World
Italy's Commissioner pick Fitto might face a rocky road to approval
Many agree that if Brothers of Italy’s Fitto is given the executive vice-president portfolio in charge of the economy and post-pandemic recovery, this would be a significant victory for Rome.
Italy named its EU affairs minister, Raffaele Fitto, as its next Commissioner right as the clock for nominating European Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen’s new team was about to run out.
While Fitto might seem like a good fit to serve as Commissioner, he still has a long way to go before his appointment is confirmed — and the path is not without obstacles.
As a 55-year-old career politician and far-right Brothers of Italy party member, Fitto does not lack experience, having held high positions in EU institutions and the Italian government.
Most importantly, the minister for EU affairs, the South, cohesion policies and NRRP — and the former minister of regional affairs and long-time MEP — also has the backing of his party.
“I think he will end up being the most qualified among the other Commissioners,” Brothers of Italy senator Lucio Malan told Euronews.
“Fitto is extremely prepared for the role. He has the experience and the skills but he has also achieved great result these past few years having to manage recovery funds.”
Not an easy ride for Fitto?
However, things might not go so smoothly for Fitto once in Brussels.
The approval process for new Commissioners can be challenging and includes screenings and hearings.
“Liberals already said that they are not in favour of his candidacy,” political analyst Giovanni Orsina tells Euronews, “and it remains to be seen how much support Fitto will get from the (centre-right) EPP also because the Socialists and the Liberals will need the support of the EPP.”
“So if the EPP stands by him, his chances of being appointed will be greater. Anything can happen and it’s not an easy contest,” he added.
If he passes the test, Premier Giorgia Meloni’s government can benefit from Fitto’s appointment, Orsina said.
“Between June and July, Meloni was heavily criticised by opposition parties because they had accused her of isolating Italy,” he recalled.
“But if today she manages to secure an executive vice presidency for Italy, she can challenge opposition forces by showing that she played her cards well.”
But there’s another reading of Fitto’s possible appointment, which, according to Orsina, is directly linked to the Italian PM’s decision to withdraw support for von der Leyen’s re-election as European Commission president.
“Her decision at the time was part of an agreement with the EPP. If Fitto is appointed, it shows that it’s all part of the same deal,” said Orsina.
A capable survivor
However, if the relations between Meloni and VDL are not on the mend, Fitto might still have a rough path ahead and some hard questions to answer. As a Commissioner who will likely get a big economy-related portfolio, Fitto’s — and Meloni’s — opponents in the Parliament might choose to grill him over his past.
In 2006, as former president of the Adriatic coast region of Apulia, Fitto was accused of partaking in bribery ahead of the 2005 regional elections. However, judges have since cleared him of any wrongdoing, most recently at the Supreme Court of Cassation in 2017.
Similarly, in 2009, Fitto was again brought before a judge in connection to shorting the stocks of Cedis, a trading company — a move that led to its eventual bankruptcy. The charges didn’t stick this time either, and he was acquitted in 2012.
Yet, Fitto is a capable survivor, hardened by decades of navigating Italy’s famously flip-flopping-prone and intrigue-riddled politics.
Although he began his career back in the 1990s as a member of Christian Democracy — a now-defunct ruling party mainstay — Fitto came to prominence after he pledged his allegiance to Forza Italia and its populist firebrand Silvio Berlusconi.
Berlusconi, who revelled in discovering up-and-coming politicians and was responsible for bringing the likes of Meloni and far-right Lega’s Matteo Salvini to the fore, named him his minister for the regions, propelling his career upward since.
Meloni’s trust in Fitto is also quite clear. As her party’s MEP, he co-presided over the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group in the European Parliament and became one of her first cabinet picks following her election victory in 2022.
The ball is in VDL’s court
Many agree that if Fitto is given the executive vice-president portfolio in charge of the economy and post-pandemic recovery, this would be a significant victory for Italy.
According to Gianni Pittella, former vice-president of the European Parliament and S&D MEP, “the vice-presidency role would allow Fitto to cover a wide range of issues and if he is in charge of the pandemic recovery funds.
“It would give him the opportunity to look after Italy, which is the largest recipient of the Next Generation EU funds,” Pittela, now mayor of Lauria, told Euronews.
“If he is also given responsibility of the economy (portfolio), he would oversee the stability pact, which is crucial for Rome.”
As Orsina pointed out, the economy portfolio is even more relevant to Meloni’s government, given that the EU has placed Italy under the excessive deficit procedure. For now, all eyes are on der Leyen, who will soon present her team and their portfolios.
World
Map: 6.4-Magnitude Earthquake Shakes the Philippine Sea
Note: Map shows the area with a shake intensity of 4 or greater, which U.S.G.S. defines as “light,” though the earthquake may be felt outside the areas shown. The New York Times
A strong, 6.4-magnitude earthquake struck in the Philippine Sea on Wednesday, according to the United States Geological Survey.
The temblor happened at 11:02 a.m. Philippine time about 17 miles east of Santiago, Philippines, data from the agency shows.
U.S.G.S. data earlier reported that the magnitude was 6.7.
As seismologists review available data, they may revise the earthquake’s reported magnitude. Additional information collected about the earthquake may also prompt U.S.G.S. scientists to update the shake-severity map.
Aftershocks in the region
An aftershock is usually a smaller earthquake that follows a larger one in the same general area. Aftershocks are typically minor adjustments along the portion of a fault that slipped at the time of the initial earthquake.
Quakes and aftershocks within 100 miles
Source: United States Geological Survey | Notes: Shaking categories are based on the Modified Mercalli Intensity scale. When aftershock data is available, the corresponding maps and charts include earthquakes within 100 miles and seven days of the initial quake. All times above are Philippine time. Shake data is as of Tuesday, Jan. 6 at 10:16 p.m. Eastern. Aftershocks data is as of Wednesday, Jan. 7 at 12:18 a.m. Eastern.
Maps: Daylight (urban areas); MapLibre (map rendering); Natural Earth (roads, labels, terrain); Protomaps (map tiles)
World
Pope Leo calls for Christians to treat foreigners with kindness as he closes Catholic Holy Year
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Pope Leo XIV closed the Catholic Church’s Holy Year on Tuesday by urging Christians around the world to help people in need and treat foreigners with kindness.
Leo, who has repeatedly stressed the importance of caring for immigrants during his papacy thus far, said at a Vatican ceremony that the record 33.5 million pilgrims who visited Rome during the Holy Year should have learned not to treat people as mere “products.”
“Around us, a distorted economy tries to profit from everything,” Leo said. “After this year, will we be better able to recognize a pilgrim in the visitor, a seeker in the stranger, a neighbor in the foreigner?”
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Pope Leo XIV closed the Catholic Church’s Holy Year by urging Christians around the world to help people in need and treat foreigners with kindness. (David Ramos/Getty Images)
Holy years, or jubilees, typically happen every 25 years, considered to be a time of peace, forgiveness and pardon. Pilgrims to Rome can enter special “Holy Doors” at four Rome basilicas and attend papal audiences throughout the year.
Leo shut the special bronze door at St. Peter’s Basilica on Tuesday morning, which officially marked the end of the Holy Year.
The next Holy Year is not expected before 2033, when the Catholic Church may hold a special one to mark 2,000 years since the death of Jesus.
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Pope Leo XIV said the record pilgrims who visited Rome during the Holy Year should have learned not to treat people as mere “products.” (Alberto PIZZOLI / AFP via Getty Images))
On Monday, the Vatican and Italian officials said pilgrims to Rome for the 2025 jubilee came from 185 countries, with the majority from Italy, the U.S., Spain, Brazil and Poland.
The 2025 jubilee was opened by the late Pope Francis, who died in April, and closed by Leo, who was elected in May, making him the first American pope.
It was a historical rarity not seen in 300 years for it to be opened by one pope and closed by another. The last jubilee held under two different popes was in the year 1700, when Innocent XII opened the Holy Year that was then closed by Clement XI.
Pope Leo XIV shut the special bronze door at St. Peter’s Basilica on Tuesday morning, which officially marked the end of the Holy Year. (Gregorio Borgia/AP)
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Leo, who has promised to keep Francis’ signature policies such as welcoming gay Catholics and discussing women’s ordination, echoed his predecessor’s frequent criticisms of the global economic system during his remarks on Tuesday.
The markets “turn human yearnings of seeking, traveling and beginning again into a mere business,” Leo said.
Reuters contributed to this report.
World
How strong are Latin America’s military forces, as they face US threats?
Over the weekend, the United States carried out a large-scale military strike against Venezuela and abducted President Nicolas Maduro in a major escalation that sent shockwaves across Latin America.
On Monday morning, US President Donald Trump doubled down, threatening action against the governments of Colombia, Cuba and Mexico unless they “get their act together”, claiming he is countering drug trafficking and securing US interests in the Western Hemisphere.
The remarks revive deep tensions over US interference in Latin America. Many of the governments targeted by Trump have little appetite for Washington’s involvement, but their armed forces lack the capacity to keep the US at arm’s length.
Latin America’s military capabilities
The US has the strongest military in the world and spends more on its military than the total budgets of the next 10 largest military spenders combined. In 2025, the US defence budget was $895bn, roughly 3.1 percent of its gross domestic product.
According to the 2025 Global Firepower rankings, Brazil has the most powerful military in Latin America and is ranked 11th globally.
Mexico ranks 32nd globally, Colombia 46th, Venezuela 50th and Cuba 67th. All of these countries are significantly below the US military in all metrics, including the number of active personnel, military aircraft, combat tanks, naval assets and their military budgets.
In a standard war involving tanks, planes and naval power, the US maintains overwhelming superiority.
The only notable metric that these countries have over the US is their paramilitary forces, which operate alongside the regular armed forces, often using asymmetrical warfare and unconventional tactics against conventional military strategies.
Paramilitaries across Latin America
Several Latin American countries have long histories of paramilitary and irregular armed groups that have often played a role in the internal security of these countries. These groups are typically armed, organised and politically influential but operate outside the regular military chain of command.
Cuba has the world’s third largest paramilitary force, made up of more than 1.14 million members, as reported by Global Firepower. These groups include state-controlled militias and neighbourhood defence committees. The largest of these, the Territorial Troops Militia, serves as a civilian reserve aimed at assisting the regular army against external threats or during internal crises.
In Venezuela, members of pro-government armed civilian groups known as “colectivos” have been accused of enforcing political control and intimidating opponents. Although not formally part of the armed forces, they are widely seen as operating with state tolerance or support, particularly during periods of unrest under Maduro.
In Colombia, right-wing paramilitary groups emerged in the 1980s to fight left-wing rebels. Although officially demobilised in the mid-2000s, many later re-emerged as criminal or neo-paramilitary organisations, remaining active in rural areas. The earliest groups were organised with the involvement of the Colombian military following guidance from US counterinsurgency advisers during the Cold War.
In Mexico, heavily armed drug cartels function as de facto paramilitary forces. Groups such as the Zetas, originally formed by former soldiers, possess military-grade weapons and exercise territorial control, often outgunning local police and challenging the state’s authority. The Mexican military has increasingly been deployed in law enforcement roles in response.
History of US interference in Latin America
Over the past two centuries, the US has repeatedly interfered in Latin America.
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the so-called Banana Wars saw US forces deployed across Central America to protect corporate interests.
In 1934, President Franklin D Roosevelt introduced the “Good Neighbor Policy”, pledging nonintervention.
Yet during the Cold War, the US financed operations to overthrow elected governments, often coordinated by the CIA, founded in 1947.
Panama is the only Latin American country the US has formally invaded, which occurred in 1989 under President George HW Bush. “Operation Just Cause” ostensibly was aimed at removing President Manuel Noriega, who was later convicted of drug trafficking and other offences.
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