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Inside Elon Musk’s messy breakup with OpenAI

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Inside Elon Musk’s messy breakup with OpenAI

As OpenAI was ironing out a new deal with Microsoft in 2016 — one that would nab the young startup critical compute to build what would become ChatGPT — Sam Altman needed the blessing of his biggest investor, Elon Musk.

“$60MM of compute for $10MM, and input from us on what they deploy in the cloud,” Altman messaged Musk in September 2016, according to newly revealed emails. Microsoft wanted OpenAI to provide feedback on and promote (in tech circles, “evangelize”) Microsoft AI tools like Azure Batch. Musk hated the idea, saying it made him “feel nauseous.” 

Altman came back with another offer: “Microsoft is now willing to do the agreement for a full $50m with ‘good faith effort at OpenAI’s sole discretion’ and full mutual termination rights at any time. No evangelizing. No strings attached. No looking like lame Microsoft marketing pawns. Ok to move ahead?”

“Fine by me if they don’t use this in active messaging,” Musk responded. “Would be worth way more than $50M not to seem like Microsoft’s marketing bitch.”

Musk released these emails and others last week as part of a lawsuit he’s filed against OpenAI and Microsoft. They are ostensibly meant to demonstrate an anticompetitive partnership between the two companies. But primarily, they expose the details of early collaborations and power struggles between Altman and Musk, who invested between $50 million and $100 million in the earliest iteration of OpenAI. They trace OpenAI’s evolution from an open-source nonprofit to what the lawsuit calls a “closed-source de facto subsidiary” of Microsoft that abandoned its mission to develop AI for good. And they lay bare the complete and utter unraveling of Musk and Altman’s once-promising partnership.

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“Elon’s third attempt in less than a year to reframe his claims is even more baseless and overreaching than the previous ones,” OpenAI spokesperson Hannah Wong wrote in a statement to The Verge. “His prior emails continue to speak for themselves.”

“Would be worth way more than $50M not to seem like Microsoft’s marketing bitch,” Musk said

Musk and Altman launched OpenAI united by fears of human-level intelligence in the hands of tech giants like Google — only to see it become the kind of tech juggernaut they feared. After winning a CEO position that Musk coveted, Altman chose to keep OpenAI’s cutting-edge AI behind closed doors, claiming it was too dangerous to be openly released. The decision incensed Musk, who left OpenAI’s board to found his own competitor, xAI. Nearly a decade after the pair founded OpenAI, the two companies are amassing billions of dollars and Musk is taking the fight to court — in a race to own what both men see as the inevitable future of computing.

“Been thinking a lot about whether it’s possible to stop humanity from developing AI,” Altman wrote in 2015 in an email to Musk as a pitch to start OpenAI. “If it’s going to happen anyway, it seems like it would be good for someone other than Google to do it first.”

The talent problem

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From its inception, OpenAI was caught between two conflicting forces: an idealistic mission to benefit humanity and a cutthroat race against tech behemoths. Musk and Altman agreed that whatever their motivations, securing top talent (along with piles of cash) would be a paramount concern. This early compromise would set the stage for what Musk would later call the startup’s pursuit of profit over principle.

In 2015, the startup was known as YC AI — a lab tucked inside Y Combinator’s nonprofit research division, YCR. Altman, then president of the startup incubator, leveraged its extensive network and resources to attract researchers and money. Musk urged Altman and CTO (now president) Greg Brockman to seek over $100 million in funding, cautioning them that anything less would appear paltry compared to the deep pockets of tech giants like Google and Facebook.

“I think we should say that we are starting with a $1B funding commitment. This is real. I will cover whatever anyone else doesn’t provide,” Musk said in 2015 emails revealed by OpenAI earlier this year in response to Musk’s lawsuit.

Still, despite Musk’s support and a war chest of millions of dollars, the fledgling organization faced an early challenge that plagues most startups: the fierce competition for top talent. OpenAI might be the hottest place to work in Silicon Valley today, but a decade ago (and long before the launch of ChatGPT), many top AI researchers were unlikely to give it a second glance.

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In their aggressive bid for the best AI researchers, Altman and his team devised an unusual compensation package: a base salary of $175,000, a “part-time partner” title at YC, and 0.25 percent equity in each YC startup batch. (Now, it’s more common for AI researchers to be compensated closer to $1 million annually.) Altman billed it as a “Manhattan Project for AI,” per one email to Musk, and sensed he could get many of the top 50 researchers to join and “structure it so that the tech belongs to the world via some sort of nonprofit but the people working on it get startup-like compensation.”

The goal was to assemble an elite founding team of seven to 10 members — whatever it took to win the industry’s best minds. Still, Google’s AI lab, DeepMind, was on their heels. 

“DeepMind is going to give everyone in OpenAI massive counteroffers tomorrow to try to kill it,” Altman wrote to Musk in December 2015. “Do you have any objection to me proactively increasing everyone’s comp by 100-200k per year? I think they’re all motivated by the mission here but it would be a good signal to everyone we are going to take care of them over time.”

“Sounds like DeepMind is planning to go to war over this,” Altman added.

Google DeepMind founder Demis Hassabis.
Photo by Dan Kitwood / Getty Images
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Musk approved of the salary bumps, and by February 2016, OpenAI’s founding team was offered a $275,000 salary plus YC equity, while subsequent hires received a $175,000 salary with performance-based bonuses of $125,000 or equivalent stock in YC or SpaceX. Brockman added that there were three special cases: himself, along with cofounders Ilya Sutskever and Trevor Blackwell. It was later reported that Sutskever earned more than $1.9 million in 2016, and he told The New York Times that he “turned down offers for multiple times the dollar amount” he accepted from OpenAI. “I don’t know what will happen if/when Google starts throwing around the numbers they threw at Ilya,” Brockman wrote to Musk as he outlined a plan to poach researchers.

“We need to do what it takes to get the top talent. Let’s go higher. If, at some point, we need to revisit what existing people are getting paid, that’s fine,” Musk replied. “Either we get the best people in the world or we will get whipped by DeepMind. Whatever it takes to bring on ace talent is fine by me.” He warned that a victory by DeepMind, which was causing him “extreme mental stress,” would be really bad news with their “one mind to rule the world” philosophy. “They are obviously making major progress and well they should, given the talent level over there,” Musk added.

AGI dictatorship

It didn’t take long for things to get contentious between the cofounders.

In August 2017, OpenAI was ironing out the specifics of an initial funding round of between $200 million and $1 billion. Shivon Zilis, an ex-OpenAI board member and Neuralink operations director who would later bear three of Musk’s 12 children, wrote to Musk that Brockman and Sutskever were concerned. They were worried about how a newly founded for-profit branch of OpenAI would distribute equity and control as well as whether Musk — who wanted the job of CEO there — would commit sufficient time to it. “This is very annoying,” Musk responded, according to one of the newly released emails. “Please encourage them to go start a company. I’ve had enough.”

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The next month, Sutskever and Brockman escalated with a joint email to Musk and Altman. They expressed fears that Musk would seize “unilateral absolute control” over artificial general intelligence (AGI) if he took power as CEO. At the same time, they questioned Altman’s motivations, asking why “the CEO title is so important” to him. “Is AGI truly your primary motivation? How does it connect to your political goals? How has your thought process changed over time?” the pair asked. (The email doesn’t elaborate on what “politics” refers to, but Altman had become vocally active in California political campaigning earlier that year.) They said that they had let the promise of money cloud their judgment during earlier negotiations, blinding them to concerns they should have raised. 

“The goal of OpenAI is to make the future good and to avoid an AGI dictatorship. You are concerned that [DeepMind CEO Demis Hassabis] could create an AGI dictatorship. So do we,” the pair wrote. “So it is a bad idea to create a structure where you could become a dictator if you chose to, especially given that we can create some other structure that avoids this possibility.”

The email echoed a common refrain from OpenAI’s founders: that superintelligent AI was a serious threat to humanity, and any single entity controlling that power was even greater. But Musk was unimpressed. 

“It is a bad idea to create a structure where you could become a dictator if you chose to,” Sutskever told Musk

“I will no longer fund OpenAI until you have made a firm commitment to stay or I’m just being a fool who is essentially providing free funding for you to create a startup. Discussions are over,” Musk replied. Altman replied that he remains “enthusiastic about the non-profit structure,” which ultimately led Sutskever and Brockman to back down.

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Shortly after the confrontation, Zilis relayed a conversation she had with Altman to Musk. Zilis revealed that Altman “admitted that he lost a lot of trust with Greg and Ilya through this process” and “felt their messaging was inconsistent and felt childish at times.” Altman decided to take 10 days off to process the incident, Zilis added, because he “needs to figure out how much he can trust them and how much he wants to work with them.”

Just five months after Brockman and Sutskever’s email expressing fears of a power struggle, the situation reached another inflection point. In an altercation that was reported years later, Musk became convinced OpenAI had fallen irreparably behind Google and proposed taking control of the company himself — the very scenario Brockman and Sutskever had cautioned against. 

“My probability assessment of OpenAI being relevant to DeepMind/Google without a dramatic change in execution and resources is 0%. Not 1%. I wish it were otherwise,” Musk said in 2018, per emails revealed by OpenAI earlier this year. 

OpenAI’s leadership rejected his offer, and Musk departed the board in February 2018, cutting off funding but continuing to offer his support as an adviser.

Photo by Allison Robbert-Pool / Getty Images

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The loss of Musk, who had by that point reportedly invested $100 million, put OpenAI’s nonprofit model in peril. When Musk was still largely bankrolling the operation in 2017, Zilis explained to him that OpenAI leadership wanted to raise “$100M out of the gate” because “they are of the opinion that the datacenter they need alone would cost that.” So, in 2019, desperate to fund the training data center and reduce reliance on Musk, the team crafted a unique structure: a capped for-profit company controlled by the nonprofit. LinkedIn cofounder Reid Hoffman and venture capitalist Vinod Khosla participated in the first funding round, which secured pledges of nearly $1 billion but a far smaller initial funding of $130 million.

In March 2019, Musk sent Altman an article that implied his involvement in the new for-profit structure. “Please be explicit that I have no financial interest in the for-profit arm of OpenAI,” Musk said in the email, which he would later submit for inclusion in the suit. Altman responded simply: “On it.”

Etched in OpenAI’s history

OpenAI wields immense influence and power in the AI industry, and the battle for control was not lost on either Musk or Altman. In the end, Altman emerged victorious — then consolidated his power into near-total control over OpenAI.

The legal merits of Musk’s case are questionable. While he’s accused OpenAI and Microsoft of myriad offenses, much of his suit boils down to accusing Altman of hypocrisy, not typically something that’s punished in a court of law. The case is being heard in California, not in Texas, where Musk has been able to count on a sympathetic ear from a Tesla-stock-owning judge. Still, a lawsuit that accuses OpenAI and Microsoft of anticompetitive practices could garner sympathy while Musk has the ear of US president-elect Donald Trump.

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But whatever its outcome, the suit gives Musk a chance to reveal details that shape the narrative of OpenAI’s origins and his own role. The exhibits show Altman securing power in the company’s early days, perhaps despite the wishes of his cofounders. They underline Altman’s willingness to go toe-to-toe with his for-profit competitors from the beginning. And they provide the public with a clear picture of what powers OpenAI: Altman’s willingness to do whatever it takes to get what he wants.

How complete is this narrative? We don’t know. It’s likely a lot of important conversations happened offline or in emails that aren’t included. And Musk, obviously, isn’t any less power-hungry; if anything, this suit demonstrates his sheer petty desire to retaliate when slighted. But as both leaders are competing for a finite amount of venture capitalist cash, he may be betting that he can tear down Altman’s reputation — and cement himself as the rightful steward of AGI.

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No, Flock isn’t threatening people for debating surveillance

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No, Flock isn’t threatening people for debating surveillance

We’re aware of at least two forged letters circulating on the internet, including this one, that purport to be cease-and-desist letters from our legal department. To be clear: these letters did not come from me or from anyone at Flock.

Flock welcomes and encourages public debate about our technology. We have not and would not seek to discourage, prevent, or prohibit such discussion and debate. In fact, we would be happy to participate in any such discussions the group in question might host in the future.

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Fake VA shoe offer targets veterans

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Fake VA shoe offer targets veterans

NEWYou can now listen to Fox News articles!

A flyer offering “free athletic shoes from VA” may look official at first glance. It uses VA-style branding, talks about health and wellness and even lists the MyVA phone number. That is what makes it so dangerous.

VA says the message falsely claims Veterans can receive free athletic shoes from VA. The agency says the promotion did not come from VA and has no connection to any official VA program.

The scam appears to be spreading through a flyer and online posts. It tells Veterans they may be eligible for free athletic shoes “at no cost to you.” It also shows popular shoe brands, steps to “redeem” shoes and a process that appears to involve a VA provider.

That may be enough to get someone to click, call, share or forward before they stop to think.

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MEDICAL IDENTITY THEFT FOLLOWS YOU INTO THE DOCTOR’S OFFICE

Veterans are being warned not to click links, scan QR codes or share personal information tied to a fake VA shoe offer. (Kira Hofmann/picture alliance via Getty Images)

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Fake VA shoe offer: what VA says

VA says the free athletic shoe promotion is fake. It did not come from an official VA program, including VPRs, Central Office or Whole Health.

That is important because the flyer borrows the look and feel of a trusted government agency. It also uses health language to make the offer sound like a wellness benefit.

But let’s be real here. A free pair of shoes can sound harmless until the next step asks for your personal details.

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Why the fake VA shoe flyer looks so believable

This scam works because it mixes familiar names with an official-looking design. The flyer uses VA branding, a health-focused message and well-known athletic shoe brands.

It also presents the offer as a benefit. That can make people feel like they may miss out if they do not act.

Scammers know that veterans and families often deal with a lot of paperwork, benefit updates and health care messages. A fake flyer can slide into that confusion and feel more believable than it should.

How scammers use real VA details to build trust

One sneaky detail stands out. The flyer lists the MyVA number, but that alone does not make the flyer real.

Scammers often mix real information with fake offers. A real phone number, real logo or familiar agency name can make people lower their guard.

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That is why you should verify the offer through VA.gov, your official VA account or your local VA facility before responding.

What the fake VA shoe offer could steal

The flyer may look like it is only about shoes. The bigger risk comes next.

A fake offer like this could lead to a phishing page, a bogus form, a QR code trap or someone asking for sensitive details. That could include your Social Security number, VA login information, health information, address, bank details or credit card number.

Scammers may also use the information to target you again. Once they know you responded to a fake VA offer, they may try a follow-up call, text or email.

DR OZ WARNS MEDICARE SCAMMERS ARE STEALING BILLIONS — AND YOUR PERSONAL INFORMATION COULD BE NEXT

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A fake flyer claiming Veterans can get free athletic shoes from VA is spreading online, but the agency says it is not tied to any official program. (U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs)

What to do if you see the fake VA shoe offer

Do not share it. Do not forward it. Do not fill out a form. Do not scan any code connected to it.

Also, do not provide personal, financial or health information because of this flyer.

Instead, warn veterans, family members and colleagues without spreading the image. A quick heads-up can help someone avoid a costly mistake.

Ways to stay safe from VA scams

A few smart habits can help you spot fake VA messages before they turn into a bigger problem.

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1) Verify the offer through VA.gov

Go directly to VA.gov or use your official VA account. Do not rely on a flyer, social media post, text message or forwarded image.

2) Do not scan QR codes or click links

A scam flyer may send you to a fake website that looks official. Type the web address yourself or search for the VA page directly.

3) Never share VA login details

Do not give anyone your VA.gov username, password or sign-in code. VA says it will not ask you to share login credentials in an email.

4) Protect personal and health information

Treat your Social Security number, address, date of birth, medical information and benefits details as sensitive. A free offer should never require that kind of information from a random form.

QR CODE EMAIL SCAM TARGETS EMPLOYEE REVIEWS

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VA says veterans should verify suspicious benefit offers through VA.gov, an official VA account or a local VA facility. (Antonio Diaz / Getty Images)

5) Call VA using a trusted number

If you have questions, contact VA through an official phone number, the VA website or your local VA facility. Do not trust contact details from a suspicious flyer alone.

6) Report the fake VA shoe offer

Veterans who suspect fraud can report it through VSAFE.gov or call 1-833-38V-SAFE. Reports help VA and other agencies track scams that target veterans.

7) Use strong antivirus protection

Strong antivirus software can help protect you if you click a bad link, scan a risky QR code or land on a fake website tied to a scam. Good protection can block malicious pages, warn you about suspicious downloads and help stop malware before it does damage. Get my picks for the best 2026 antivirus protection winners for your Windows, Mac, Android and iOS devices at Cyberguy.com.

8) Consider a data removal service

Scammers often use personal details found online to make fake offers feel more believable. A data removal service can help reduce how much of your information is sitting on people-search sites, including your address, phone number and other details that can be used to target you. Check out my top picks for data removal services and get a free scan to find out if your personal information is already out on the web by visiting CyberGuy.com.

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9) Take action fast if you responded

If you already clicked, scanned, called or shared information, change your VA.gov password right away. Use a trusted password manager to create and store a strong, unique password you do not use anywhere else. Turn on multifactor authentication if you have not already done that. Then watch your accounts for suspicious activity.

10) Warn others without forwarding the flyer

Tell family members, friends and veteran groups that the offer is fake, but do not send the flyer along with your warning. Even if your goal is to help, someone else may miss your warning, save the image or share it again. Instead, send a short message that says the free VA shoe offer is a scam and tell them to verify any VA benefit through VA.gov or their local VA facility.

Kurt’s key takeaways

A free pair of shoes can make you drop your guard, especially when the flyer uses VA branding and familiar shoe names. That is the whole trick. Scammers are using trust to push veterans and families toward a bad link, a fake form or a request for personal info. Slow down and verify it through VA.gov or your local VA facility. And if you want to warn someone, send them a message saying the offer is fake instead of forwarding the flyer itself. That keeps the scam from spreading.

Would this fake VA shoe offer have made you pause, or would the official-looking design have fooled you? Let us know by writing to us at CyberGuy.com.

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I spent a week using the Trump phone — it sucks

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I spent a week using the Trump phone — it sucks

The Trump phone was never a serious phone. Not when it was announced last June, in dodgy renders and with an incoherent spec sheet. Nor when Trump Mobile admitted — just two weeks later — that it wouldn’t be made in the US. Not even when the company revealed the final phone, first to me over a video call in February and then to the world in April through a short commercial with the slick sheen of AI.

It’s now on sale for $499, past the days of its tenuous, ever-shifting release dates. A few buyers even have the phone, The Verge among them, though more still seem not to.

It’s clear now that the T1 is a real phone, but that doesn’t mean it’s a serious one. Still, for the next thousand words or so, I will try to take it seriously.

$499

The Good

  • It actually exists
  • 3.5mm headphone jack
  • MicroSD card slot
  • It basically runs stock Android

A serious phone wouldn’t look like this

The T1 Phone is a curved slab of cheap gold plastic, the smartphone equivalent of a pair of knockoff wraparound Oakleys. The gold finish — more yellow in certain light, though it certainly does shine and shimmer — is tacky in every sense, with a sticky friction that makes it feel distinctly unpleasant to the touch. My phone arrived with a tiny scratch in the top-right corner.

The phone is fairly thin, and light, but its excessively curved waterfall display feels immediately dated. It also loses one of the chief advantages of that design — better in-hand feel — thanks to the oddly angular frame, which juts into my palm as I hold it.

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Almost every detail speaks to bad design. There’s the American flag logo, missing a stripe. The fact that “Trump Mobile” appears on the back twice, in two different orientations and two different fonts. Or the camera module, where the three lenses are spaced at irregular intervals.

Count the stripes.

I don’t think anything about this phone annoys me as much as the lens spacing.

God, I miss notification LEDs.

A headphone jack is less uncommon, but still pretty rare.

There are things to like. The 3.5mm headphone jack will have its fans, as will the microSD card slot inside the phone, or the fact that the phone ships with a case, charger, and braided USB cable. These are things that a certain type of Android fan has lamented the absence of for years.

I, for one, am more excited to be reviewing a phone with a notification light again, a true treat that I thought we’d lost forever. It’s a glimpse of a better world, one I didn’t expect from Trump Mobile of all companies. But like the curved screen, even these welcome touches betray that this is a dated, old-fashioned phone, one based on an old HTC design that already felt like a throwback two years ago.

A serious phone would work outside the US

I live in the UK, meaning I may well have the only Trump phone outside of North America. It cannot maintain any signal stronger than 2G, meaning I can use it for texts and calls but not for data. As best as I can tell from digging through the T1’s FCC certification documents, the phone simply doesn’t support the network bands commonly used in Europe.

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The T1 Phone isn’t sold in Europe, and that misshapen flag makes its target market clear. But even Americans get to go on vacation every once in a while. From my experience, it seems unlikely that the T1 would work anywhere in Europe and perhaps not anywhere in the world outside North America.

A serious phone would use more than the minimum hardware

At first glance, the T1’s spec sheet might seem impressive enough: a 120Hz OLED screen, a 5,000mAh battery, a triple rear camera with 50-megapixel sensors.

But the truth is you could find similar specs on almost any $200 Android phone and superior ones on phones sold at this price. Hardware like this is cheap and commodified, something that’s only beginning to change thanks to the ongoing memory crisis. Here, amusingly, the T1 is generously specced: 512GB of storage and 12GB of RAM come as standard. Those, along with the inclusion of wireless charging, are the only things that really stand out on this spec sheet.

Real gold, guaranteed.

Real gold, guaranteed.

Despite all that RAM, and Qualcomm’s modestly capable Snapdragon 7 Gen 3 chipset, the T1 is often sluggish. It sometimes stutters when switching apps or triggering animations, making even basic apps like Duolingo frustrating to use. This hardware isn’t flagship, but it should certainly be more capable than this. I can only assume Trump Mobile didn’t develop the sort of software and firmware performance optimizations that other manufacturers do, handicapping the phone from the start.

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1/16

I took the T1 Phone out with me around London to test the camera.
Photo: Dominic Preston / The Verge

I suspect the camera’s limitations are for similar reasons. The three rear lenses and single selfie camera take basic, functional photos, at least in good light — with the exception of the 8-megapixel ultrawide, which is uniformly poor.

Other phone manufacturers spend millions optimizing their image pipelines, and none of that work is evident here. Daylight photos are vivid and oversaturated, nighttime shots are noisy, and the telephoto shows no signs of electronic stabilization at all, making it feel shaky and unstable. Incredibly, by default every shot is overlaid with a strangely small T1 watermark — as if anyone should want to take credit for these photos.

1/12

While David Pierce took the excuse to test it in DC.
Photo: David Pierce / The Verge

A serious phone would have made more effort in its software

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As the Trump phone lurched haltingly toward its launch, the going assumption from many was that it would be a bloated mess, loaded with spyware, crypto apps, and MAGA-themed experiences, putting the president’s leering face front and center.

The truth is rather more mundane. It runs Android — the nearly two-year-old Android 15, to be precise — with almost no modifications at all. This is, in fact, about as close to what the nerds call “stock” Android as you’re ever likely to get these days.

The only preinstalled apps that are out of the ordinary are Truth Social, Trump’s own social media network, and Doctegrity, a telehealth platform that’s included with Trump Mobile’s $47.45 cell service. Beyond that you get a single Trump Mobile wallpaper and those photo watermarks, and that really is that.

In a sense, that’s a good thing — I’m hardly lamenting the lack of bloatware. But there’s also no sign that Trump Mobile has the ability or the intent to optimize its phone’s software or deliver any features beyond the minimum.

Truth Social comes preinstalled, though you can get rid of it.

Truth Social comes preinstalled, though you can get rid of it.

More worryingly, Trump Mobile hasn’t announced how long it will support the phone with software updates. When I spoke to executives from the company in February, they seemed confused by my question about how many Android version updates the phone would receive, though they did insist that customers won’t “be locked into what’s there today.” For now, that means a 2024 version of Android with a February 2026 security patch; I wouldn’t hold my breath for either to be updated any time soon.

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A serious company would put more effort in

In a strange way, the T1 Phone isn’t all that terrible, but only because it proves how hard it actually is to make a truly terrible phone these days. It’s easy enough to throw together the baseline hardware, stick Android on top, and call it a day. For better or worse, that’s more or less exactly what Trump Mobile has done. Between the simple software and the dated hardware features, the T1 is an oddly compelling phone for some old-school Android fans, but Trump Mobile got there entirely by mistake.

Premium.

Premium.

This isn’t a serious phone. It’s a marketing stunt that got out of hand, a way to grab attention and juice the subscriber count for an overpriced cell service with the president’s name on it.

Trump Mobile doesn’t care about this phone. And after the year of reporting on it that’s led to this review, I’m thrilled to finally say: Neither should you.

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