Connect with us

World

What Ukraine Has Lost

Published

on

What Ukraine Has Lost

Few countries since World War II have experienced this level of devastation. But it’s been impossible for anybody to see more than glimpses of it. It’s too vast. Every battle, every bombing, every missile strike, every house burned down, has left its mark across multiple front lines, back and forth over more than two years.

This is the first comprehensive picture of where the Ukraine war has been fought and the totality of the destruction. Using detailed analysis of years of satellite data, we developed a record of each town, each street, each building that has been blown apart.

The scale is hard to comprehend. More buildings have been destroyed in Ukraine than if every building in Manhattan were to be leveled four times over. Parts of Ukraine hundreds of miles apart look like Dresden or London after World War II, or Gaza after half a year of bombardment.

To produce these estimates, The New York Times worked with two leading remote sensing scientists, Corey Scher of the City University of New York Graduate Center and Jamon Van Den Hoek of Oregon State University, to analyze data from radar satellites that can detect small changes in the built environment.

The remains of around 1,000 munitions gathered from Russian bombardment of the city of Kharkiv.

Advertisement

Finbarr O’Reilly for The New York Times

More than 900 schools, hospitals, churches and other institutions have been damaged or destroyed, the analysis shows, even though these sites are explicitly protected under the Geneva Conventions.

Source: Damage data by Corey Scher and Jamon Van Den Hoek based on InSAR data from Copernicus Sentinel-1, building footprints by OpenStreetMap. Satellite images by Maxar Technologies via Google, June 2023

The New York Times

Advertisement

These estimates are conservative. They don’t include Crimea or parts of western Ukraine where accurate data was unavailable. The true scope of destruction is likely to be even greater — and it keeps growing. In mid-May, the Russians bombed some towns in northeastern Ukraine so ferociously that one resident said they were erasing streets.

Ukrainian forces have caused major damage, too, by bombing frontline Russian positions and attacking Russian-held territory like Crimea and Donetsk City. While it is not always possible to determine which side is responsible, the devastation recorded in Russian-held areas pales in comparison to what is seen on the Ukrainian side.

The Kremlin referred questions about this article to Russia’s Defense Ministry, which did not respond.

A school in the village of Vilkhivka, occupied for weeks by Russian forces.

Advertisement

Finbarr O’Reilly for The New York Times

A destroyed operating room in a hospital in Huliaipole.

Diego Ibarra Sánchez for The New York Times

Advertisement

Few places have been as devastated as Marinka, a small town in eastern Ukraine.

Comprehensive School No. 1, where so many young Ukrainians learned to write their first letters, has been blown apart. The Orthodox Cathedral, where couples were married, has been toppled. The chestnut-lined streets where generations strolled, the milk plant and cereal factory where people worked, the Museum of Local Lore, the Marinka Region Administration Building, go-to shops and cafes — all landmarks for generations — have been reduced to faceless ruins.

The damage runs into the billions, but the true cost is much higher. Marinka was a community. Marinka was living history. Marinka was a wellspring for families for nearly 200 years. Its erasure has left people feeling lost.

“If I shut my eyes, I can see everything from my old life,” said Iryna Hrushkovksa, 34, who was born and raised in Marinka. “I can see the front gate. I can walk through the front door. I can step into our beautiful kitchen and look into the cupboards.”

“But if I open my eyes,” she said, “it’s all gone.”

Advertisement

People’s Museum of History of Konstantynivka

Before everyone fled, when a strong wind came from the west, the people in Marinka used to do something slightly provocative: They would tie a yellow and blue Ukrainian flag to a helium balloon and float it across the nearby frontline to land somewhere in Russia-controlled territory.

“True Ukrainians lived here,” said Ms. Hrushkovska’s mother, Hanna Horban. “They worked in the fields and factories, they created their future and the future of their children. They lived under a Ukrainian sky, free and our sky.”

Reminiscing about her old town makes her eyes well up. Sometimes, she says, she sees Marinka in her dreams.

Advertisement

It’s the same for many others. A young Ukrainian woman in Berlin recently opened a photo exhibition on Marinka. Videos have surfaced on social media featuring photos of pre-war Marinka with sad music playing in the background. Some of Marinka’s displaced people have chosen to hang together, in another town, Pavlograd, a hundred miles away.

In many ways, the story of this one town — its closeness, its vulnerability and its ruin — is the story of this war and perhaps all wars.

The Horbans settled down in Marinka at least three generations ago. By the early 1970s, when Ukraine was still part of the Soviet Union, they had built their own house at 102B Blagodatna Street. It was large, by Soviet standards: around 1,200 square feet, with three bedrooms and bright red tiles leading to the front door. In the yard, they raised ducks, chickens, two cows and two pigs; they grew all kinds of vegetables, from potatoes to peas; and they plucked apples, cherries, peaches and apricots from their own trees.

“In the 1990s,” Ms. Hrushkovska said, “we survived off this.”

Marinka started out as a farming hamlet, founded in 1843 by adventurous peasants and Cossacks from the Eurasian steppe. Legend has it that it took its name from the founder’s wife, a friendly Mariia.

Advertisement

By the early 20th century, this entire swath of eastern Ukraine transformed. Iron and coal were discovered, in a region soon to be called the Donbas, and the city of Donetsk became an industrial hub. Marinka, about 15 miles away, shifted from a quiet farming town to a busy suburb.

By the mid-1960s, it had a coal mine, a milk factory, a tire factory, a bread factory and soon a museum, a public sauna and two public swimming pools.

Photos from 1917 and 1970, courtesy of the People’s Museum of History of Konstantynivka; 2015, Celestino Arce/NurPhoto, via Getty Images; 2022, Tyler Hicks/The New York Times; 2022, Laura Boushnak for The New York Times; 2023, Finbarr O’Reilly for The New York Times.

In the spring, the back lanes smelled of fresh flowers. In the summer, kids swam in the Osykova River. In the fall, workers piled into trucks heading for the collective farms and harvested immense amounts of wheat, afterwards swigging vodka straight from the bottle and dancing in the stubbly fields. The best restaurant in town was Kolos, known for its “Donbas cutlet,” a cut of high-quality pork, breaded and cooked with a hunk of butter.

Advertisement

“Marinka was blooming,” said Ms. Horban, who was also born here.

When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, Marinka sank into disorder. State-owned enterprises shut down and Ms. Horban’s husband, Vova, a veterinarian, lost his job and had to dig coal for a living, at age 40.

Things stabilized by 2010, and bolstered by trade with Russia, Donetsk developed into one of Ukraine’s swankier cities. Marinka prospered by extension and grew to around 10,000 people.

In the spring of 2014, everything changed, again.

“All of a sudden strange men appeared with weapons and started stealing cars,” said Svitlana Moskalevska, another longtime resident.

Advertisement

That was just the beginning. Violent protests broke out. Then shooting in the streets. The Russians were backing an insurgency in Donetsk. It was confusing. And terrifying.

By mid-2014 — after thousands were killed, including dozens in Marinka — Donetsk had become the capital of a new Russian puppet state, the so-called Donetsk People’s Republic. For several months, Marinka was occupied as well.

The Ukrainian Army eventually cleared Marinka, but it wasn’t strong enough to take back Donetsk. So the front line between Ukraine and Russia cut right through Marinka, less than a mile from the Horbans’ home.

People shut themselves in at night and drew their curtains, fearful of being shelled. Basic services collapsed. Marinka used to get treated water from Donetsk but the Russians cut off the pipes, leaving it no choice but to hook up to the Osykova River.

“It was disgusting,” said Olha Herus, Ms. Horban’s cousin. “Fish came out of the faucet, sometimes even little frogs.”

Advertisement

On Feb. 24, 2022, when Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, one of the first places it attacked was Marinka. This time, the Russians bombed the town with aircraft and heavy artillery, causing far greater damage than in 2014.

Pre-war Wikimedia Commons via Ліонкінг. April 2022, Serhii Nuzhnenko, Reuters. June 2022, by Gleb Garanich, Reuters. January 2023, by Leonid ХВ Ragozin via social media.

Ms. Hrushkovska and her daughter, Varvara, evacuated a few days later. Some older residents, like Ms. Herus’s mother, Tetiana, refused to leave. She told everyone that she had become an “expert” at identifying the different types of munitions flying around — artillery, mortars, tank rounds, hand grenades, airplane bombs. She assured her family that she always knew when to seek shelter in the vegetable cellar. But at a deep level, it seems she simply didn’t want to leave.

“You have to understand,” Ms. Herus explained. “In Ukraine, people don’t like to move from one region to another. This is the mentality. We like living in one house for three to four generations.”

Advertisement

On April 25, 2022, Ms. Herus’s mom called and uttered two words no one could recall her using before: “I’m scared.”

An hour later she was killed.

The White Angels, a volunteer paramedic group, evacuated Marinka’s last residents in November 2022.

Source: Satellite image by Maxar Technologies, June 2022

The New York Times

Advertisement

The Devastation Grows

In the early months of the war, the Russians quickly captured several cities in eastern Ukraine. They almost captured Kyiv. Since then, the conflict has largely settled into a war of attrition, which favors the Russians with vastly more men and ammunition. The spikes on the following map show the heavy damage since the initial Russian invasion.

The Ukrainian military lost Marinka in December 2023.

They had been fighting for the city since 2014. Hundreds if not thousands of men from both sides died for it. At the very end, a small group of Ukrainian soldiers were holed up on the western edge of town in a warren of tunnels and pulverized basements. The rest was Russian territory.

When the Ukrainians peeked their heads out, they were stunned.

Advertisement

“I saw a picture of Hiroshima, and Marinka is absolutely the same,” said one Ukrainian soldier, Henadiy. “Nothing remains.” Following military protocol, he provided only his given name.

Another soldier, who asked to be identified by his call sign, Karakurt, described cars with the paint scorched off, houses cut down to their jagged foundations and long, empty roads that sparkled with glass and smelled of dust, smoke and gunpowder.

“Whatever could burn, burned,” he said.

The scars of war

Since the beginning of the war, satellites have flagged more than 210,000 buildings in Ukraine as damaged. About half of them are in the Donbas.

Advertisement

Source: Damage data by Corey Scher and Jamon Van Den Hoek based on InSAR data from Copernicus Sentinel-1. Building footprints by OpenStreetMap and Microsoft Bing. Front lines of the first day of the month between March 2022 and January 2024 by the Institute for the Study of War with American Enterprise Institute’s Critical Threats Project

The New York Times.

Ukraine is determined to rebuild. The hope, however distant, is that with international cooperation Ukraine will seize Russian assets and force Russia to foot the bill for the reconstruction of entire cities like Marinka.

But a long war may still stretch ahead. In recent months, the Russians have had the upper hand, destroying more communities as their army seems to stagger inexorably forward. Ten million Ukrainians have fled from their homes — one in four people.

Advertisement

Last spring, a few dozen people from Marinka gathered at a school in Pavlograd, which is considered reasonably safe. The children wore crisply ironed embroidered shirts called vyshyvankas. In a large room with big windows, they performed dances and sang patriotic songs that were beamed by video to displaced Marinka people around the world. Adults stood along the wall, tears dripping down their faces.

Children whose families fled Marinka celebrating Ukrainian folk traditions in Pavlograd.

Finbarr O’Reilly for The New York Times

“You know the simplest way to make a person cry?” Ms. Hrushkovska asked. “Make them remember their city and their home.”

Advertisement

She and her daughter, Vavara, 13, are now squeezed into a small, two-room apartment in Pavlograd.

“My old kitchen was bigger than this whole place,” she joked.

Then she broke into tears.

Varvara Hrushkovska, right, and her friend Hanna Kovalenko, whose families fled Marinka, in Pavlograd. Next to them is Varvara’s grandmother Hanna Horban.

Finbarr O’Reilly for The New York Times

Advertisement

Ms. Hrushkovska grew up in Marinka. She was married in Marinka. She raised Vavara in Marinka. Her grandparents died in Marinka. She knows she can never go back to Marinka. She senses that for the rest of her days, she will suffer from something that has no cure: everlasting homesickness.

She is considering moving abroad with her daughter.

“No matter how unpatriotic it may sound, there’s not much future for her in Ukraine,” Ms. Hrushkovska said.

“It’s not that we want to leave,” she quickly added. But with Marinka gone, she said, “we don’t know where else to go.”

Advertisement

Artem Hoch, 4, and his brother Danylo, 14, at their new home in Pavlograd.

Finbarr O’Reilly for The New York Times

Sources

The analysis of damage to built areas across Ukraine was conducted in collaboration with Corey Scher, PhD candidate, City University of New York and Jamon Van Den Hoek, Associate Professor of Geography in the College of Earth, Ocean, and Atmospheric Sciences (CEOAS) at Oregon State University using 10,866 Sentinel-1 images from Copernicus.

Advertisement

Additional data sources include East View Geospatial (settlement boundaries); Microsoft Bing and OpenStreetMap (building footprints); Global Human Settlement Layer (built area); Planet Labs and Maxar Technologies (satellite imagery); and Institute for the Study of War with American Enterprise Institute’s Critical Threats Project (historical front lines).

The archival photograph of a street scene in Marinka from the top of the story is from kumar.dn.ua. The soldiers walking through a field is by Tyler Hicks/The New York Times, and the drone photo of devastated Marinka is by Finbarr O’Reilly for The New York Times. Satellite image by Planet Labs.

Additional work

Oleksandra Mykolyshyn, Evelina Riabenko and Olha Kotiuzhanska contributed reporting. Helmuth Rosales, Zachary Levitt, Jeremy White, Jaime Tanner, Agnes Chang and Martín González Gómez contributed additional work.

Methodology

Advertisement

To document urban areas of Ukraine that were damaged during the war, we worked with remote sensing scientists to analyze changes in satellite radar data from before the war until December 2023.

A detailed technical methodology is available from the scientists, Corey Scher and Jamon Van Den Hoek.

The analysis relies on open source data from the European Space Agency’s Sentinel-1 program known as synthetic aperture radar (SAR) imagery. These images are captured in each specific area once every 12 days.

The researchers compared images taken in every part of Ukraine before the war to images taken during the war — about 50 terabytes of imagery in total. They identified specific kinds of changes that could indicate damaged structures.

Researchers took measures to exclude other kinds changes picked up in the environment — such as seasonal changes in tree and snow cover, and human activity like mining or traffic. They excluded changes not in built areas, as defined by the 2020 Global Human Settlement Layer provided by the European Space Agency.

Advertisement

To spot check the data, The Times used high resolution satellite imagery from Maxar Technologies and Planet Labs, comparing the data to imagery from hundreds of settlements across Ukraine. Crimea, Sevastopol and oblasts west of Vinnytsia were excluded from the analysis because of human activities like construction and environmental conditions — such as weather, soil and vegetation — that made it more difficult to accurately distinguish structural damage.

To estimate that about 210,000 buildings have been damaged or destroyed in Ukraine, The Times compared the damaged areas to data on more than 17 million building footprints from OpenStreetMap and Microsoft Global ML Building Footprints. To roughly estimate the number of churches, hospitals, schools and other protected sites that have been damaged, The Times compared the damaged areas with known building categorizations from OpenStreetMap. The true totals of protected buildings are higher, as the categorization of many buildings is unknown.

The overall picture shown here is intentionally conservative. The full extent of the destruction is likely to be worse than what the analysis can confirm.

World

Canada to provide $2.5 billion in economic aid for Ukraine, prime minister says

Published

on

Canada to provide .5 billion in economic aid for Ukraine, prime minister says

Dec 27 (Reuters) – Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney on Saturday announced an additional $2.5 billion of economic aid for Ukraine.

The assistance will help Ukraine unlock financing from the International Monetary Fund, Carney said during an appearance with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, who also spoke briefly to reporters.

Sign up here.

Reporting by Jasper Ward in Washington; Editing by Sergio Non and Matthew Lewis

Advertisement

Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles., opens new tab

Continue Reading

World

Hamas builds new terror regime in Gaza, recruiting teens amid problematic election

Published

on

Hamas builds new terror regime in Gaza, recruiting teens amid problematic election

NEWYou can now listen to Fox News articles!

Hamas is rebuilding a new Gaza terror apparatus and using the ceasefire with Israel to boost its military, restore a problematic leadership structure and recruit a new generation of teenage fighters, according to a leading national security analyst.

Professor Kobi Michael, a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies and the Misgav Institute, told Fox News Digital that the pause in fighting has given Hamas breathing room to regroup.

“Everything that is happening will continue happening as long as Hamas continues to effectively control the western part of the Gaza Strip,” Michael said.

“Generally speaking, Hamas now has full freedom of movement,” he warned.

Advertisement

TWO IDF SOLDIERS KILLED AMID ‘SEVERE’ CEASEFIRE VIOLATION, ‘IT’S NOT THE LAST,’ ANALYST SAYS

Hamas terrorists stand guard on the day of the handover of hostages held in Gaza since the deadly October 7, 2023, attack.  (Hatem Khaled/Reuters)

Since Israeli forces withdrew from parts of Gaza in October under a new ceasefire framework, Hamas has moved to fill the power vacuum.

At the time, police forces returned to the streets as Hamas fighters targeted and executed suspected opponents.

Multiple reports indicate Hamas is now rebuilding across significant portions of Gaza, including areas where the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) previously operated.

Advertisement

A December report by the Jewish News Syndicate found that Hamas is “actively rebuilding its regime of terror” in nearly half of the territory it controls.

TREY YINGST: HAMAS MUST ACCEPT TRUMP PEACE PLAN TO END WAR ONCE AND FOR ALL

Banners with the photograph of Yahya Sinwar, the Hamas terrorist leader who was killed in an Israeli attack, are hung on the streets in Tehran, Iran on Oct. 19, 2024. The giant banner hung in Palestine Square read, “Sinwar’s Storm continues.”  (Fatemeh Bahrami/Anadolu via Getty Images)

Hamas is also preparing to elect a new political leader following the deaths of Ismail Haniyeh and Yahya Sinwar, the mastermind of the Oct. 7 massacre in Israel.

According to The Jerusalem Post, senior Hamas figures Khalil al-Hayya and Khaled Mashaal are the contenders, with Hayya seen as the favorite because of his popularity in Gaza and his role in the West Bank.

Advertisement

Michael said the leadership race is unlikely to alter Hamas’s already dangerous course.

“Both leaders are problematic,” he said. “Each one, in his own way, is considered to be more militant and more radical in his Gazan orientation and his support for armed resistance.”

Even Mashaal, often described as more politically oriented, “is still in favor of the continuation of armed resistance,” Michael added.

TRUMP WARNS HAMAS WILL BE ‘HUNTED DOWN, AND KILLED’ UNLESS ISRAELI HOSTAGES RELEASED BY SUNDAY

Hamas politburo member Khalil al-Hayya attends a news conference in Damascus, Syria October 19, 2022.  (Yamam al Shaar/REUTERS/File Photo)

Advertisement

“When it comes to Hamas, it doesn’t really matter who is going to be the next political leader of this terror organization.”

Michael said one of the most alarming developments is Hamas’s growing success in recruiting teenagers during the ceasefire.

“It has become very easy for Hamas to recruit teenagers now because they effectively control the western part of the Gaza Strip,” he said, noting Hamas has become “the most reliable employer in the Gaza Strip,” offering small incomes to boys as young as 16 or 17.

“It seems to be very natural for them to join Hamas, because some of them have also lost relatives, and therefore there’s a revenge incentive.”

“They also might prefer to be in the bullyish-types of neighborhoods, like in the ghettos in Chicago,” he said.

Advertisement

CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE FOX NEWS APP

Michael suggested that because Hamas has “full freedom of movement, they have also been rebuilding tunnels.”

“They also appointed new governors to the different districts in Gaza and are reconstituting their government and military stockpiles,” Michael added.

Continue Reading

World

US visa ban targets ex-Commissioner Breton over alleged censorship

Published

on

US visa ban targets ex-Commissioner Breton over alleged censorship

The US State Department on Tuesday imposed visa bans on a former European Union commissioner and four others, accusing them of forcing American social media platforms to censor users and their viewpoints.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the five people targeted with visa bans “have led organised efforts to coerce American platforms to censor, demonetise, and suppress American viewpoints they oppose”.

“These radical activists and weaponised NGOs have advanced censorship crackdowns by foreign states – in each case targeting American speakers and American companies,” Rubio said in a statement.

Rubio did not initially name those targeted, but US Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy Sarah Rogers identified them on X, accusing the individuals of “fomenting censorship of American speech”.

The most high-profile target was Thierry Breton, a French former business executive who served as European Commissioner for the Internal Market from 2019 to 2024.

Advertisement

Rogers described Breton as the “mastermind” of the EU’s Digital Services Act (DSA), the EU digital sphere rulebook that imposes content moderation and other standards on major social media platforms operating in Europe.

The visa bans also targeted Anna-Lena von Hodenberg and Josephine Ballon of the German nonprofit HateAid, Clare Melford, co-founder of the UK-based Global Disinformation Index, and Imran Ahmed, the British chief executive of the US-based Center for Countering Digital Hate.

Breton responded to the visa ban on X by writing: “Is McCarthy’s witch hunt back?”

“As a reminder: 90% of the European Parliament — our democratically elected body — and all 27 member states unanimously voted for the DSA,” Breton added. “To our American friends: ‘Censorship isn’t where you think it is.’”

French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot said France “strongly condemns” the visa restrictions, adding that Europe “cannot let the rules governing their digital space be imposed by others upon them”.

Advertisement

“The Digital Services Act (DSA) was democratically adopted in Europe … it has absolutely no extraterritorial reach and in no way affects the United States,” Barrot said.

The three nonprofits have also rejected Washington’s claims and criticised Tuesday’s visa ban decision.

The letter that started it all?

Rogers specifically referenced a letter Breton sent to X owner Elon Musk in August 2024, ahead of an interview Musk planned to conduct with then-US presidential candidate Donald Trump.

In the letter, Breton warned Musk that he must comply with the Digital Services Act, according to reports at the time.

Rogers accused Breton of having “ominously reminded Musk of X’s legal obligations and ongoing ‘formal proceedings’ for alleged noncompliance with ‘illegal content’ and ‘disinformation’ requirements under the DSA.”

Advertisement

In February, US Vice President JD Vance used one of his first major speeches after taking office to criticise what he described as censorship efforts in Europe, delivered at the Munich Security Conference.

He claimed that leaders had “threatened and bullied social media companies to censor so-called misinformation,” citing the example of the COVID-19 lab leak theory.

The DSA stipulates that major platforms must explain content-moderation decisions, provide transparency for users and ensure researchers can carry out essential work, such as understanding how much children are exposed to dangerous content.

The EU digital rulebook has become a rallying point for US conservatives who see it as a weapon of censorship against right-wing voices thought in Europe and beyond, an accusation Brussels denies.

The European Commission dismissed US censorship allegations back in August, calling them “nonsense” and “completely unfounded”.

Advertisement

Earlier this month, the European Commission found Musk’s X in breach of DSA rules on transparency in advertising and verification methods, sparking another uproar in the US.

Romane Armangau contributed additional reporting.

Continue Reading

Trending