire departments, veterans’ service organizations, and nonprofit child care centers, nursing homes and historical societies.
Maine Revenue Services still receives between 100 and 200 applications each year from nonprofits that think they qualify. Most are eventually approved, but “gray areas” in the law result in a “fair amount of confusion for organizations,” according to the report, and require staff to spend “time and resources on education, customer assistance, and administration to ensure that the law is carried out as intended.”
Mary Alice Scott, public affairs manager of the Maine Association of Nonprofits, called the current law regarding sales tax exemptions “unusual, unfair, confusing and inefficient.”
“It makes sense for every 501(c)(3) organization to receive the same treatment when it comes to sales tax,” Scott told The Maine Monitor. “The IRS recognizes that they are all doing work for the public good; Maine should recognize that, too.”
Lawmakers in 2020 tried to pass a blanket nonprofit exemption as part of a bill that included other measures related to service provider tax and income tax, but the bill died in the House.
The blanket nonprofit exemption was proposed again last session, but was later amended to instead instruct Maine Revenue Services to study the impact of the measure.
Scott said the confusing nature of the existing system is likely why previous attempts to pass a blanket sales tax exemption have been unsuccessful: “Many organizations review the current list of exemptions and come away having no idea if they are included or not, so you can imagine it was confusing for lawmakers, too.”
A number of nonprofits testified in support of the blanket exemption last year. Many said the few hundred dollars spent on sales tax could make a significant difference if redirected to those they serve.
The Maine Coalition Against Sexual Assault said sexual assault survivors can spend hours in the hospital when they go through forensic examination, and that when sexual assault centers accompany them, they put together bags of essential supplies such as sweatsuits, nail files, snacks and water. When the centers buy these items, they pay sales tax.
The coalition also manages emergency funds it gets from the federal government through the Victim of Crime Act for the work it does with survivors, Melissa Martin, public policy and legal director, told the Monitor.
The coalition uses those funds to buy essentials for people experiencing sex trafficking who don’t have stable housing. In one example of a $70,000 purchase for those uses, the coalition paid nearly $4,000 in tax.
Martin said a blanket exemption would allow nonprofits to spend more money on their service work and less time on administrative tasks related to applying for an exemption.
“Are nonprofits going to spend time getting that exemption or are they going to spend time doing their direct service work? I think most organizations have made the choice to spend the time doing their important direct service work,” she said.
Lisa Thomas-Willey, assistant to the executive director at Ruth’s Reusable Resources, which redistributes unwanted office supplies from businesses and gives them to teachers for their classrooms, said the current sales tax exemption system unfairly excludes some nonprofits, is inefficient for retailers and lawmakers, and “it is arbitrary and unclear why some nonprofits are included while others are not.”
Ruth’s Reusable Resources receives $10,000 to $15,000 annually for its Tools for School backpack program, but $550 to $780 of that grant goes to sales tax, Thomas-Willey said.
“We could provide 50-70 additional backpacks each year with the money we pay in sales tax for the school supplies.”
Trekkers, a youth mentoring nonprofit in Rockland that helps young people from rural Maine navigate adulthood, said it paid nearly $6,000 in sales tax in 2022, which was equivalent to 2 1/2 months of its meal budget to feed the students.
There are more than 7,000 501(c)(3) nonprofit organizations in Maine as of 2018, according to the Maine Association of Nonprofits. Most have annual expenditures of less than $100,000. Nonprofits employ more than 100,000 Maine workers.

Maine sales tax law currently has 56 provisions exempting different types of organizations, most requiring the applicant to be a nonprofit, according to the state report.
“While these exemptions are valuable to the organizations that qualify, Maine’s current patchwork of narrowly crafted exemptions creates inequities between similar organizations and confusion for taxpayers, leaving some nearly identical organizations with different eligibility,” according to the Maine Revenue Service.
In a Feb. 15 presentation to the legislature’s Taxation Committee, Peter Lacy, an attorney with office of tax policy for the Department of Administrative and Financial Services, said that just since 2015 the legislature has approved exemptions for numerous groups, including veteran service organizations, heating assistance organizations, youth camps, nonprofit pet food assistance organizations, cemetery companies and areas agencies on aging.
In response to concerns the sales tax exemption could result in an additional loss of property tax to local communities, Lacy told committee members the measure would not impact a nonprofit’s status for property tax exemptions.
Rep. Joe Perry, D-Bangor, said that during his time on the committee, he’s reviewed numerous bills asking for nonprofit expansions and has never seen one come back and ask for additional property tax exemptions.
“I would have zero concern from my experience on the committee that this is a slippery slope,” he said.
The MRS report argues a clear standard will benefit taxpayers, lawmakers and the state by clearing up confusion and reducing the time spent on processing applications or considering exemptions.
“To the extent possible, tax law should be simple and accessible to the public,” MRS wrote in the January report. “Similarly situated organizations should receive similar tax benefits, and a blanket exemption for 501(c)(3) organizations would be a significant step towards the goal of creating a fairer, simpler sales tax.”
The proposed exemption will next go before the Appropriations and Financial Affairs Committee as part of the supplemental budget.
Maine
As Democrats pick up the pieces after Graham Platner, many wonder: how did this happen?
Almost exactly one year ago, Graham Platner, who has no political experience, was cherry-picked by out-of-state political activists.
According to a person familiar with the campaign, Daniel Moraff and Leanne Fan, who have made a name for themselves by recruiting populist candidates across the country, traveled to Maine and rented a house near Platner’s home in Sullivan to convince him to run for the US Senate. Throughout the process, Moraff became Platner’s “right-hand man”, the person described, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of backlash.
But homing in on Platner as a newcomer to oust long-serving Republican Susan Collins came at a cost. The Wall Street Journal recently reported that Moraff asked for an expedited, cheaper background check to be completed in a matter of days. The firm Moraff and his team contracted with also did not do a candidate interview or questionnaire, per the Journal’s report.
The fallout of those decisions happened on a colossal scale. In a midterm year with record spending across the country, the Democratic party had come to pin its hopes on Platner to help clinch Senate control with his meteoric campaign and ability to unite independent and progressive voters alike with a clear, anti-establishment message.
Controversies ensued, bringing with them straight-to-camera videos of Platner explaining and denying various scandals. Finally, an allegation that broke the dam this week: a woman he dated accusing him of sexual assault, of drunkenly forcing her to have sex with him after coming to her house uninvited. Asked in an interview on CNN whether Platner raped her, the woman, Jenny Racicot, replied: “By definition, yes, absolutely.”
His support collapsed. Platner waited days as calls grew for him to withdraw. Then on Wednesday, he released an 11-minute video announcing the end of his campaign that left Maine voters scrambling and betrayed, and the country wondering: how did this happen?
“It feels like some of the first rules of politics may have been broken here,” said Andrew Feldman, a national progressive strategist. “We were seeing rookie mistake after rookie mistake, and now we find ourselves in this situation.”
David Farmer, a Democratic strategist based in Maine, said the vetting process for Platner was tantamount to “malpractice”.
“I’ve had to have these conversations with candidates in the past – where you sit down and you ask them really tough questions,” Farmer said. “What drugs have you used? Have you ever had an affair? You ever cheated on your wife? You ever cheated on anybody? It’s really uncomfortable and probing, and a miserable event for everybody involved.”
The person familiar with the campaign said that Moraff and Fan “fell in love with an aesthetic without knowing the state” that ultimately did a “disservice” to Maine’s working-class voters.
Platner’s campaign did not respond to the Guardian’s request for comment on the methods used to check the former nominee’s background.
A rising star and an early redemption arc
Platner’s early campaign days – after he announced his run in August of last year – saw a rare rush of grassroots excitement as he criss-crossed the state for town halls, with backing from Bernie Sanders and an ad produced by Zohran Mamdani’s 27-year-old media strategist, Morris Katz.
An oyster farmer and marines veteran, Platner issued plain-spoken warnings that Maine’s working class had been hollowed out – healthcare was unaffordable, young people couldn’t buy homes – and said he’d survived only because of the veterans’ benefits he receives from being “blown up” too many times in combat. His searing indictment of the political establishment matched the anti-Washington mood and anger many Democrats felt toward their party’s leaders.
“His tone, his look, his voice, his message captured a frustration with Washington, a frustration with economic injustice,” Farmer noted.
Democratic leaders had someone else in mind: the 78-year-old term‑limited governor Janet Mills. But Mills hadn’t yet announced her run. In the meantime, 41-year-old Platner positioned himself as the gruff local businessman hardened by tours in Iraq and Afghanistan, pushing for generational change. Once Mills entered, he quickly framed her as emblematic of the status quo, arguing that a Chuck Schumer‑backed candidate would mirror Collins‑style “fake moderation”.
The Democratic establishment was skeptical of Platner from the outset, concerned that he brought too much baggage to the race against a seasoned incumbent. But progressives say the party is also to blame for pushing Mills as an alternative. If she had been elected, Mills would have been the oldest freshman in Senate history.
Platner brushed off his earlier scandals: Reddit posts from 2013 to 2021 where – among other things – he called white rural Americans “stupid” and “racist”, questioned why “Black people didn’t tip” and said sexual‑assault survivors should “take some responsibility … and not get so fucked up”. While apologetic, he characterized the posts as side-effects of severe PTSD and disillusionment from combat.
He tried to get ahead of more controversy by revealing a covered-up skull-and-crossbones tattoo that resembled a Totenkopf, a symbol known for its use by the Nazi SS. Platner said it came from a night drinking with military buddies in Croatia 18 years earlier. “I’m not a secret Nazi,” he told the Pod Saves America hosts.
Platner and his allies in Congress argued the uproar was overblown. At the time, Platner told the Guardian that Mainers related to his struggle and didn’t see the posts or tattoo as disqualifying. Many voters also said they could look past his mistakes and viewed his redemption arc as genuine. “If what the voters wanted were people who were grown in vats and had never done or said anything that they might regret their entire lives, we’d have a very different country,” Moraff told the Journal in May.
But inside his campaign, cracks had started to appear. In October, Platner’s political director, Genevieve McDonald, and his finance director both left his team. The latter, Ronald Holmes III, said his “professional standards” no longer “fully aligned with those of the campaign”. McDonald said Platner’s failure to fully disclose the extent of his Reddit posts led to her departure. She went on to question whether Platner really didn’t know the meaning of his tattoo.
Bracing for the worst
There was lingering concern among Maine locals and political operatives that more would come out about Platner’s past. One voter at a town hall in April asked him – point‑blank – if there were examples of sexual misconduct in past relationships that could emerge and endanger his chances. Another said that she was extremely wary about how untested Platner was.
Ultimately, his star continued to outshine the septuagenarian governor’s lackluster campaign. Mills, citing dwindling financial resources, eventually dropped out of the race, giving Platner a glidepath to the nomination.
And then – 10 days before the Democratic primary – reports revealed that Platner’s wife, Amy Gertner, had confided in McDonald about sexually explicit messages he’d sent outside their marriage, disclosures she made in an attempt to get ahead of any opposition research.
In extraordinary fashion, Platner was summoned to Washington DC to answer lawmakers’ questions about the latest controversy. Shortly after the meeting, the New York Times reported that previous partners described “unsettling” and “toxic” behavior. One of the women, Lyndsey Fifield, a conservative operative who dated Platner from 2013 to 2015, alleged he frequently grabbed her by the shoulders, once yanked her out of a taxi by her wrist, and during one argument twisted her arm behind her back, shoved her into a bedroom and held the door shut until she was “calm”. Fifield also cast doubt on Platner’s claim that he was unaware that his tattoo was a Nazi symbol, telling the Times that he referred to it as “my Totenkopf”.
Platner rejected Fifield’s claims and branded them as “politically motivated”.
While some voters were deterred, Platner still ended up clinching more than 70% of the vote in the primary. National Democrats, however, were left to grapple with a catch‑22: what would be an insurmountable scandal? And would it be worse than if Collins, who had helped overturn Roe v Wade and backed several key Trump policies, was re‑elected to a sixth term?
“It’s like a frog being in a pot of boiling water. If you raise the temperature slowly, you don’t know it’s boiling until it’s too late,” said Farmer.
The final straw
When Politico published their story on Monday, outlining Jenny Racicot’s claims that Platner raped her nearly five years ago, the condemnation came hard and fast. Endorsements evaporated and calls for Platner to withdraw were immediate. As he denied the allegations in a lo-fi self tape, it became clear this would be the red line for those who had stood by him until this point.
“The messenger was not the right person to match the inspiring message,” said Adam Green, executive director of the Progressive Change Campaign Committee. “It is really unfortunate for the overall project of trying to challenge corporate power and shake up a broken political system.”
It would be another two days before Platner published another video announcing his decision to end his campaign, claiming the allegations against him were part of a coordinated political attack.
Troy Jackson, who campaigned alongside Platner while running for the Democratic nomination in the Maine gubernatorial race, and is now one of several candidates running to replace him, told MS Now: “Graham told me point-blank that there was nothing in his past that I had to worry about. And he lied to me. And he lied to a lot of us.”
Now, as Democrats battle with the feeling of deja vu from Joe Biden’s withdrawal from the 2024 presidential race, it’s left some unnerved about whether the Maine Senate race is still winnable. “It’s so upsetting because it feels like we’ve been completely bamboozled by a candidate that so many people believe in,” said Feldman.
Maine
Maine Resiliency Center launches survey to gauge Lewiston shooting’s impact
LEWISTON (WGME) Nearly three years after the Lewiston mass shooting, the Maine Resiliency Center is asking the public to share how the tragedy has affected them and the community.
The nonprofit has launched a survey to better understand the impacts of the mass shooting in October 2023 and to help guide future support efforts.
The director of the Maine Resiliency Center said the ripple effects have spread widely and the organization wants to hear from anyone who has been affected.
“You could have been a service provider who is providing therapy or counseling for people; you could have been a funeral home director or city employee; you could be someone who lives in this community and knows somebody who is directly impacted or you could be directly impacted yourself. All of those opinions and information are really valuable to us as we look to support the broader community moving forward,” the director said.
To take part in the survey, go to maineresiliencycenter.org.
Maine
Maine’s high court keeps transgender athlete referendum off 2026 ballot
Politics
Our political journalists are based in the Maine State House and have deep source networks across the partisan spectrum in communities all over the state. Their coverage aims to cut through major debates and probe how officials make decisions. Read more Politics coverage here.
AUGUSTA, Maine — The Maine Supreme Judicial Court on Friday upheld Secretary of State Shenna Bellows’ decision to keep a referendum banning transgender girls from female school sports off the November ballot.
The high court ruled Bellows was “not only authorized but was constitutionally bound” when she moved in May to throw out more than 1,500 signatures gathered by out-of-state circulators who never agreed to submit to Maine’s jurisdiction.
The unanimous ruling from the six-justice panel closes out a monthslong legal fight that began when Bellows’ office invalidated more than 12,000 signatures submitted by Protect Girls’ Sports in Maine, leaving the petition 532 signatures short of the 67,682 needed to qualify.
The group, backed heavily by Republican megadonor Richard Uihlein, had argued Bellows overstepped her authority by enforcing a settlement that ended a 2023 First Amendment lawsuit over Maine’s ban on out-of-state circulators, rather than letting Maine voters decide whether to loosen the state’s residency rules for petition circulators.
The court rejected that argument, finding Bellows was bound by the Maine Constitution’s residency requirement for circulators except where a federal injunction narrowly excused her from enforcing it, and that four nonresident circulators who never checked a box consenting to Maine jurisdiction fell outside that carveout.
Justices also rejected the campaign’s fallback argument that one circulator’s belated affidavit, filed months after the Feb. 2 filing deadline, should have salvaged her roughly 61 signatures, citing a state law requiring circulator affidavits to be filed when the petition is.
The decision effectively ends the campaign’s bid for the 2026 ballot, though the court noted proponents could still gather the roughly 500 additional signatures needed to try again for the 2027 ballot.
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