World
Russian warships in Cuba: Is it a port of call or show of strength?
On Wednesday, dozens of Havana residents gathered and watched as Russian warships sailed into Cuba’s main harbour – in the latest display of naval strength by Moscow amid heightened tensions with the United States.
The Caribbean nation is a neighbour of the US, which at its closest point, is just about 150 kilometres (94 miles) away, but have had tense relations for decades.
While it is not the first time Russian navy ships have visited Cuba, this convoy appears to be the largest in several years. The fleet is expected to stay between June 12 and 17 and the public will be allowed to take tours of the vessels.
Here’s what we know about why Russia has sent ships to Cuba now, how far back Russian-Cuban ties go, and why the two have gotten closer in the past year:
Why are the warships in Havana?
The flotilla is part of a “friendly” routine visit between the two countries’ navies, Cuban officials have said. The crew on board are expected to conduct military training exercises during their time in the Caribbean.
But analysts have said Moscow’s move is largely calculated to flex naval muscle in the US’s back yard. The detachment comes after escalating tensions between Russia and the US, following President Joe Biden’s decision in May to allow Ukraine to attack Russian targets with American weapons.
Russian President Putin has promised retaliation against not only the US, but also other Western allies of Ukraine who also removed restrictions on using their weapons against Moscow.
“That would mark their direct involvement in the war against the Russian Federation, and we reserve the right to act the same way,” Putin said last week, adding that Moscow was ready to use nuclear weapons.
Benjamin Gedan, director of the Latin America programme at the Washington, DC-based Wilson Center think tank, told The Associated Press news agency that “the warships are a reminder to Washington that it is unpleasant when an adversary meddles in your [neighbourhood].”
The naval show-off is also meant to reassure Moscow’s Latin American allies – Cuba and Venezuela, of its continued support for them against Washington, some experts said.
Like Russia and Cuba, economically ravaged Venezuela has unpleasant relations with the US and is under American sanctions.
What ships did Russia deploy and how much of a threat are they?
The Russian fleet includes four vehicles in total.
- Admiral Gorshkov: is the lead ship in the convoy. The frigate – that is, a warship that is light to steer and can be easily manoeuvred – is one of the Russian navy’s most modern models. It is capable of carrying out long-range missile attacks and anti-submarine warfare while being difficult to spot with radars because of the use of stealth technology. The ship is equipped with Zircon hypersonic missiles, which Putin has in the past said can fly nine times faster than the speed of sound at a range of more than 1,000km (more than 620 miles). It also carries Kalibr and Oniks cruise missiles.
- Kazan: is a nuclear-powered submarine and houses a nuclear reactor. The vehicle is also believed to be equipped with missiles from the Kalibr and Oniks families.
- Pashin – the fleet’s oil tanker, and a rescue tugboat – Nikolai Chiker – complete the convoy as support vehicles.
How has the US responded?
US officials are publicly downplaying the deployment, and say it is part of usual port-calls between Russia and Cuba.
White House National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan told reporters on Wednesday that such naval exercises were routine and that there were no signs Moscow was transferring missiles to Havana.
Last July, Perekop – a Russian training ship equipped with anti-aircraft guns and a rocket launcher – was on a four-day visit to Havana and conducted “a range of activities” according to Cuban officials. The Admiral itself visited in 2019.
“We have seen this kind of thing before, and we expect to see this kind of thing again, and I’m not going to read into it any particular motives,” Sullivan said, adding that the US would remain vigilant.
The US deployed ships and planes that monitored the movement of the fleet even before it arrived in Cuba and assessed there were no nuclear weapons on board, officials speaking to US media said, noting that the fleet stayed in international waters throughout.
What are Cuba and Russia saying?
Russia’s Defence Ministry said on Tuesday that the fleet had conducted drills in the Atlantic while on the way to Cuba.
The Russian crew practised using high-precision missile weapons with the aid of computer-simulated enemy ship targets located at a distance of more than 600km (more than 320 nautical miles), according to the ministry.
Meanwhile, the Cuban Foreign Ministry, before the fleet’s arrival, stressed that none of the warships would carry nuclear weapons and added that their presence “does not represent a threat to the region”.
“Visits by naval units from other countries are a historical practice of the revolutionary government with nations that maintain relations of friendship and collaboration,” the ministry said in a statement.
Is this a replay of 1962?
Both Russia and Cuba have long been united in their opposition to the US. During the Cold War, their ties deepened intensely, as the then-Soviet Union befriended the ideologically aligned Havana. Moscow provided financial aid, military equipment, and naval training, boosting the country’s military might in the Caribbean.
Things came to a head in 1962 when Moscow transferred nuclear weapons to Cuba, prompting a response from the US, which imposed a naval blockade on Havana in response. That tense episode is now known as the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962.
The fall of the Soviet Union saw Cuba lose a major economic partner and fall into economic depression. But in recent years, the countries’ cooperation has again deepened.
Analysts have said this week’s naval show-off marked that intensifying relationship, but noted that it does not necessarily mean a rehash of events in 1962. Rather, Cuba, in particular, is again drawn to Russia for economic reasons, rather than ideology.
How have their economic ties deepened in the past year?
In the longest-lasting trade sanctions in modern history, the US has since 1958 banned American entities from trading with Cuba – following Fidel Castro’s overthrow of a US-backed government in Havana.
Although the sanctions have been eased at different times, they have largely remained over the years. In 2015, US President Barack Obama decided to restore diplomatic ties with Cuba after 50 years, but his successor Donald Trump reversed course nearly four years later.
That has partly contributed to a continuing economic crisis in the Caribbean country – alongside shaky government economic policies – analysts said.
“The blockade qualifies as a crime of genocide,” Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodriguez Parrilla said at a UN General Assembly meeting in November, referring to the US sanctions.
Deteriorating public services, regular power cuts, food and fuel shortages, and high inflation have pushed Cuba into its worst economic crisis in decades.
In recent years, Cuba has again turned to Russia, aiming to draw foreign investors. The two countries, last May, kicked off a series of economic partnerships, including one that will allow Russian businesses to lease Cuban land for 30 years – an unusual move in the largely closed-off country.
Bilateral trade between Cuba and Russia reached $450m in 2022, three times that of 2021, Russian officials said. About 90 percent of the trade comprised sales of petroleum products and soy oil, as Russia pumps in badly needed fuel to the country.
Ricardo Cabrisas, Cuba’s former minister of foreign commerce, told reporters on the sidelines of a business forum hosting Russian investors in Havana last May that the economic ties between Russia and Cuba would only grow stronger.
“Nothing and no one can stop it,” Cabrisas said.
Yamandu Orsi, the candidate for the left-wing Broad Front coalition, is projected to emerge victorious in Uruguay’s run-off election for the presidency.
He bested Alvaro Delgado of the ruling National Party to win the tightly fought race, though public opinion polls showed the two candidates in a dead heat in the lead-up to Sunday’s vote.
Orsi’s supporters took to the streets in the capital of Montevideo, as the official results started to show the former mayor and history teacher surging ahead.
Many waved the party banner: a red, blue and white striped flag with the initials FA for “Frente Amplio”, which translates to “Broad Front”.
“Joy will return for the majority,” the coalition posted on social media as Orsi approached victory. “Cheers, people of Uruguay.”
Orsi’s win restores the Broad Front to power in the small South American country, sandwiched on the Atlantic coast between Brazil and Argentina.
For 15 years, from 2005 to 2020, the Broad Front had held Uruguay’s executive office, with the presidencies of Jose Mujica and Tabare Vazquez, the latter of whom won two non-consecutive, five-year terms.
But that winning streak came to an end in the 2019 election, with the victory of current President Luis Lacalle Pou, who led a coalition of right-leaning parties.
Under Uruguay law, however, a president cannot run for consecutive terms. Lacalle Pou was therefore not a candidate in the 2024 race.
Running in his stead was Delgado, a former veterinarian and Congress member who served as a political appointee in Lacalle Pou’s government from 2020 to 2023.
Even before the official results were announced on Sunday, Delgado had conceded, acknowledging Orsi’s victory was imminent.
“Today, the Uruguayans have defined who will hold the presidency of the republic. And I want to send here, with all these actors of the coalition, a big hug and a greeting to Yamandu Orsi,” Delgado said in a speech as he clutched a large Uruguayan flag in his hand.
He called on his supporters to “respect the sovereign decisions” of the electorate, while striking a note of defiance.
“It’s one thing to lose an election, and another to be defeated. We are not defeated,” he said, pledging that his right-wing coalition was “here to stay”.
The outgoing president, Lacalle Pou, also reached out to Orsi to acknowledge the Broad Front’s victory.
“I called [Yamandu Orsi] to congratulate him as president-elect of our country and to put myself at his service and begin the transition as soon as I deem it pertinent,” Lacalle Pou wrote on social media.
Orsi had been considered the frontrunner in the lead-up to the first round of the elections.
Originally from Canelones, a coastal regional in the south of Uruguay, Orsi began his career locally as a history teacher, activist and secretary-general of the department’s government. In 2015, he successfully ran to be mayor of Canelones and won re-election in 2020.
In the 2024 presidential race, Orsi – like virtually all the candidates on the campaign trail – pledged to bolster Uruguay’s economy. He called for salary increases, particularly for low-wage workers, to grow their “purchasing power”.
He also called for greater early childhood education and employment programmes for young adults. According to a United Nations report earlier this year, nearly 25 percent of Uruguay’s children live in poverty.
But the economy was not the only issue at the forefront of voters’ minds. In a June survey from the communications firm Nomade, the largest share of respondents – 29 percent – identified “insecurity” as Uruguay’s “principal problem”.
That dwarfed the second-highest ranked topic: “Unemployment” was only picked by 15 percent of respondents.
As part of his platform, Orsi pledged to increase the police force and strengthen Uruguay’s borders, including through the installation of more security cameras.
As he campaigned, Orsi enjoyed the support of former President Mujica, a former rebel fighter who survived torture under Uruguay’s military dictatorship in the 1970s and ’80s.
Mujica remains a popular figure on Uruguay’s left, best known for his humble living arrangements that once earned him the moniker of the “world’s poorest president”.
In the first round of voting, on October 27, Orsi came out on top, with 44 percent of the vote to Delgado’s 27 percent. But his total was far short of the 50 percent he needed to win the election outright, thereby triggering a run-off.
The race got tighter from there forward. Only two candidates progressed to the run-off – Delgado and Orsi – and Delgado picked up support from voters who had backed former Colorado Party candidate Andres Ojeda, a fellow conservative who was knocked out in the first round.
Nevertheless, Orsi quickly pulled ahead after the polls closed for the run-off election on Sunday.
“The horizon is brightening,” Orsi said in his victory speech. “The country of freedom, equality and also fraternity triumphs once again.”
Jurors at the EnergaCamerimage cinematography fest say the Golden Frog main competition films have been remarkably varied and inspiring in the event’s 32nd edition.
The 12 competing films “were radically different from each other,” said “Barbie” and “Killers of the Flower Moon” cinematographer Rodrigo Prieto, whose directorial debut, “Pedro Paramo,” is also screening at the fest. “I enjoyed that.”
The varied styles, approaches and storytellers, he added, defied easy categorization. “Happily, I didn’t notice trends, which I have noticed sometimes in the past in some festivals.”
Juror Anthony Dod Mantle, who won Golden Frogs in 2008 for his lensing of “Slumdog Millionaire” and in 2016 for “Snowden,” said, “I’ve been to this festival before and the overall collection of films and categories, I felt, was even wider. I feel slight absence of certain films from other ethnic backgrounds. They were different, these films, but they could be far more different.”
Greater diversity and inclusion in cinematography has justly been a hot topic this year at Camerimage, he added. “It’s good we embrace that, celebrate it here, because not many festivals do that.”
Dod Mantle described the current state of cinematography, based on what the jury’s seen this week, as “openly variable and that’s why we praise some films rather than others because they challenge convention.”
He also described the industry as “in a bit of a pickle,” adding, “We know that. We have to applaud ourselves and embrace and encourage every single essence of, molecule of, exploration and challenging cinema.”
Juror Lukasz Zal, who filmed “The Zone of Interest” and “Cold War,” said “I feel really inspired. I feel this kind of positive envy when you just see something which you admire, and love – cinema is still in good condition.”
And, he added, “I’m becoming hopeful that, OK, there’s still a lot to discover. For this, I really love Camerimage. When I was here, when I was a student, I was always coming back home after festival, with this feeling, kind of eager to work, to prepare and to just be really open and be full of ideas.”
Spending time here again as a top professional in his field, Zal said, “I feel again like a student.”
Juror Cate Blanchett said it’s clear cinematography has no crisis of creativity currently.
Instead, there’s a different issue: “The pickle is how one gets access and is able to see these films in the way that they’re intended to be seen.”
Technology advances in the field are also helping storytelling onscreen evolve, she added, rather than distracting from it. “Sometimes you can see there’s been huge technical advances made, or there’s been big innovations, and they haven’t yet been integrated into the stories that they’re being applied to. Whereas I thought there were so many films here that have really integrated the technology and in a completely adventurous and inventive way that was not pretentious. It was very interwoven and enmeshed with the performances and the stories.”
Jury duty at Camerimage is rewarding, said Dod Mantle, because the Golden Frog award can often help promising cinematographers break through to booming careers.
He described the potential effect of the award as “enormous.”
“The first time I came here, in competition,” he recalled, “it illustrated for me the jury was embracing cinema, celebrating something different and challenging.”
Cinematographers are keenly aware of the judgment of their peers, Dod Mantle added. “You feel quite vulnerable here. I’ve seen cinematographers leave the festival and go spend the weekend in Krakow and come back. The frog, ultimately is a beautiful thing celebrating our colleagues’ work.”
Juror Anna Higgs, a producer and columnist who works closely with BAFTA, said, “I think we should normalize cinematographers getting asked for their autographs – the fact that this frog is the idolized thing here.”
Blanchett added, “It’s very rare that you go to a festival where every single person in the auditorium sits right through the credit roll to the very end.” She noted “the respect that is shown to every single crewmember.”
Prieto recalled the impact of his own Golden Frog cinematography win in 2000 for “Amores Perros” fondly. “I do cherish that frog. It’s wonderful to get a frog, but more than anything, it’s a place where cinematography is the focus and is celebrated, and to share that obsession with so many people, and the energy of that, is really wonderful.”
Zal had a similar career boost, he said, after winning for lensing “Ida” by Pawel Pawlikowski in 2013. “That’s really the moment when somehow my career changed. I was always dreaming while having student films here. And it was beautiful to get an award from colleagues and being here and being among amazing cinematographers.
“I was put in competition with the people who I admire. Even now, sitting with Rodrigo, who for me was a huge inspiration. I was shooting my films in school inspired by ‘Amores Perros.’ Now we’re sitting together on the jury. That’s amazing, that’s beautiful.”
Blanchett described the close proximity of students and top international lensers as a unique strength of Camerimage, praising “the mentorship that goes on, how you’ll champion the works of other people.”
“I think that’s why it’s so vitally important that there’s an increased level of female participation. Because of the networking and mentorship opportunities and championing the work. The conversations and the opportunities that arise from those conversations are really important.”
Oscar-winning costume designer Sandy Powell (“Shakespeare in Love,” “The Aviator” and “The Young Victoria”) and cinematographer and documentary filmmaker Jolanta Dylewska also served on the Camerimage jury, calling earlier this week for greater diversity and inclusion in the industry.
Investigators in Ukraine are analyzing the debris of a new intermediate-range ballistic missile (IRBM) fired by Russia at the city of Dnipro on Thursday, marking the first time the weapon had been used on the battlefield.
On Sunday, Ukraine’s Security Service showed the remaining fragments of the IRBM called Oreshnik – Russian for Hazel Tree – that struck a factory to The Associated Press.
Russian President Vladimir Putin confirmed the attack on Thursday evening in an address to the nation and said it was in direct response to the U.S. and the U.K. jointly approving Ukraine’s use of Western-supplied long-range missiles to target Russia.
The Pentagon has said the missile is based on Russia’s RS-26 Rubezh intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM), though the wreckage has not yet been analyzed, according to security officials on site in an undisclosed location in Ukraine.
‘NEW’ RUSSIAN MISSILE USED AGAINST UKRAINE NOT HYPERSONIC, DEFENSE OFFICIALS SAY
Fragments of a rocket which struck Dnipro on November 21 are seen at a center for forensic analysis in undisclosed location, Ukraine, Sunday Nov. 24, 2024. (AP Photo/Evgeniy Maloletka)
The AP and other media were permitted to view the fragments before being taken over by investigators.
The wire service showed images of what it described as mangled and charred wires, along with an ashy airframe about the size of a large snow tire. The remains were all that were left of the IRBM, which can carry nuclear or conventional warheads.
“It should be noted that this is the first time that the remains of such a missile have been discovered on the territory of Ukraine,” a specialist with Ukraine’s Security Service said. The specialist only identified himself by his first name Oleh because he was not authorized to discuss the issue with the media.
1,000 DAYS OF WAR IN UKRAINE AS ZELENSKYY DOUBLES DOWN ON AERIAL OPTIONS WITH ATACMS, DRONES AND MISSILES
Fragments of a rocket which struck Dnipro on November 21 are seen at a center for forensic analysis in undisclosed location, Ukraine, Sunday Nov. 24, 2024. (AP Photo/Evgeniy Maloletka)
Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate said the missile was launched from the 4th Missile Test Range, Kapustin Yar, in Russia’s Astrakhan region. Once launched, Ukrainian officials said, it flew for 15 minutes before striking Dnipro. The missile was carrying six warheads, each carrying six subunitions, and its speed was Mach 11.
Last week, Deputy Pentagon press secretary Sabrina Singh confirmed to reporters during a press briefing that Russia had launched the IRBM, noting that it was a “new type of lethal capability that was employed on the battlefield.”
She also said the U.S. was notified briefly before the launch through nuclear or risk reduction channels.
US EMBASSY IN KYIV CLOSED AS ‘POTENTIAL SIGNIFICANT AIR ATTACK’ LOOMS
Fragments of a rocket which struck Dnipro on November 21 are seen at a center for forensic analysis in undisclosed location, Ukraine, Sunday Nov. 24, 2024. (AP Photo/Evgeniy Maloletka)
Putin also said last week that the missile attacked targets at a speed of Mach 10.
Despite Ukraine’s and Putin’s claim that the rocket reached speeds greater than Mach 10, two U.S. defense officials told Fox News on Thursday the missile was not hypersonic, which, according to NASA, is a speed greater than 3,000 mph and faster than Mach 5.
Along with launching the IRBM for the first time on the battlefield, Putin signed a law to grant debt forgiveness to those who enlist in Russia’s army to fight in Ukraine.
US BRIEFED UKRAINE AHEAD OF PUTIN’S ‘EXPERIMENTAL INTERMEDIATE-RANGE BALLISTIC’ ATTACK
Fragments of a rocket which struck Dnipro on November 21 are seen at a center for forensic analysis in undisclosed location, Ukraine, Sunday Nov. 24, 2024. (AP Photo/Evgeniy Maloletka)
The AP reported that the measure highlights the country’s need for military personnel as it continues its war against Ukraine.
Russian state news agency Interfax said the new legislation allows new recruits enlisting for a one-year contract, to write off debts up to 10 million rubles, or about $96,000.
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The law reportedly applies to debts in which a court order for collection was issued, and enforcement proceedings had commenced before Dec. 1, 2024. The legislation also applies to spouses of new recruits.
The Associated Press contributed to this report.
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