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States, including Oregon and Washington, grapple with removing racist language in home deeds

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States, including Oregon and Washington, grapple with removing racist language in home deeds


Lisa Boccetti is horrified by the restrictive covenant that is in the deed to her 1950s ranch house in Raleigh, North Carolina: It states that the land cannot be sold or occupied by Black people.

The property “shall not” be sold to Black people, “and said premises shall not be occupied“ by Black people, except domestic servants and their families, employed by the occupants of the premises, the original deed states.

She and her husband, Bob Williams, would like to remove the offensive language, which hasn’t been legally binding for more than half a century, but North Carolina doesn’t have a process to do so. In 2021, two state senators filed legislation to give homeowners a way to erase such covenants, but the bill was sent to a committee and died.

“It’s infuriating, because unless your state has a process in place through legislation to remove or repudiate the contract, there’s nothing you can do to make it go away,” Boccetti said.

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In recent years, more than a dozen states have passed laws repudiating historical, racially restrictive covenants embedded in property deeds that prohibited the sale of those homes to Black residents or, depending on the community, to immigrants from certain countries such as Poland or Ireland, or to Jews or Asian Americans.

In some states, such as Oregon and Washington, new laws now allow the historical wording to be removed altogether.

Lawmakers have touted the new laws, passed with bipartisan support, as a formal rebuke to segregationist housing policies and the symbolic closing of a dark chapter in American history. The U.S. Supreme Court declared the covenants unconstitutional in 1948; the federal Fair Housing Act of 1968 outlawed them.

Covenant clauses that prevented non-whites from buying or occupying land were a tool that enforced segregation in U.S. communities across the country in the early to mid-20th century, led to discrimination by banks and, researchers note, have lingering effects today.

“I emphasize all the time that efforts to discharge the language in these covenants needs to be the start of a conversation, not the end of a conversation,” said Michael Corey, a researcher for the Mapping Prejudice project at the University of Minnesota, which focuses on the causes of segregation in Minneapolis and St. Paul.

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“We can’t erase history because it makes white people uncomfortable,” Corey said in an interview. “We have to understand how this history has disadvantaged minority populations from access to wealth building.”

Historians and researchers praise one state’s covenant law for looking to the future as well as the past: Washington state’s measure not only recognizes the harmful effects of past real estate discrimination but also seeks to rectify it, at least in part.

The law, which Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee signed in May, levies a fee of $100 on all real estate transactions to fund a so-called covenant homeownership account.

That account will provide down payments and closing cost loans to certain first-time homebuyers who were, or would have been, prevented from buying properties prior to April 11, 1968, when the Fair Housing Act became law.

The descendants of people who were or would have been harmed by the covenants also are eligible. All recipients must have incomes at or below 100% of an area’s median income, however. The fee is projected to generate between $75 million and $100 million annually, according to a legislative analysis.

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Washington has yet to determine how much assistance qualifying homebuyers will receive, and under what conditions, but the new fund is supposed to begin disbursing money next July.

Upon House passage of the bill, sponsor state Rep. Jamila Taylor described it as a “focused and thoughtful” approach to help “right the wrongs of the past.”

“The deliberate and harmful barriers preventing Black homeownership impact intergenerational wealth and housing security,” Taylor, a Democrat, said in a statement on her legislative site. “Because this racial discrimination was targeted, the solution must also be targeted.”

The homeownership rate among Black, Hispanic, Asian and Indigenous people in Washington state is 49%, 19 percentage points lower than that of non-Hispanic white households, according to a state report released last year. Only 31% of Black households own their homes, the report said.

“History has taught us that it took generations of systemic, racist, and discriminatory policies and practices to get to where we are today,” the report states.

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It cites restrictive covenants but also redlining, or the denial of loans to people residing in poor or minority neighborhoods. It also blames so-called blockbusting, in which real estate speculators preyed on white fears by introducing a Black family to a neighborhood, persuading fleeing white homeowners to sell at below-market rates, then reselling those homes at high prices to new Black families.

Oregon’s law, signed by Gov. Tina Kotek, allows redaction of discriminatory language from real estate documents. It was modeled after the Washington state law, which was upheld by Washington’s Supreme Court in 2022, but does not include the fee element.

During the debate over the Washington state bill, at least one Republican argued that the $100 transaction fee would harm the first-time homebuyers and lower-income people the legislation was designed to help.

But James Gregory, a history professor at the University of Washington, said paying for compensation “is a central piece of what the model legislation would look like if states were actually trying to restore the harms of these covenants.”

“These covenants not only caused segregation, but it limited homeownership opportunities for generations of people,” Gregory said. “If you’re trying to undo those harms, you need to take measures to reopen those opportunities that were never available.”

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Richard Rothstein, whose 2017 book, “The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America,” documented how federal, state and local policies explicitly created racially homogenous neighborhoods, told Stateline that merely removing racist covenants won’t address current housing disparities. He described the covenants as “the least important of these policies affecting systemic barriers in housing, especially after they lost enforcement power.”

But Rothstein, a fellow at the left-leaning Economic Policy Institute, praised the Washington bill as “a justifiable measure to restore harm done through those covenants.”

Washington’s law is the exception, however.

In Nevada, which enacted a law renouncing racist covenants earlier this year, sponsor Sen. Dallas Harris said she would have liked to emulate Washington state’s approach. Harris said the covenants “created systemic barriers to homeownership and capital” in her state, and that while she knew they had existed before she began pushing her bill, she didn’t realize how extensively they were used.

But Harris said a bill similar to Washington’s was a nonstarter in Nevada, which has a Republican governor.

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“It was important for me to find a way to strike hurtful and harmful language, without making attempts to erase what the damage that these covenants caused,” she told Stateline. She said a law such as Washington’s is “the ultimate goal.”

“Taking action steps and providing actual compensation for the harm that’s done is good policy,” she said. “But it may be hard to do that in some states, financially or politically.”

In the Raleigh area where Lisa Boccetti and Bob Williams live, nearly 74% of white residents own their homes, while less than 46% of Black residents and about 47% of Hispanic residents are homeowners, according to census data.

Boccetti and Williams, who are white, are voluntarily leading a project to pore through property record books and catalog racial covenants to create a searchable database for the Wake County Register of Deeds, where Raleigh is located.

Tammy Brunner, a Democrat and the register of deeds, told Stateline the project can help explain how today’s neighborhoods were shaped.

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“We strongly believe that once we pull out all of the restrictive covenants, we will create a map of redlining in the county and we’ll find that the underserved communities were created by these covenants,” she said.

Boccetti hopes the effort helps to spur covenant legislation in the GOP-controlled legislature.

Discovering the restrictive covenant in her deed and the struggle to remove it “has been a learning experience,” she said.

“It’s allowed us to see the ways why our neighborhood has been shaped the way it is,” she said. “It’s something we must grapple with, even if it makes us uncomfortable.”

Stateline is part of States Newsroom, a national nonprofit news organization focused on state policy.

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©2023 States Newsroom. Visit at stateline.org. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.



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WA lands commissioner wary of federal plan to kill thousands of owls • Washington State Standard

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WA lands commissioner wary of federal plan to kill thousands of owls • Washington State Standard


Washington’s public lands commissioner, Hilary Franz, is voicing skepticism about a federal proposal to kill thousands of barred owls in the Pacific Northwest to help the threatened northern spotted owl.

Franz wrote in a letter sent this week to Interior Secretary Deb Haaland that she’s concerned about “unintended consequences” and that the plan “could be unworkable given the scale of the overlapping habitat for barred owls and spotted owls.” 

The U.S. Fish and Wildlife is proposing to kill about 500,000 barred owls, living on millions of acres of land between California and Washington, over three decades. 

Hunters would shoot the owls with shotguns in most cases, according to a draft environmental impact statement released in November.

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The Commissioner doesn’t oppose the plan but has concerns about the cost, the scope, and potential impacts to habitat,” Franz spokesman Michael Kelly said in an email on Thursday. 

He also said Franz isn’t convinced the plan represents a solution to reducing threats to the spotted owl that’s “viable, affordable, or achievable.”

Franz, who is also running for a U.S. House seat in western Washington, asked to meet with Department of Interior staff but had not received a response from Haaland as of Thursday.

The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service in November sought public comment on its draft barred owl management plan, noting that the owls are prolific hunters that decades ago moved beyond their traditional range in the eastern U.S., into western forests.

This leaves them competing against northern spotted owls, the species known for its central role in the battles in the 1980s and 1990s over logging Northwest forests. The Fish and Wildlife Service plan also aims to prevent barred owl incursions into California spotted owl habitat.

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Washington state designated the spotted owl as endangered in 1988 and the federal government listed the bird as threatened under the Endangered Species Act in 1990.



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Jeff Bezos Hasn’t Delivered What He Promised With The Washington Post

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Jeff Bezos Hasn’t Delivered What He Promised With The Washington Post


The latest plan for reversing losses at The Washington Post prompted the departure of its top editor, while raising questions about CEO Will Lewis, whose plan was cobbled together during months of discussions with owner Jeff Bezos. The plan itself remains largely a mystery and what little has been revealed isn’t reassuring.

When Bezos bought the Post for $250 million in 2013, the Amazon founder sought to assure staffers and customers that “the values of The Post do not need changing.” Bezos has consistently championed editorial independence since then, and has accepted the financial and reputational risks of owning a publication dedicated to covering politics and government.

Despite former President Donald Trump’s efforts to punish Amazon for coverage in the Post that he disliked, Bezos has never publicly complained about the Post’s critical coverage of the White House or of Amazon and himself.

Few questioned whether Bezos, whom Warren Buffet had called “the ablest CEO in America,” could fix the Post’s business. Under the Graham family’s leadership, the company had remained profitable by cutting expenses, but it lacked the resources to invest in the Post’s future. So, it was sold to Bezos, who promised the money and patience needed to ensure a turnaround.

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Amazon founder and Washington Post owner Jeff Bezos delivers remarks during the opening ceremony of the media company’s new location January 28, 2016 in Washington, DC.

Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

But after a decade of investing in technology and expanded coverage, the Post says it lost $77 million in 2023 and that it has lost half its audience since 2020. The losses have continued this year. The results are consistent with those reported by other large urban publications.

Under Bezos and the Grahams, The Washington Post has sought to compete with The New York Times. It frequently does so editorially—it was awarded three Pulitzers this year and was a finalist in three other categories—but not as a business. The Times had net income of $232 million in 2023, up from $65 million in 2013. More impressively, at the end of 2023, the Times had 9.7 million digital-only subscribers, compared with only 760,000 digital subscribers a decade earlier. Acquisitions including The Athletic and Wirecutter, together with expanded sections devoted to recipes, gardening, and puzzles have buttressed the Times’ news coverage.

While there may be a global audience for The Post’s coverage of politics, it is unclear what else readers outside the Beltway will pay for.

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Lewis announced on June 3 that Matt Murray—former editor in chief of The Wall Street Journal—had replaced Executive Editor Sally Buzbee, and that Murray would serve as interim editor through November’s presidential election. Murray will then lead a new unit, reportedly focused on local service journalism, and Robert Winnett—deputy editor of London’s Telegraph Media Group—will become the editor responsible for core coverage, including politics, international investigations, and business news.

The facade of the Washington Post Building

The Washington Post Building at One Franklin Square Building on June 5, 2024 in Washington, DC.

Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

Anguished editorial staffers questioned Lewis about Buzbee’s departure, and also about reports that surfaced following the announcement that Lewis had sought to kill stories in the Post and on NPR about allegations of improper behavior years earlier, while working for Rupert Murdoch in London during Britain’s notorious phone-hacking scandal.

Lewis denied the allegations, but may have made matters worse by questioning the NPR writer’s integrity. The New York Times and others reported he also questioned Buzbee’s competence for thinking the allegations newsworthy.

I don’t know Lewis and I have rarely spoken to Bezos since TIME named him its Person of the Year in 1999. It may come as a surprise to journalists, but Bezos—like other billionaires I have known or worked for—doesn’t like losing money. Bezos’ net worth is close to $200 billion, but he has no interest in funding Post losses for the next 2,000 years, or, for that matter, the next 2,000 days.

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Like other billionaires, Bezos has diverse interests and he has rarely been a visible presence in the Post’s newsroom. He has also shown a penchant for relying on his instincts. He chose Fred Ryan, Lewis’ predecessor, on the recommendation of Jean Case, a friend and a former technology executive.

Lewis reached out to Bezos last fall while in London trying to line up financing to buy his old newspaper, the Telegraph. He has told friends that Bezos turned him down, saying that owning one money-losing publication was enough. Lewis has said Bezos then encouraged Lewis to speak to Patty Stonesifer, an Amazon board member who was running the Post while leading the search for a permanent CEO to succeed Fred Ryan.

The Post is one of many investments that require Bezos’ attention. He remains executive chair of Amazon, the company he founded that now has more than 1.5 million employees and annual revenues of more than $500 billion. He has invested in Uber, X (formerly Twitter), Business Insider, and Airbnb, as well as several private companies, including Blue Origin, an aerospace and defense company, and he has launched philanthropic organizations, including the Bezos Earth Fund.

Bezos and Stonesifer retained Sucherman, a well-regarded advisory firm to vet Lewis and other candidates for the job. Even if concerns about substance and style had surfaced, it is unlikely they would have deterred Bezos from hiring Lewis. Amazon has never shown an aversion to managers with sharp elbows.

Matt Murray gives a speech in front of workers of the Washington Post

Matt Murray, named as a new top editor of The Washington Post, pledged to lead a new era of innovation during a staff meeting Monday, June 3, 2024. The meeting that turned contentious when employees peppered publisher and CEO William Lewis with questions about the abrupt replacement of executive editor Sally Buzbee

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Robert Miller/The Washington Post via Getty Images

When Bezos announced Lewis’ appointment several weeks later, he said he thought Lewis was “an exceptional, tenacious industry executive whose background in fierce, award-winning journalism makes him the right leader at the right time.”

While a renewed emphasis on service journalism and local news makes sense, separating service from news does not. The Post had a separate newsroom for digital for several years. It did little to improve its fortunes, and Marcus Brauchli, who served as executive editor from 2008 to 2012, made consolidating the newsroom a condition of his taking the job.

In my opinion, Matt Murray should be responsible for both newsrooms, while keeping the editorial and opinion pages under the control of David Shipley. Bezos should also review the recent decision to kill the Post’s Sunday Opinion section and the Post’s weekly magazine. While neither seemed attractive to advertisers, both were valued by readers accustomed to paying for content. While there may be a global audience for the Post’s coverage of politics, it is unclear what else readers outside the Beltway will pay for.

Bezos was right to keep his Post purchase separate from Amazon and he deserves credit for never asking the Post to do anything at Amazon’s behest. His desire to serve readers’ needs, however, would have benefited from Amazon’s experience with customers. Why not offer Amazon’s pharmacy and other services to Post subscribers?

If Bezos is serious about making The Washington Post profitable, he will need to reduce the number of journalists on staff from its current level of about 1,000 employees. I cannot say by how much, but it will be hard to reconcile the new number with Bezos’ stated commitment to quality.

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Norman Pearlstine led newsrooms at The Wall Street Journal, Time Inc., when it published more than 150 titles, and The Los Angeles Times. He also held senior editorial positions at Bloomberg LP and Forbes and is the author of OFF THE RECORD: The Press, the Government, and The War over Anonymous Sources.



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2 killed in helicopter crash in Washington state, authorities say

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2 killed in helicopter crash in Washington state, authorities say


BLUESTEM, Wash. — Two men died in a helicopter crash in eastern Washington state, authorities said.

Lincoln County Fire District 6 Chief Brandon Larmer told KREM-TV that the helicopter had two people aboard when it crashed Wednesday afternoon.

The men who died were identified Thursday as 68-year-old Ryan Sandvig, of Spokane, and 63-year-old Mark Manteuffel, of Coeur d’Alene, Idaho, according to the Lincoln County coroner.

The Robinson R-44 helicopter went down near Bluestem, Washington, according to the National Transportation Safety Board. The agency, along with the Federal Aviation Administration, is investigating.

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