Days earlier than Maryland’s July 19 main, Michael Peroutka stood up at an Italian restaurant in Rockville and imagined how a international enemy would possibly assault America.
Washington
On the campaign trail, many Republicans see a civil war
On Tuesday, Peroutka simply dispatched a extra average Republican to win the nomination. State Del. Dan Cox, who received Donald Trump’s endorsement after supporting the previous president’s effort to subvert the 2020 election, additionally dispatched a Republican endorsed by the state’s well-liked governor, Larry Hogan.
Each candidates described a rustic that was not merely in hassle, however being destroyed by leaders who despise most People — successfully a part of a civil conflict. In each swing states and secure seats, many Republicans say that liberals hate them personally and will flip rioters or a police state on individuals who disobey them.
Referring to the coronavirus and 2020 protests over police brutality, Cox advised supporters at a rally final month, “We have been advised 14 days to bend the curve, and but antifa was allowed to burn our police automobiles within the streets.” He continued: “Do you actually suppose, with what we’re seeing — with the riots which have occurred — that we should always not have one thing to defend our households with? For this reason we’ve got the Second Modification.”
The rhetoric is bracing, if not solely new. Liberal commentators made liberal use of the phrase “fascism” to explain Trump’s presidency. The baseless concept that President Barack Obama was undermining American energy as a international agent was well-liked with some Republicans, together with Trump, who succeeded Obama within the White Home.
Many Democrats noticed the backlash to Obama as particular to his race, and noticed Biden as unlikely to encourage mass opposition to Trump within the presidential election. However many Republicans additionally painting Biden as a malevolent determine — a vessel for a hateful leftist marketing campaign to weaken America.
“It’s purposeful,” stated former Alaska governor Sarah Palin, who’s working in subsequent month’s particular election for the state’s sole Home seat, in an interview with former Trump adviser Stephen Ok. Bannon. “It’s all in regards to the elementary transformation of America. You solely essentially rework one thing for which you may have disdain.”
That argument has been dramatized in adverts that, for example, present one armed candidate showing to cost into the house of a political enemy, and one other warning of “the mob” that threatens atypical People. In lots of instances the candidates are brandishing firearms whereas threatening hurt to liberals or different enemies.
In central Florida, U.S. Military veteran Cory Mills has run adverts about his firm promoting tear gasoline that was used to quell riots in 2020. “You could have seen a few of our work,” he says, introducing a montage of what are labeled “antifa,” “radical left” and “Black Lives Matter” protesters working from the gasoline.
In northwest Ohio, a marketing campaign video for Republican congressional nominee J.R. Majewski reveals him strolling via a dilapidated manufacturing unit, holding a semiautomatic weapon, warning that Democrats will “destroy our financial system” with purposefully unhealthy insurance policies.
“Their agenda is bringing America to its knees, and I’m prepared to do no matter it takes,” says Majewski, who’s looking for a Home seat in a district round Toledo that has been redrawn to make Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio) beatable. “If I’ve to kick down doorways, that’s simply what patriots do.”
In Missouri, Republican Senate candidate Eric Greitens has issued two adverts this summer season by which he holds or fires weapons, vowing to go “RINO searching” — for “Republicans in identify solely” — in a single advert and concentrating on the “political institution” within the second.
Dreading deep losses in November, some Democrats have spent cash to assist Republican candidates who speak this manner underneath the idea that they are going to be simpler to beat in November. The Democratic Governors Affiliation spent greater than $1.1 million on constructive adverts for Cox, as he was telling voters that they could at some point must battle antifa with their very own weapons.
Candidates like Majewski, nevertheless, have received with no help from Democrats, aided as an alternative by excessive turnout and grass-roots power. The concept that the Biden administration’s insurance policies are designed to fail — to boost gasoline costs, or improve the price of meals — is a well-liked marketing campaign theme.
Pollsters have discovered that People are anxious in regards to the nation sticking collectively; a YouGov ballot launched final month had a majority of each Democrats and Republicans agreeing that America would at some point “stop to be a democracy.”
Republican wins since 2020, together with a sweep in Virginia’s state elections and victory in a particular election in June between two Hispanic candidates in South Texas, haven’t lightened the GOP temper. Andy Surabian, a Republican strategist who works with Trump-backed U.S. Senate candidates J.D. Vance in Ohio and Blake Masters in Arizona, stated that final 12 months’s vaccine-or-test mandate for giant corporations was a turning level in views of the Biden administration, even after it was blocked by the Supreme Court docket’s conservative majority.
“It’s the primary factor that triggered folks to go from ‘possibly that is incompetence’ to ‘there’s one thing else happening right here,’ ” Surabian stated. “Like, do these folks truly need a Chinese language-style social credit score system?”
Rick Shaftan, a conservative strategist working with Republican challengers this cycle, stated that the occasion’s voters have been nervously watching crime charges within the cities, asking whether or not public security was being degraded on function. He additionally pointed to authorities responses to the pandemic as a motive that these voters, and their candidates, have been nervous.
“Individuals paid lots of consideration to the truckers,” stated Shaftan, referring to Canadian protests towards vaccine mandates that occupied Ottawa this 12 months and briefly shut down a global bridge. “Canada’s purported to be a democracy. … Individuals fear: Can that occur right here?”
The arrests of a whole lot of rioters who stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, has incessantly been cited by Republican candidates as proof of a authorities conflict on its folks.
In early July, at a city corridor assembly in southwest Washington state, Republican congressional hopeful Joe Kent advised his viewers that the “phony riot” on Jan. 6 was being “weaponized towards anyone who dissents towards what the federal government is telling us,” from mother and father offended about public faculty schooling to individuals who had questioned the end result of the 2020 election.
“These are the varieties of ways that I’d see in Third World international locations after I was serving abroad,” Kent advised the gang gathered in a gazebo in Rochester, a city at present represented by Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler (R-Wash.). “You’d see the Praetorian Guard or the intelligence providers seize the opposition and throw them within the dungeons. I by no means thought I’d see that in America.”
Trump himself has incessantly accused President Biden of attempting to smash the nation and create battle to keep up energy.
“Joe Biden helped lead his occasion’s vile marketing campaign towards our law enforcement officials, after which he carried the rioters’ agenda straight into the White Home,” Trump advised supporters at a rally in Las Vegas final month, joined by Clark County Sheriff Joe Lombardo, the GOP nominee for governor. “The streets are flowing with the blood of harmless crime victims.”
After a draft Supreme Court docket opinion in Dobbs v. Jackson Girls’s Well being Group overturning federal abortion rights was leaked in early Could, a bunch calling itself Jane’s Revenge took credit score for vandalism towards disaster being pregnant facilities, the place ladies are discouraged from terminating their pregnancies. These incidents rapidly made it into political adverts that requested why Democrats weren’t extra strongly condemning violence.
Some Republicans additionally level to a California man’s alleged assassination plot towards Supreme Court docket Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh, who was among the many majority in Dobbs.
“Radical liberals are behaving like terrorists, calling for a summer season of rage,” says a narrator in a brand new advert from Catholic Vote, a conservative group spending $3 million this month to focus on weak Democratic members of the Home. “An assassination try on a Supreme Court docket justice. Home terrorists calling it ‘open season.’ ”
A number of have echoed Vance, the “Hillbilly Elegy” creator, who has argued that the rise in fentanyl deaths appears like an “intentional” results of the Biden administration’s border insurance policies — a means for an unpopular president to “punish the individuals who didn’t vote for him.”
The argument isn’t just that Democrats disagree with conservatives, however that they despise them and harm them on function. This previous week, after a person attacked Rep. Lee Zeldin (R-N.Y.) at a rally for his gubernatorial marketing campaign, Biden and Vice President Harris condemned the violence, as did Gov. Kathy Hochul (D).
However native Republicans steered that Democrats had successfully inspired the assault, pointing to a Democratic information launch in regards to the rally “encouraging folks to stalk” the candidate, in keeping with one GOP county government. Though the district legal professional who let the attacker out of jail was a Zeldin supporter, the candidate and his occasion argued that Democratic bail overhauls, handed in 2019, had let the attacker off scot-free.
“If you happen to love America, they hate you,” says Jim Pillen, the Republican nominee for governor of Nebraska, in a single TV spot. “If you happen to help the police, they name you racist.”
Washington
Michigan basketball vs. Washington prediction: Can U-M stay undefeated in Big Ten?
Dusty May: What to know about University of Michigan’s head basketball coach
What to know about University of Michigan head basketball coach Dusty May.
For Michigan basketball, the recent West Coast trip went about as well as hoped.
The No. 24 Wolverines (12-3, 4-0 Big Ten) picked up a pair of double-digit wins against the Big Ten’s Los Angeles-based teams — topping USC, 85-74, last Saturday and then defeating No. 21 UCLA, 94-75, Tuesday night as wildfires raged a few miles away — and now return home looking to make it three consecutive wins against league newcomers, welcoming Washington (10-6, 1-4) to Ann Arbor on Sunday afternoon (2 p.m., Big Ten Network).
The Huskies’ first trip to the Midwest hasn’t started well; they were dog-walked by Michigan State in East Lansing, 88-54, on Thursday. U-W trailed by 29 points at the half (42-13) and by more than 40 points in the second half (82-41 with less than five minutes to play) in an utter annihilation.
After two tight wins in conference play — by three points over Wisconsin and two over Iowa — U-M has won four games in a row by double digits and could make it five straight, with one of the bottom teams in the Big Ten coming to town.
Great Osobor with not-so-great help
U-Dub forward Great Osobor made headlines this offseason when he transferred from Utah State to Washington (following head coach Danny Sprinkle) for a then-record NIL deal worth $2 million.
Apparently, money doesn’t buy wins, because while Osobor has been decent, it hasn’t been nearly enough for the Huskies.
The senior leads the Huskies in scoring (13.8 points per game) and rebounding (8.4) but his efficiency has taken a large drop, as he has shot just 45% from the floor on 3s after hitting at least 57.7% in each of his first three college seasons. Some of that might be attributable to his increased 3-point tries — after attempting just 18 3s (and making four, for a 22.2% success rate) in his first 104 games, he has 14 3-point tries in 16 games this season (with only two makes, a 15.3% rate). More concerning is his 2-point shooting percentage: After hitting 59.1% last season, he’s at 47.7% inside the arc this season.
He has scored in double figures in 11 games with the Huskies, though much of his success came in a weak nonconference schedule. Though he put up 20 points and 14 rebounds vs. Maryland, he had just nine points and three boards vs. USC and a combined 15 points and eight rebounds vs. Illinois and MSU.
Sophomore guard Tyler Harris (Portland) is next at 12.3 points and 5.3 rebounds per game while freshman point guard Zoom Diallo, a top-50 recruit according to 247 Sports’ composite rankings, averages 10.8 points per contest for Sprinkle’s team.
Overall, U-Dub is simply not up to Big Ten standard. On defense, the Huskies are No. 7 nationally in limiting 3-pointers (28%) and No. 69 in efficiency (99.9), per KenPom, but on offense, the Huskies are No. 149 in efficiency (107.4), No. 201 in 2-point shooting (50.1%) and No. 240 on 3s (32%).
Depth on display
The Wolverines, meanwhile, continue to flex their depth and balance with each passing game.
Michigan just defeated UCLA by 19 on the road and did so by scoring 94 points (the most a Mick Cronin team has ever allowed at home) without perhaps its most proven guard: Roddy Gayle Jr. (knee bruise) missed Tuesday’s game vs. the Bruins. U-M coach Dusty May said then it was too early to say if he’d play Sunday.
“Long-term health is priority No. 1 for us,” May said. “But I would say he’ll be back relatively soon.”
Gayle is one of five U-M players scoring in double figures for May in his first season in Ann Arbor. After putting up a career-high 36 points vs. the Bruins, center Vlad Goldin now leads the Wolverines at 15.8 points per game. Point guard Tre Donaldson (13.1 points) is next while Danny Wolf, Goldin’s frontcourt partner, averages a double-double at 12.5 points and 10.2 rebounds per game.
All three had standout games on the trip; Wolf started the L.A. double-dip becoming just the third NCAA player in more than 20 years with at least 20 points, 10 rebounds, seven assists and six blocks, and Donaldson made a career-high four 3-pointers vs. USC, then topped it with six vs. UCLA.
And then there’s Gayle (12.4 points) and Nimari Burnett (10.5 points), who are both shooting better than 50% from the floor. Every starter has led the team in scoring at least once this season, a major reason U-M leads the country in 2-point shooting (62%) and effective field goal percentage (60.2%).
“I mean numbers don’t lie,” Donaldson said. “We’re shooting over 60% inside the arc, I mean just continuing to do that. We got big guys out here … with Danny doing what he does in and out. It’s hard to guard. Nobody’s seen nothing like that before.”
Prediction for Michigan basketball vs. Washington
The Wolverines’ outlook is worlds away from a year ago, when it was often U-M on the wrong side of the talent and coaching ledger. U-M is better than Washington in every facet. As long as the Wolverines don’t have a horrendous shooting night, or commit an egregious number of turnovers (they’re 16th nationally, at 15.2 per game), they just have too much talent and depth for U-Dub to slow down. The pick: U-M 88, Washington 68.
Tony Garcia is the Michigan Wolverines beat writer for the Detroit Free Press. Email him at apgarcia@freepress.com and follow him on X at @RealTonyGarcia.
Washington
Six lawmakers to watch in Washington’s 2025 session • Washington State Standard
Washington’s citizen legislature kicks off its 2025 session Monday in Olympia.
Lawmakers will have 105 days to make multi-billion dollar shortfalls disappear from state operations and transportation budgets. They’ll wrangle over policies for capping rent hikes, purchasing guns, providing child care, teaching students, and much, much more. With many new faces, they’ll spend a lot of time getting to know one another as well.
Here are six lawmakers and one statewide executive to keep an eye on when the action begins.
Sen. Jamie Pedersen, Democrat, of Seattle
This is Pedersen’s first session leading the Senate Democrats. He takes over for the longtime majority leader Andy Billig, of Spokane, who retired last year. Pedersen represents one of the most progressive areas in the state, including Seattle’s Capitol Hill, which could indicate a shift in where his caucus is going politically. His new gig won’t be easy as he navigates the needs of 30 Democrats, seeks compromises with his 19 Republican colleagues, and deals with a gaping $12 billion budget hole. He takes the position after years as the majority floor leader, where he was well known for his efficiency, organization and Nordic sweaters.
Rep. Travis Couture, Republican, of Allyn
As the lead Republican on the House Appropriations Committee, Couture will be the point person for his caucus as it looks to block tax bills and push the Legislature to tamp down state spending. This is a new responsibility for him. It will test his mettle to work with Democratic budget writers in both chambers while simultaneously carrying out his role as a vocal critic of Democratic initiatives his caucus opposes most strongly. For Couture, a conservative who some say can at times “sound like a Democrat” it might not be as difficult as it seems.
Sen. Noel Frame, Democrat, of Seattle
Frame stumbled into the spotlight last month after mistakenly sending an email to all senators — instead of just fellow Democrats — outlining ideas for new taxes. Those include taxing wealthy individuals and large businesses — proposals that are getting traction with her progressive colleagues. She also mentioned an excise tax on guns and ammunition sales, a lift of the 1% cap on annual property tax increases and a sales tax on self-storage unit rentals. Frame takes on a new role this year as vice chair of finance on the Senate Ways and Means Committee, giving her power to explore new revenue ideas and making her a central player in talks about how to solve the budget shortfall.
Sen. Matt Boehnke, Republican, of Kennewick
Boehnke, the top Republican on the Senate Energy, Environment and Technology Committee, is out to retool climate change laws passed by Democrats and outgoing Gov. Jay Inslee. He wants, for example, to repeal a law requiring Washington to adopt California’s tough vehicle emission standards for trucks. And he wants to cut the governor out of decision-making on major clean energy projects. Inslee stirred controversy when his actions led to approval of the state’s largest-ever wind farm, near the Tri-Cities, despite concerns from the community where it will be built. That community happens to be in Boehnke’s home county.
Rep. Emily Alvarado, Democrat, of Seattle
Alvarado will be a key lawmaker leading the charge to pass a cap on rent hikes. This was one of the more controversial bills to fail last year, passing the House but failing twice in the Senate. After the bill died, Alvarado said “momentum is building, and next year, I believe we will pass this bill.” She may have more success this time around, especially if she makes her way over to the Senate to fill Sen. Joe Nguyen’s vacancy (Nguyen is leaving to lead the state Department of Commerce. The appointment process for his seat is still ongoing). Democratic leadership said the rent proposal is a priority for their caucuses, and Pedersen said he believes the idea has more support in his chamber this year. But Alvarado still has her work cut out. The bill, which would cap yearly rent increases at 7% for existing renters, is sure to draw fire from powerful real estate groups and Republicans, who warn that capping rents could undercut the construction of new housing and end up hurting renters.
Rep. Jim Walsh, Republican, of Aberdeen
Walsh made The Standard’s list of lawmakers to watch in 2024 because he was a legislator, the chair of the Washington State Republican Party and author of six initiatives, half of which are now law. He makes the cut again because he still wears two political hats giving him two separate pulpits to convey the Republican message. While he’s not pushing any ballot measures, yet, he did launch the state party’s “Project to Resist Tyranny in Washington” as a vehicle for opposing incoming Democratic governor Bob Ferguson.
Washington
Washington lawmakers revive plan for state cap on rent increases • Washington State Standard
Democratic state lawmakers are again pushing a proposal to restrict rent hikes across Washington.
Despite the rent cap bill’s dramatic failure last session, backers say its prospects this year are better given new lawmakers, revamped legislative committees and growing public support. The road to final passage, however, could still be tough.
Rep. Emily Alvarado, D-Seattle, prefiled a “rent stabilization” bill in the House on Thursday. It is similar to where the plan left off last year.
The bill includes a 7% cap on yearly rent increases for existing tenants, with some exceptions, including buildings operated by nonprofits and residential construction that is 10 years old or less. It also requires landlords to give 180 days notice before an increase of 3% or more and limits some move-in and deposit fees.
“People are suffering, and I don’t know how anyone comes back to the legislative session and doesn’t want to support relief,” said Sen. Yasmin Trudeau, D-Tacoma, who will sponsor the legislation in the Senate.
Supporters say the proposal would help tenants and alleviate homelessness, but opponents say a rent cap could only worsen Washington’s housing shortage by disincentivizing new development.
Democratic leaders said Thursday that the proposal will likely be heard quickly in the House after the session kicks off next week but could move slowly in the Senate where it died last year.
Trudeau said the new makeup of the chamber and the membership of key committees could be in the bill’s favor. Last year, supporters blamed moderate Democrats on committees like Ways and Means and Housing for killing the bill. Two of those moderates — Sens. Mark Mullet and Kevin Van De Wege — did not run for reelection last year and will no longer be in the Senate.
Trudeau also said that because the policy is being named early as a priority for their caucus, it will give lawmakers more time to consider it.
“We’re still going to have conflict, just hopefully not as dramatic as last year,” she said.
Senate Majority Leader Jamie Pedersen, D-Seattle, told reporters Thursday that he believes his caucus is ready to support the bill, but that it would take passing other legislation to increase housing supply and improve affordability.
In the House, the outlook is more certain. “We passed it off the floor in the House last year, and we will pass it off the floor this year,” House Speaker Laurie Jinkins, D-Tacoma, said.
The bill is sure to cause some heavy debate.
Last year, it had support from affordable housing advocates, tenants and labor unions.
Michele Thomas, at the Washington Low Income Housing Alliance, said stabilizing rents is essential to help prevent evictions and homelessness.
“I think lawmakers understand how much rising rents are contributing to housing instability, to homelessness, and to our state’s eviction crisis,” Thomas said.
Among those against the proposal are business groups, landlords and developers.
Sean Flynn, board president and executive director at the Rental Housing Association of Washington, an industry group, criticized the idea, saying it would drive developers out of the state and lead to less home construction.
“The fundamental problem that we have in our housing market is a lack of supply,” Flynn said. “This chokes off supply.”
Instead of a cap on all rents, Flynn said the Legislature should try to target tenants who need assistance most and specific landlords who use predatory rent increases without cause.
One idea that has support from Republicans is creating a tenant assistance program that would give rental assistance vouchers to low-income tenants who may need help paying rent during a given month. Rep. Sam Low, R-Lake Stevens, is sponsoring that bill.
House Minority Leader Drew Stokesbary, R-Auburn, told reporters Thursday his caucus is working on similar proposals with a more targeted approach to helping tenants.
Stokesbary and Senate Minority Leader John Braun, R-Centralia, said their members likely will not support a rent cap policy this session. Stokesbary said he understands the short-term relief of the proposal but that the state ultimately needs more housing.
“In the long-run, this is a much worse deal for renters,” he said.
Braun said lawmakers should find ways to make permitting easier and increase available land for home construction. He said there is “no quick solution” to the state’s housing and homelessness crisis.
But supporters of the rent cap bill push back on the idea that solely building more housing will solve the state’s problems.
Thomas said lawmakers have put a lot of emphasis in recent years on increasing the supply of homes and alleviating homelessness, but they have not passed legislation to help tenants struggling to keep their homes. Failing to do so will only result in higher levels of eviction and homelessness, Thomas said.
“Rent stabilization stands alone,” she said. “Each of these issues are important, and the Legislature needs to address the entire housing ecosystem.”
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