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Pandemic put tax burden on CT’s poorest, report shows

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Pandemic put tax burden on CT’s poorest, report shows


Connecticut’s already regressive tax system swung even more sharply onto the backs of its poorest residents during the coronavirus pandemic’s first year, according to a new fairness study from Gov. Ned Lamont’s administration.

The lowest-earning 10% effectively spent almost 40% of their income in 2020 to cover state or municipal tax burdens, more than five times the rate faced by Connecticut’s highest earners – and two-and-a-half times the statewide average, according to the tax incidence analysis released Thursday by the Department of Revenue Services.

The 39.9% state and municipal tax rate effectively paid by the poorest 10% also is up dramatically from the nearly 26% rate assigned to that same group by a 2022 DRS tax fairness study, which analyzed data from 2019.

Meanwhile, taxpayers in the two middle groups paid 13% and 11.5%, respectively, of their income to cover tax burdens in 2020, up from 9.2% and 8.6% in 2019.

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“This latest study just confirms what people in Connecticut have been feeling in their wallets for the last several years — a dangerous combination of historic inflation, an upside-down tax system and an extreme disinvestment in critical public services and infrastructure,” said Norma Martinez-HoSang, director of Connecticut For All, a coalition of more than 80 labor, faith and civic organizations that has advocated for higher tax rates on wealthy households and corporations to finance relief for low- and middle-income families.

The study breaks Connecticut’s earners into deciles, or groups that earned 10% of all statewide income.

For example, it took the poorest 883,552 tax filers to earn about $19.3 billion, which was 10% of all statewide earnings in 2020. This the group that paid almost 40% of its income to state and municipal tax burdens.

Unlike in past reports, the administration did not include a projected income range for the households in this group. But dividing $19.3 billion by 883,552 filers yields a rough average income of slightly more than $21,843 per year.

The second decile includes the next-highest earners, another 316,630 filers, who also made $19.3 billion. Their effective tax rate was 19.8%, and their average income was $60,960.

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The highest decile, the top 10%, involves 478 filers that earned $19.3 billion. This is the group that paid 7.3%, or less than one-fifth the rate of the poorest decile, and earned an average of $40.3 million.

Roughly two-thirds of all revenues generated by state and local government combined in 2020 came from property, sales and other taxes that largely are regressive in nature, the study found.

A regressive tax does not adjust rates based on a household or business’s earnings or wealth. A progressive levy, such as the state income tax, features multiple rates that collect more as the filer’s income increases.

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A second problem with regressive taxes is that responsibility for the bill can more easily be shifted, something that’s particularly burdensome for poor households, the study found.

For example, renters effectively pay some or all their landlords’ property taxes. Gasoline distributors shift wholesale fuel tax burdens onto service stations, which pass the full cost on to motorists.

As a supplement, the report also covered a second methodology that relies upon only half of the tax burden shifts that the primary section of the report assumes. But even under this scaled back version, the lowest earning 10% of filers pay an effective rate of almost 33%, while the richest 10% pay 7.3% and the statewide average is 13.4%.

Lamont, a Greenwich businessman and fiscally moderate Democrat who says higher tax rates would prompt Connecticut’s wealthy to flee the state, said through a spokeswoman that his administration has been and continues to work to make the state’s overall tax system more progressive.

“Gov. Lamont is strongly committed to making our tax structure more progressive so that all Connecticut residents have an opportunity to succeed here,” spokeswoman Julia Bergman said. “That’s why, in recent years, the governor and the legislature have cut taxes for working families, boosted the Earned Income Tax Credit and expanded exemptions on certain pension and annuity earnings to benefit seniors.”

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Bergman was referencing a series of tax changes enacted last year that represented the single-largest state income tax cut in Connecticut history, a package expected to save low- and middle-income families $200 to $400 each next fiscal year, more than $415 million in total.

Lamont and legislators also enacted a broad package of tax cuts in 2022 that included temporary relief, such as a 13-month gasoline tax holiday and an income tax rebate for households with children. But it also expanded a state income tax credit that offsets a portion of municipal property tax burdens and reduced the statewide property tax cap on motor vehicles from 45 mills to 32.46 mills. (One mill generates $1 of tax revenue for every $1,000 of assessed property value.)

Because tax fairness studies routinely lag several years of tax data, the recent relief Lamont approved is not included in the latest analysis.

“There’s definitely value in looking at this [study], but also I think the next set of studies will really tell the tale in terms of the progressivity that’s been implemented by this governor,” said Department of Revenue Services Commissioner Mark Boughton.

But critics counter that Connecticut’s tax system has overburdened the poor and middle class for decades, and recent relief won’t reverse an overall trend toward worsening inequity. They say economic damage caused by the pandemic continues even now, while the 40-year high in national inflation reached in mid-2022 also set Connecticut families back.

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“We expect Gov. Lamont to respond with a reminder of recent tax cuts, which will have little impact on our state’s extreme economic inequities,” Martinez-HoSang said, adding that an income tax surcharge on the capital gains earnings of Connecticut’s wealthiest families could create significant economic change.

 

Connecticut Voices for Children, a progressive, New Haven-based policy think-tank, renewed its call Thursday for a new state income tax credit for low- and middle-income filers with children. It argues this credit could channel $300 million annually to assist about 80,000 kids.

Connecticut Voices’ executive director, Emily Byrne, said her group has just begun its review of the latest tax fairness report but said the overall problem the General Assembly faces is clear.

“The report not only reaffirms that our state’s tax system is regressive, but it also reaffirms why this report is so important,” she said, “because it allows the legislature to make informed decisions. … It’s also clear that more families need help.”

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The Yankee Institute, a conservative fiscal policy group in Hartford, had just begun its review of the tax study late Friday. But spokesman Bryce Chinault said, “This report demonstrates why the recent income tax reforms were so important to Connecticut residents, and why the fiscal guardrails are vital to building upon that success.”

Those “guardrails” are a reference to caps on spending and borrowing and other savings programs that have helped reduce state debt by billions of dollars since 2020, which advocates say enables state government to channel more resources to cities and towns.

Members of the legislature’s tax-writing Finance, Revenue and Bonding Committee received the report Thursday morning, and leaders said the 77-page analysis would get close attention in the coming weeks.

But both Sen. John Fonfara, D-Hartford, who co-chairs the panel, and Rep. Holly Cheeseman of East Lyme, ranking House Republican on finance, said it’s clear Connecticut must find a way to ease property tax burdens.

The property tax generated nearly $12 billion in revenue in 2020, more than any other state or municipal tax did, and represented 38% of all tax revenue raised in Connecticut that year.

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Fonfara pushed two years ago to boost rates on Connecticut’s richest families and on large corporations and set up a new fund to support economic development and other services in the state’s poorest cities. It was blocked by Lamont and other fiscal moderates and conservatives.

House Speaker Matt Ritter, D-Hartford, brokered a compromise that abandoned the tax hikes but authorized $175 million in annual bonding for urban investment that began in the 2022-23 fiscal year and runs through 2026-27.

The property tax “punishes those who have the least income,” Fonfara said Thursday, adding that the high mill rates in Connecticut’s urban centers make it very hard to attract commercial and industrial development. “It pits one town against another.”



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Connecticut

Could mini-liquor bottles be banned in Connecticut?

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Could mini-liquor bottles be banned in Connecticut?


Have you still seen a lot of mini-liquor bottles, littering the streets in Connecticut?

Members of one environmental group said they still see them, and believe a ban is the best way to solve a multi-tiered problem.

State data shows in the past 12 months, ending September 30, there were more than 93 million mini-liquor bottles sold in our state.

The group supporting local bans says it’s not just the litter, but also the fact mini-liquor bottles are easy to conceal and consume on the job, in the car, or at school.

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The group “Connecticut Towns Nixing the Nip” met this week, working on strategies to get a legislative hearing on the issue in the upcoming 2026 session.

Right now, stores collect a 5-cent surcharge for every mini-liquor bottle sold, resulting in about $5 million annually for town and city environmental cleanup efforts.

Town funding from nip sales

Average revenue per year 2021 to 2025.

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“Having talked to a number of towns, well a few towns, they like the money, said Tom Metzner, a member of the group. “It’s fairly broad in how it can be used. It’s environmental. It doesn’t have to be used for cleaning up nips. And so the towns have become somewhat silent on the issue of banning nips.”

The group cited Chelsea, Massachusetts, where minis are banned, both litter and alcohol related EMS calls decreased.

The Wine and Spirits Wholesalers of Connecticut, which devised the “nickel per nip” program, said banning the mini-liquor bottles would be unprecedented.

Instead, it said the environmental group should be challenging municipalities to prove they actually use the money for cleanup.

Legislative leaders suggested several years ago the way to really do this is to have a redemption program for mini liquor bottles, and now, that could be possible.

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At least one state with the Clynk bottle collection program has redeemed mini-liquor bottles for cash.

The company just announced a major expansion in our state, but it told us it is not aware of a redemption program for mini-liquor bottles here any time soon.



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National trust in the federal government is low. CT residents agree

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National trust in the federal government is low. CT residents agree


National trust in the federal government is at some of its lowest levels in nearly seven decades, and many Connecticut residents fall in line with that belief, a survey found.

New data from the Pew Research Center found only 17% of Americans believe that what the government does is right either “just about always” or “most of the time,” hitting one of the lowest points Pew has seen since first asking this question in 1958. And according to a DataHaven survey, Connecticut residents trust the federal government less than state or local institutions.

While these are some of the lowest polling numbers seen in American history, national trust in the federal government has been on the decline for decades. Public trust initially dropped in the 1960s and ’70s during the Vietnam War from a near 80% but began rising again in the 1980s into the early ’90s. Trust peaked again after 9/11 before falling.

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The DataHaven survey found that of all Connecticut residents surveyed, only 9% trust the federal government “a great deal” to look out for the best interests of them and their family. About 28% trust the federal government “a fair amount.”

Federal government trust among Connecticut residents was at its highest in 2021 during the COVID-19 pandemic, when the federal stimulus programs and child tax credit were active.

The DataHaven survey also asked about trust in local and state government. Connecticut residents generally trust these institutions more than they trust the federal government, the survey found.

Trust in the local governments was higher than trust in both state and federal, with 67% of residents surveyed trusting their local government “a great deal” or “a fair amount.”

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And when it came to state government, 61% of residents trust the state “a great deal” or “a fair amount.”



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Was Connecticut State Police short 300 troopers in 2025?

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Was Connecticut State Police short 300 troopers in 2025?


Yes.

As of early 2025, the Connecticut State Police was facing a staffing shortage of roughly 300 troopers compared to the more than 1,200 troopers the department had in its ranks over a decade ago. This is due largely to retirements, resignations and a shrinking applicant pool.

Recent academy classes are helping slowly rebuild staffing, but Gov. Ned Lamont and police leadership say Connecticut still needs substantially more troopers to meet public safety demands. More recently, news outlets reported the department had 938 troopers.

This spring, troopers negotiated a 4.5% wage hike with state officials. Troopers’ base pay is on average about $116,000 per year, but that rises to $175,000 per year once overtime is included. 

This fact brief is responsive to conversations such as this one.

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CT Mirror partners with Gigafact to produce fact briefs — bite-sized fact checks of trending claims.

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Reginald David is the Community Engagement Reporter for CT Mirror. He builds relationships across Connecticut to elevate community voices and deepen public dialogue around local issues. Previously, he was a producer at KCUR 89.3, Kansas City’s NPR station, where he created community-centered programming, led live event coverage for major events like the NFL Draft, the Kansas City Chiefs Super Bowl Parade, and Royals Opening Day, and launched KC Soundcheck, a music series spotlighting local and national artists. Reginald has also hosted special segments, including an in-depth interview with civil rights leader Alvin Brooks and live community coverage on issues like racial segregation and neighborhood development. He began his public media career as an ‘Integrity in News’ intern at WNPR in Hartford.

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