Alaska
High cost of living, lack of pension strain teachers in Alaska
Students eat breakfast and color in Topaz Stotts’ second-grade classroom before school starts at Klatt Elementary School in Anchorage, Aug. 17, 2021. Debate over school funding is dominating the Alaska Legislature as districts face teacher shortages and in some cases multimillion-dollar deficits. Schools have cut programs, increased class sizes or had teachers and administrators take on extra roles. (Emily Mesner/Anchorage Daily News via AP, File)
JUNEAU, Alaska — Cory Hughes moved to a remote Alaska village to teach and would happily stay and retire there if he could afford to — despite the dark winters and the fact the bathroom for his housing unit in the school’s kindergarten building has a sink that comes to his knees.
But Alaska is the only U.S. state that does not offer teachers a pension, and researchers say teacher pay and benefits have not kept up with other states. Hughes has bought a house in Ohio and he’s wondering how long he can remain in Nunapitchuk, the southwest Alaska village with a population of 525 he has come to love.
“I’ve taught for seven years, and my retirement wouldn’t even last me, like, a few months,” said Hughes, 28. “So I know that my time here is going to have to come to an end at some point, probably sooner than later.”
READ: Filipinos number more than half of an Alaska school district’s teachers
School funding is dominating the Legislature as lawmakers meet nearly 1,000 miles (1,600 kilometers) away in Juneau. Districts are facing teacher shortages and, in some cases, multimillion-dollar deficits. They say unpredictable levels of state support tied in part to Alaska’s fluctuating oil wealth make long-term planning nearly impossible.
Schools have had to cut programs, increase class sizes or have teachers and administrators take on extra roles. Hughes was tapped to help coach basketball, a sport he had not played.
Teacher turnover is nothing new, and Alaska is not alone in struggling to fill positions. But the effects can be acute in high-cost, hard-to-reach communities that rely on barges or planes for supplies, places so remote they sometimes have polar-bear patrols to keep residents safe. Eggs can cost more than $9 a dozen in some areas.
Republican Alaska Gov. Mike Dunleavy, a former educator, is promoting charter schools and a three-year program that would test whether paying teachers annual bonuses of $5,000 to $15,000 keeps them on the job — with higher amounts going to those in the most remote districts.
Dunleavy questions whether simply bolstering state aid to K-12 schools will turn around Alaska’s dismal performance in reading and math assessments. Alaska led the country in the share of students who missed at least 10% of the 2021-22 school year, and there has been an increase in the number of kids who are homeschooled since the pandemic.
People rally outside the Alaska Capitol, Monday, Jan. 29, 2024, in Juneau, Alaska, in support of increased funding for public schools in the state. The rally was set to take place the night of Gov. Mike Dunleavy’s State of the State speech but the speech was delayed until Jan. 30 after high winds disrupted flights carrying speech guests and Cabinet members. AP
School officials aren’t necessarily opposed to the bonus idea but say districts simply don’t have the resources they need. They are seeking a large, permanent increase in the state’s per-student funding formula to counter the toll of inflation and high energy and insurance costs.
“We can’t improve things if we’re always scrambling for crumbs,” said Erica Kludt-Painter, superintendent in the fishing community of Petersburg. Her district’s budget has been augmented by federal and grant funds but is now “at the breaking point,” she said.
Alaska residents get a yearly check from the state’s oil-wealth fund, and there’s no personal state income tax. Those are often billed as perks, but lawmakers over the last decade have struggled with budget deficits tied to the volatility of oil prices. They have had little appetite for considering new taxes as the state has continued drawing down savings and relying on oil-wealth-fund earnings to help pay the bills.
Even some lawmakers sympathetic to school officials’ pleas question whether the roughly $360 million more they are seeking is politically realistic. The state provided about $1.3 billion to K-12 school districts for the current budget year. Lawmakers approved a one-time, $175 million boost, but Dunleavy vetoed half that.
Some districts, including Alaska’s largest in Anchorage, have been recruiting teachers from overseas. A group that’s been involved in past litigation against the state over the adequacy of school funding is weighing another lawsuit.
The state Senate passed a bill to reinstate pensions — nearly 20 years after lawmakers closed the system — but its prospects are unclear. Majority House Republicans proposed legislation that includes Dunleavy’s bonus plan, charter provisions and a roughly $80 million increase in aid to districts through the formula — an amount many lawmakers consider inadequate. It faced early opposition on the House floor Monday, with lawmakers deadlocking in an initial vote on whether to bring it up for debate. Some lawmakers said provisions of the bill weren’t sufficiently vetted.
“It’s not rocket science in the sense that it is a combination of compensation and working conditions that attract and keep teachers in schools,” said Dayna DeFeo, director of the Center for Alaska Education Policy Research. “We can’t just buy our way out of it, but that is definitely going to have to be a part of it.”
Hughes was seeking adventure and a “different view of the world” when he became a social studies teacher at a K-12 school in Nunapitchuk about seven years ago. He saw the central role schools play in such small communities when he was invited to a funeral at the school the day after he arrived.
He immersed himself in the predominantly Alaska Native village’s culture to avoid feeling isolated, especially during what he described as a “make or break” first year in rural Alaska. He enjoys the hunting and fishing lifestyle.
There are challenges: the school is near the top of a state list for major reconstruction needs. The village faces threats from climate change. Thawing permafrost is undermining infrastructure.
READ: Remote Alaska school district hires Filipino teachers to fill shortage
It’s unclear whether the proposed bonuses aimed at full-time teachers would apply to Hughes. While he supervises some online classes, he is currently the dean of students. He doesn’t have the degree to be an administrator and is paid as a teacher, he said.
Independent Rep. Rebecca Himschoot, a retired teacher from Sitka in southeast Alaska, said lawmakers should figure out how to pay for what districts say they need. Otherwise, schools may not be able to offer athletics, art, theater or other aspects of a well-rounded education.
“What is the school system we want to have?” Himschoot said. “Because we’re really quickly headed for the school system that doesn’t offer the opportunities that people in my generation all had.”
Alaska
Editorial: Decision time in Juneau: Discipline or make it rain?
Alaska has seen this movie before: oil prices spike, politicians celebrate and Juneau starts figuring out how fast it can spend the money.
The U.S. attack on Iran has pushed global oil prices higher, rattling energy markets and sending crude prices upward as supply fears ripple through the global economy. Energy markets surged as tanker disruptions and facility shutdowns across the Middle East threatened supply — a reminder that geopolitical shocks can move oil prices overnight.
For Alaska, that means something very specific: more money. But before Gov. Dunleavy and the Alaska Legislature start eyeing a fresh pile of cash like kids staring at a cookie jar, let’s get something straight. This is not prosperity. This is a temporary windfall driven by war.
And if the past is any guide, Juneau has a good chance to screw it up.
[Related news coverage: Spike in oil prices will boost Alaska revenue, but not enough to cover projected deficit]
Oil prices jumped sharply after the U.S. and Israel attacked Iran on Feb. 28, and analysts say prices could climb even higher if the conflict drags on. Some forecasts suggest oil could exceed $100 per barrel, which could mean roughly $1.5 billion more in revenue for Alaska in the coming year, according to reporting by the Juneau Empire.
That kind of money would erase much of the state’s budget deficit and could even fund a dividend north of $3,000.
Cue the political stampede.
In an election year especially, there will be lawmakers eager to promise giant Permanent Fund dividends fueled by this sudden surge in oil revenue. Expect campaign ads. Expect grandstanding. Expect speeches about “returning the wealth to the people.” And even before the attack on Iran, Gov. Dunleavy was already pushing an unsustainable full dividend for each Alaskan.
It’s a stupid idea — not because Alaskans don’t deserve dividends but because temporary revenue should never be used to make permanent promises. War-driven oil money is the worst possible revenue on which to build promises.
Alaska should know better by now
Alaska’s finances remain wildly exposed to oil price swings. A single dollar change in oil prices can move the state budget by roughly $25 million to $35 million, according to Alaska Public Media.
That volatility is exactly why treating a war-driven price spike as stable revenue is fiscal stupidity.
Even lawmakers watching the markets closely say the state should not assume the spike will last. As legislative leaders told Alaska Public Media, Alaska cannot build its spending plans around overly optimistic oil prices. Yet history tells us that when oil money shows up unexpectedly, discipline in Juneau disappears faster than reindeer sausage at the Tanana Valley State Fair.
The last time a global conflict sent prices soaring was after Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022. Oil shot above $100 a barrel for months. What did Alaska do? The Legislature and governor approved a massive dividend and energy payments totaling more than $2 billion. The state spent the money almost as fast as it arrived — don’t we wish we had those billions today?
Like any temporary high, it felt good at the time, and politically, it was wildly popular. It also did absolutely nothing to solve Alaska’s long-term fiscal problems.
The temptation is coming
The state’s spring revenue forecast arrives in about two weeks. If oil prices remain elevated, the numbers will suddenly look far healthier than they did a month ago.
That’s when it gets tempting. Lawmakers will start talking about “surplus revenue.” Candidates for public office will promise bigger dividends. The governor’s allies will argue the state can suddenly afford everything. Don’t fall for it.
As longtime Alaska fiscal analyst Larry Persily recently wrote in the Alaska Beacon, rising oil prices quickly create a long list of spending ideas in Juneau. But the real question isn’t how much money might arrive — it’s how long it will last. And nobody knows the answer to that. War-driven oil spikes can disappear just as quickly as they arrive.
If Alaska receives a revenue windfall from this conflict, the state should treat it for what it is: a one-time shot in the arm.
That means save it, invest it and strengthen the state’s fiscal stability.
Deposits into reserves like the Constitutional Budget Reserve — or even better, the Permanent Fund — would help rebuild the savings Alaska burned through during the last decade of deficits. Strategic investments in infrastructure, education and economic development would strengthen the state long after oil prices fall again.
What Alaska should not do is hand the entire windfall to voters as a massive dividend. That’s not fiscal policy. That’s a sugar rush.
A simple message for Juneau
There is nothing wrong with Alaskans benefiting when oil prices rise. Oil built this state, and its revenues still help pay for essential services. But relying on war-driven price spikes to fund giant dividends is reckless.
This moment will test the discipline of Alaska’s leaders. The attack on Iran may deliver Alaska a sudden burst of revenue. But the state’s long-term problems — structural deficits, unstable revenue and growing needs — will still be there long after oil prices settle down.
So here’s the message the governor and the Legislature need to hear: If this windfall arrives, don’t blow it the way you did last time.
Save it. Invest it. And for once, resist the urge to torch the cash in the middle of an election year.
Alaska
Here’s how some Alaska lawmakers are trying to get rid of daylight saving time
Alaskans, like millions of Americans in other parts of the country, will move their clocks one hour ahead on Sunday for daylight saving time.
Many see the twice-a-year clock shift as an irksome practice that should be eliminated. Research has shown that the clock changes disrupt circadian rhythm, leading to negative health effects.
So what, if anything, are Alaska lawmakers doing to change the situation?
The Senate voted in May to advance a bill that would permanently eliminate daylight saving time in Alaska — but only if the federal government agreed to move Alaska to Pacific Standard Time, the same time zone used by Washington state, Oregon, California, Nevada and parts of Idaho.
Sen. Kelly Merrick, an Eagle River Republican who sponsored the bill, said her proposal aims to address concerns that arise from past proposals to eliminate daylight saving time while keeping Alaska in its current time zone. Effectively, that would mean Alaska is offset from Seattle by two hours for part of the year, creating challenges for Alaskans who are dependent on Lower 48 time zones — including bankers, broadcasters and tourism operators.
The House has yet to take up Merrick’s bill. There are also two dueling House bills introduced last year — neither of which has advanced — to either permanently remain in daylight saving time or permanently remain in standard time.
Federal law allows states to exempt themselves from observing daylight saving time, which generally begins in March and ends in November. However, states are not allowed to move permanently to daylight saving time without congressional authorization.
The U.S. Senate voted in 2022 in favor of moving to permanently adopt daylight saving time. The legislation has not been voted on in the U.S. House.
Hawaii and Arizona are the two states to exempt themselves from observing daylight saving time so far.
Alaska has long considered various proposals for eliminating the twice-a-year clock changes, with more than a dozen bills proposed in three decades. None have passed both bodies.
But there is relatively recent precedent for changing the way Alaskans set their clocks.
Until the 1980s, Alaska had four time zones. Before the change, the Southeast Panhandle, including Juneau, operated in Pacific Standard Time — the same as the West Coast of the Lower 48. Clocks in most of the state were set two hours earlier — the same time zone as Hawaii. Kotzebue, Nome and much of the Aleutian Chain were on Bering Standard Time, an hour behind Hawaii.
Moving most of the state to a single time zone was meant to create simplicity for both residents and visitors alike.
What would it mean for Alaska to permanently move to Pacific Standard Time? On the shortest days of the year, the sun would rise in Anchorage around 11 a.m. and set around 5 p.m. On the longest days of the year, the sun would rise in Anchorage shortly after 5 a.m. and set well past midnight.
For proponents of after-work outdoor recreation, the idea may seem appealing. For longer stretches of the year, Alaskans will be able to enjoy sunlight after leaving the office or school. The price to pay? More mornings waking in the dark.
Alaska
Alaska 2025 summer tourism was ‘soft’ amid economic jitters and reduced marketing money
Visitor numbers to Alaska were nearly flat last summer following a dip in cruise ship traffic, an unusual plateau for an industry that typically sees solid growth.
The state saw just 4,000 more tourists last summer, compared to the previous year, according to a new report commissioned by the Alaska Travel Industry Association.
That’s a bump of 0.1% percent, in a total of 2.7 million visitors.
“A flat season is OK, I guess,” Jillian Simpson, president of the Alaska Travel Industry Association, said in an interview this week.
“It’s not great,” she said. “Certainly it feels like there’s an opportunity for tourism to be growing in Alaska. But it wasn’t a decline. And so that feels like a win.”
Early season last June, some operators reported slightly slower bookings in some sectors, such as international visitors, amid geopolitical and economic concerns caused by President Donald Trump’s global trade wars and rhetoric.
The leveling off in visitor numbers is unusual for the industry, she said.
“We’ve been on a steady trend of growth for several years,” she said, not counting the COVID-related downturn in 2020 when cruise ships to Alaska were canceled.
Also potentially affecting the summer tourism numbers: The group had less marketing funding to reach potential visitors, she said.
That money dropped after the group had used a COVID-related $5 million federal grant the previous year.
Alaska saw about 1.8 million travelers arrive by cruise ship last year, a decrease of 0.4% from the year earlier, the report said.
About 900,000 travelers arrived by air, an increase of 0.8%.
Less than 100,000 people arrived by highway or ferry.
Anchorage snapshot
While most cruise guests visit Southeast communities, about a quarter of them travel to Seward and Whittier, delivering visitors to Anchorage.
That cross-gulf cruise traffic fell 5% from the year before, the report said.
That likely had to do with how cruise lines allocated their ships last year, Simpson said.
The cross-gulf numbers are expected to rise this summer, in part because a new dock in Seward will be available to handle larger ships, she said.
Anchorage bed tax revenues, a tourism indicator, were down last summer, compared to a year earlier, the report said.
The annual income fell to $45 million, falling more than $4 million from the year before, an 8% drop.
Hotel demand for Anchorage last summer was a bit softer compared to the year before, said Jack Bonney with Visit Anchorage, the city’s tourism bureau.
But that trend has recently reversed, with growth in January up from the year before.
Hotel supply was tight last year, with some renovations underway and some hotels in recent years coming off the tourism market.
But the situation for hotel supply has started to shift, too, with growth in that area, he said.
For example, a 141-room Courtyard by Marriott Hotel has planned to open its doors in spring in Midtown, at 4960 A St.
Cross-gulf cruise ship capacity is also expected to grow this summer by 10% to 15%, he said.
That should also help boost visitor numbers, Bonney said.
Advance hotel bookings for so far this year are showing positive signs, he said.
“It appears that, at least for advanced bookings, at the same time last year, we’re ahead of the game,” he said.
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