World
EU member states can leave, but can the bloc kick one of them out?
Over the previous few years, Brussels has launched punitive proceedings towards Poland and Hungary for rule of legislation breaches and it’s now on the point of use a brand new mechanism to withhold funds. But when these fail to rein them in, might the European Union ever kick a member state out?
The brief reply is: no. The lengthy reply is: it might take years of haggling after which most likely fail.
The reason being fairly easy: The EU merely by no means deliberate for that risk.
“Legally talking, we do not have the equipment to expel a member state — in contrast to the Council of Europe, as an example, the place Russia was expelled a number of weeks in the past,” Adam Lazowski, a professor of EU legislation on the College of Westminster, defined to Euronews.
From six to 27
The EU, as most officers like to stress, was born as a peace challenge because the Outdated Continent tried to rise from the ashes left behind by World Warfare II.
The concept then was that by creating deeper financial ties between nations, they might suppose twice about future conflicts. And thus the European Coal and Metal Group (ECC) was born in 1952 with Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg as its founding members.
Speedy financial growth within the Sixties, the autumn of autocratic regimes in Spain, Greece and Portugal within the Nineteen Seventies, robust societal modifications triggered by the 1968 protests, financial downturns such because the 1973 oil disaster and the collapse of communism have all remodeled the Group of six right into a Union of 27 now not pushed solely by financial considerations, however democratic values as nicely.
It’s now been 9 years since the newest enlargement — the final nation to affix was Croatia in 2013 — and in reality, since then, the EU received smaller.
The UK triggered Article 50 of the Treaty of the EU in March 2017, 9 months after its voters backed withdrawing from the bloc and beginning a tumultuous two-year negotiation countdown that has had a chilling impact on EU-UK relations with many essential points nonetheless left unresolved.
However Brexit was not the one massive political shift skilled bloc-wide throughout the 2010s. The last decade was additionally characterised by the rise and strengthening of right-wing populist events that spewed anti-bloc rhetoric.
Unanimity rule curtails Brussels
These embrace Fidesz in Hungary and the Legislation and Justice (PiS) get together in Poland, which have been repeatedly dragged to the courts by Brussels over reforms they’ve undertaken curbing the independence of the judiciary in addition to the media and civil society and the rights of migrants, girls, and minorities.
Europe’s high court docket invariably sided with the EU Fee, whose function is to be the guardian of the treaties and the union’s legal guidelines, however on the bottom, nothing a lot has modified.
Exasperated, MEPs launched Article 7 proceedings towards Poland and Hungary in September 2018. This process — also known as the “nuclear choice” — opens the door to punitive measures together with a suspension of voting rights on the Council degree.
But it surely has been stalled ever since. The issue is that shifting ahead requires a unanimous vote from leaders and as Viktor Orban confirmed on Wednesday following his reelection for a fourth consecutive time period, “with the Polish, we’re in a mutual defensive alliance”.
“We won’t permit one another to be excluded from European decision-making,” he added.
Nonetheless exasperated, MEPs pushed for the creation of one other punitive instrument, which ultimately led to the creation of the rule of legislation conditionality mechanism, which was lastly endorsed in February 2022 by Europe’s high court docket, permitting for EU funds to be withheld from member states in the event that they backslide on the rule of legislation.
European Fee head Ursula von der Leyen introduced on Tuesday that she plans for the mechanism to be triggered towards Hungary shortly.
It’s nonetheless unclear what standards might be used and the way a lot funds could possibly be withheld because the mechanism was watered down from the preliminary proposal as Hungary and Poland threatened to veto the EU price range over it.
‘The EU must say no’
Moreover, authorities in each nations have made thinly-veiled references to a potential ‘Polexit’ or ‘Huxit’ in a bid to up the stress on the bloc, nonetheless reeling from the impression the divorce with the UK has had and continues to have.
Nonetheless, such eventualities are unlikely.
“The entire operation of the Orban regime — which is constructed on the strategic corruption and abuse of EU funds — this political system just isn’t operational exterior the EU,” Daniel Hegedus, a visiting fellow on the German Marshall Fund of the US, a suppose tank, flagged to Euronews.
Zsolt Enyedi, a professor and senior researcher on the Central European College’s Democracy Institute, concurred: “I don’t suppose Orban will ever voluntarily go away the EU primarily due to monetary causes.”
“However I believe he can create a scenario when the EU could have no selection however to expel Hungary,” he added. “Lots of the score businesses that monitor high quality of democracy contemplate Hungary to be a non-democracy, they usually do that due to numerous information on the bottom.”
“If Orban continues down this highway, there might be a degree the place it is going to be blatantly apparent that we’ve got a Putin-style — though not violent however when it comes to ideology and mentality — regime inside the EU after which the EU must say no to this,” he argued.
‘Lots of naiveté’
But, there isn’t any such current clause or article within the treaties as a result of “the EU is predicated on the rule of legislation and the presumption that each one member states adjust to its key parts,” Lazowski stated.
“It was loads of naivete to imagine that pre-accession coverage can do miracles after which reforms are set in stone. However as we have witnessed in Hungary, and particularly in Poland, issues can unravel very, in a short time,” he added.
Concretely, if Brussels wished to go down that path, it might most likely must demand a proper treaty revision so as to add such a process.
Article 50 as an example, was labored into the Treaty of Lisbon that was adopted in 2007 and got here into drive in December 2009. Work for the treaty revision began as early as 2001.
After which, as soon as revised, the treaty must be backed unanimously by member states, which governments within the EU’s crosshairs would little doubt reject anyway.
“It was actually naive to not embrace such a process as we’ve got in Council of Europe — Article 8 of the Statute of Council of Europe, which allowed [it] to kick Russia out within the matter of a month or lower than a month from the invasion,” Lazowski acknowledged.
What voters need
Finally, for Brussels the best-case situation could be for voters to kick these governments to the curb by electing extra pro-EU, liberal politicians, thus precluding the necessity to kick member states out.
Von der Leyen’s announcement about triggering the rule of legislation mechanism towards Hungary got here two days after elections had been held within the jap European nation, suggesting Brussels might need hoped for a unique final result that will have nullified the necessity to launch punitive measures.
But, whereas Hungary and Poland have confirmed that dismantling rule of legislation safeguards will be completed with lightning pace, the reverse just isn’t essentially true.
Within the case of Hungary, the place opposition events banded collectively to current an anti-Orban entrance, breaking down Fidesz’s legacy will doubtless show tough.
“Throughout the previous few years, the foundations and rules had been modified in such a means that nearly all decision-makers — those that rule over the judiciary, prosecution, the election fee, media, sport, leisure, universities, and any sector of life you possibly can consider — have workplaces that final eight, 10, 12 years or generally for all times,” Enyedi flagged.
“So the brand new authorities won’t be able to take away these individuals. These individuals will hold deciding what issues,” and proceed to “do what Orban needs,” he stated.
World
Arson at karaoke bar in Vietnam’s Hanoi kills 11, police say
Vietnam’s Ministry of Public Security says suspected perpetrator confessed to starting blaze after dispute with staff.
A suspected arson attack at a cafe and karaoke bar in Vietnam’s Hanoi has killed 11 people and injured two others, police have said.
Vietnam’s Ministry of Public Security said on Thursday that it had arrested a man who confessed to starting the blaze on the ground floor of the building following a dispute with staff.
Rescue workers who rushed to the scene brought seven people out of the building alive, two of whom were rushed to hospital, police said.
Footage that circulated on social media showed a multistorey building engulfed in flames as firefighters worked at the scene while surrounded by a crowd of onlookers.
“At that time, we saw many people screaming for help but could not approach because the fire spread very quickly, and even with a ladder, we could not climb up,” the Lao Dong newspaper quoted a witness as saying.
The Tien Phong newspaper quoted a witness as saying there was a strong smell of petrol at the scene.
“Everyone shouted for those inside to run outside, but no one called for help,” the witness said.
CCTV footage published by the VnExpress news site appeared to show a man carrying a bucket towards the cafe seconds before the blaze began shortly after 11pm (16:00 GMT) on Wednesday.
Fires are a common hazard in Vietnam’s tightly packed urban centres.
Between 2017 and 2022, 433 people were killed in some 17,000 house fires in the country, most of them in urban areas, according to the Ministry of Public Security.
In September last year, 56 people, including four children, were killed and dozens injured in a fire at an apartment block in Hanoi.
This October, a court in southern Binh Duong province jailed six people, including four police officers, over safety lapses related to a fire at a karaoke complex that killed 32 people in 2022.
World
The Year in Pictures 2024: Far From Ordinary
When shots were fired at a campaign rally for former President Donald J. Trump on a July evening in Butler, Pa., the veteran New York Times photographer Doug Mills was just a few feet from him. As the Secret Service rushed toward Mr. Trump, Mr. Mills’s heart pounded when he realized what was happening.
Then instinct took over. Mr. Mills kept taking pictures, at an extremely fast shutter speed of one eight-thousandth of a second, capturing an image that illustrates the magnitude of that moment: Mr. Trump, his face streaked with blood, his fist raised in defiance.
This year was made up of such extraordinary moments. And Times photographers captured them in extraordinary images. The Year in Pictures brings you the most powerful, evocative and history-making of those images — and allows you to see the biggest stories of 2024 through our photographers’ eyes.
The presidential campaign — full of twists and turns — provided some of our most memorable photos. Kenny Holston captured a shaky President Biden struggling to find his footing in what turned out to be his only debate of the 2024 election. Erin Schaff conveyed the exhilaration surrounding Vice President Kamala Harris in the short sprint of her campaign. And Todd Heisler brought home the excitement of an 8-year-old girl in pigtails, Ms. Harris’s great-niece, who watched with pride as Ms. Harris accepted her party’s nomination for president.
Yet even as the American political campaign intensified, wars ground on overseas, creating new dangers and obstacles for our photojournalists determined to document the fighting. The war between Hamas and Israel escalated into a regional conflict, and our photographers depicted the Israeli airstrikes on Lebanon, the families forced to flee their homes and the neighborhoods reduced to rubble.
When Israeli forces recovered the bodies of six hostages in Gaza, our photographers revealed the pain of the captives’ families as they cried out at their loved ones’ funerals after 11 months of anguished waiting. And last month, Samar Abu Elouf, a Palestinian photographer for The Times, delivered some of the most indelible images of the year: a series of portraits of Gazans horribly injured in the war, including children who had lost arms, legs or eyes.
Children were also central to the work of Lynsey Addario, a veteran photographer who has been chronicling the war in Ukraine since Russia first invaded in 2022. Ms. Addario’s images tell the stories of young Ukrainians with cancer whose treatment was disrupted by the war, often with devastating results. One, a 5-year-old girl whose chemotherapy was upended by the Russian invasion, ultimately lost her life.
Our photographers embrace their calling of bearing witness to history, showing readers the atrocities and the suffering that might otherwise be overlooked. But they also see their mission more broadly, and aim to depict the richness and color of life by regularly bringing us pictures that delight and surprise.
Take the photo by Hiroko Masuike from the ticker-tape parade in October for the New York Liberty women’s basketball team. The young fans pictured radiate a kind of awe-struck joy, screaming to the players by name. Or the photographs that show the sense of wonder on the faces of people at Niagara Falls as they bask in the magic of a solar eclipse in April.
We hope you can spend some time with these pictures, and take in our photographers’ reflections on them. This collection of images is a way to remember the year, but it is also, we hope, an opportunity to better understand their craft and their devotion to producing the world’s best photojournalism.
Curation
Tanner Curtis, Jeffrey Henson Scales
Interviews
Dionne Searcey
Editing
Natasha King
Digital Design
Matt Ruby
Print Design
Mary Jane Callister, Felicia Vasquez
Production
Peter Blair, Eric Dyer, Wendy Lu, Nancy Ramsey, Jessica Schnall, Hannah Wulkan
Additional Production
Anna Diamond
New York Times Director of Photography
Meaghan Looram
World
French high court upholds ex-president's corruption conviction
France’s highest court has upheld an appeal court decision which had found former President Nicolas Sarkozy guilty of corruption and influence peddling while he was the country’s head of state.
Sarkozy, 69, faces a year in prison, but is expected to ask to be detained at home with an electronic bracelet — as is the case for any sentence of two years or less.
He was found guilty of corruption and influence peddling by both a Paris court in 2021 and an appeals court in 2023 for trying to bribe a magistrate in exchange for information about a legal case in which he was implicated.
“The convictions and sentences are therefore final,” a Court of Cassation statement on Wednesday said.
FRANCE’S MACRON NAMES CENTRIST ALLY BAYROU AS NEXT PRIME MINISTER
Sarkozy, who was France’s president from 2007 to 2012, retired from public life in 2017 though still plays an influential role in French conservative politics. He was among the guests who attended the reopening of Notre Dame Cathedral earlier this month.
Sarkozy, in a statement posted on X, said “I will assume my responsibilities and face all the consequences.”
He added: “I have no intention of complaining. But I am not prepared to accept the profound injustice done to me.”
Sarkozy said he will seek to bring the case to the European Court of Human Rights, and hopes those proceedings will result in “France being condemned.”
He reiterated his “full innocence.”
“My determination is total in this case as in all others,” he concluded.
Sarkozy’s lawyer, Patrice Spinosi, said his client “will comply” with the ruling. This means the former president will have to wear an electronic bracelet, Spinosi said.
It is the first time in France’s modern history that a former president has been convicted and sentenced to a prison term for actions during his term.
Sarkozy’s predecessor, Jacques Chirac, was found guilty in 2011 of misuse of public money during his time as Paris mayor and was given a two-year suspended prison sentence.
Sarkozy has been involved in several other legal cases. He has denied any wrongdoing.
He faces another trial next month in Paris over accusations he took millions of dollars from then-Libyan dictator Moammar Gadhafi to illegally finance his successful 2007 campaign.
The corruption case that led to Wednesday’s ruling focused on phone conversations that took place in February 2014.
At the time, investigative judges had launched an inquiry into the financing of Sarkozy’s 2007 presidential campaign. During the inquiry, they discovered that Sarkozy and his lawyer, Thierry Herzog, were communicating via secret mobile phones registered to the alias “Paul Bismuth.”
Wiretapped conversations on those phones led prosecutors to suspect Sarkozy and Herzog of promising magistrate Gilbert Azibert a job in Monaco in exchange for leaking information about another legal case involving Sarkozy. Azibert never got the post and legal proceedings against Sarkozy have been dropped in the case he was seeking information about.
Prosecutors had concluded, however, that the proposal still constitutes corruption under French law, even if the promise wasn’t fulfilled. Sarkozy vigorously denied any malicious intention in his offer to help Azibert.
Azibert and Herzog have also been found guilty in the case.
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