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Washington
Analysis | Was Biden’s Middle East trip worth it?
It was the fist bump seen all over the world. Biden was obtained Friday night within the Saudi metropolis of Jiddah, as a part of a busy four-day itinerary that had taken him from stops in Israel and the West Financial institution to a regional summit of Arab states hosted by the Saudis. Quite a bit was on the agenda because the Biden administration seeks to subtly reassert U.S. management within the Center East and transfer alongside Israel’s rapprochement with an rising crop of Arab companions.
However the encounter with the crown prince, who U.S. intelligence officers consider liable for the plot that led to the killing of Saudi dissident and Washington Publish contributor Jamal Khashoggi, loomed above all of it. The picture was swiftly disseminated by the dominion’s state media and prompted a world outcry.
Rights activists and critics of Saudi autocracy, amongst others, noticed a betrayal of values and a reminder of the impunity afforded to the crown prince. Khashoggi’s fiancee described the sight of Biden greeting the crown prince, recognized by his initials MBS, as “heartbreaking.” Kenneth Roth, government director of Human Rights Watch, stated the assembly “suggests the crown prince is now accepted.”
“The fist bump between President Biden and Mohammed bin Salman was worse than a handshake — it was shameful,” Washington Publish Writer and CEO Fred Ryan stated in a press release. “It projected a degree of intimacy and luxury that delivers to MBS the unwarranted redemption he has been desperately in search of.”
There have been alternate readings, too, as analysts spied a frostiness between the 2 leaders. “The fist bump is one more signal that this isn’t the president’s consolation zone, and this isn’t a heat bilateral relationship,” Jon B. Alterman, director of the Center East program on the Middle for Strategic and Worldwide Research, instructed The Publish’s Dan Zak. “And it might not change into a heat bilateral relationship below the president. Nevertheless it will be a relationship.”
There have been conflicting accounts of how powerful Biden was throughout hours of closed conferences, with the Saudis suggesting that Biden didn’t immediately confront MBS over Khashoggi’s dying, whereas the U.S. president insisted that he did. As Biden prolonged a proper invitation to the White Home to UAE chief Mohammed bin Zayed, information emerged that Khashoggi’s ex-lawyer, U.S. citizen Asim Ghafoor, had been arrested and within the United Arab Emirates and sentenced to a few years in jail for cash laundering and tax evasion costs that critics say have been trumped up.
The fact of the scenario, regardless of the White Home’s insistence on its dedication to human rights, is that the perceived urgency of the geopolitical second outweighed no matter lingering outrage was felt in Washington over the misconduct of Arab monarchs. “Challenges you face at this time solely make it a heck of much more vital we spend time collectively,” Biden argued as his go to concluded Saturday.
“America is clear-eyed concerning the challenges within the Center East and about the place we’ve the best capability to assist drive constructive outcomes,” he stated throughout his remaining remarks to a coalition of leaders from the Persian Gulf international locations and a few neighbors. “We won’t stroll away and go away the vacuum to be crammed by China, Russia or Iran.”
However Biden headed house with few substantive deliverables to indicate. Within the wake of the chaotic few months in vitality markets, Biden didn’t come away with any ensures from the Saudis and Emiratis to spice up the worldwide oil provide. This wasn’t notably shocking. Specialists had warned earlier than Biden’s journey started that Riyadh and Abu Dhabi had restricted additional capability to inject into the markets.
Biden touted $1 billion in U.S. funding to assist tackle starvation in components of the Center East and North Africa and proffered a smaller quantity of financial help to Palestinians. However the latter was not welcomed by many Palestinians, who’ve seen their aspirations for statehood wither on the vine and successive U.S. administrations help a establishment that solely deepens Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories.
“It’s the identical factor as [former president Donald] Trump: it’s this give attention to financial prosperity with out addressing the true issues,” Mariam Barghouti, a Palestinian author and activist, instructed the Monetary Occasions. “It’s not cash that we’d like. It’s the removing of checkpoints, it’s the removing of Israeli pressures not simply on hospitals however on cultural establishments.”
“The 2-state resolution died a very long time in the past, and now so has the Palestinians’ strategic alternative of counting on the West of their battle for his or her nationwide rights,” wrote Gideon Levy within the Israeli newspaper Haaretz.
For Biden, the true thrust of the go to was extra tectonic. U.S. officers hope to reposition themselves within the area’s shifting geopolitical panorama, as Israel and a clutch of Arab monarchies tighten cooperation within the face of mutual antagonist Iran. Powerful rhetoric over the regime in Tehran — not Palestinian rights in Israel or civil rights for dissidents in Arab autocracies — dominated proceedings. New diplomatic initiatives can also redefine the area: Earlier final week, Biden participated in a digital assembly of the “I2U2” bloc, which brings collectively Israel, India, the UAE and the US.
The Saudi resolution to open its airspace to Israeli flights was hailed by Israeli Prime Minister Yair Lapid as “the primary official step in normalization with Saudi Arabia.” Saudi officers, although, have been far much less enthusiastic in public about that end result, emphasizing that the passage of those flights didn’t imply additional steps have been in movement. Normalization with Israel, they stated, was nonetheless contingent on the emergence of a viable Palestinian state.
“Anybody anticipating a guidelines of achievements was wanting on the fallacious go to,” Hussein Ibish, senior resident scholar on the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, instructed me. “Biden didn’t go along with a guidelines however a long-term agenda.”
Discussions concerning the value of oil, variations over human rights, negotiations for sustaining the cease-fire in Yemen — these are issues often dealt with quietly with one’s interlocutors. “The journey went in addition to it was ever more likely to, and that, in a really refined manner, it achieved so much by clarifying Washington’s seriousness about main a unfastened however potent safety coalition within the area,” Ibish added.
Different analysts are much less satisfied. “The journey was price it to his hosts in Israel and Saudi Arabia who every obtained what they needed: Carte blanche to the continuation of an apartheid system in Israel and an official finish to the Saudi crown prince’s pariah standing,” Randa Slim, senior fellow on the Center East Institute, instructed me. “It’s unclear what the U.S. obtained from this journey.”
Washington
Michigan basketball vs. Washington prediction: Can U-M stay undefeated in Big Ten?
Dusty May: What to know about University of Michigan’s head basketball coach
What to know about University of Michigan head basketball coach Dusty May.
For Michigan basketball, the recent West Coast trip went about as well as hoped.
The No. 24 Wolverines (12-3, 4-0 Big Ten) picked up a pair of double-digit wins against the Big Ten’s Los Angeles-based teams — topping USC, 85-74, last Saturday and then defeating No. 21 UCLA, 94-75, Tuesday night as wildfires raged a few miles away — and now return home looking to make it three consecutive wins against league newcomers, welcoming Washington (10-6, 1-4) to Ann Arbor on Sunday afternoon (2 p.m., Big Ten Network).
The Huskies’ first trip to the Midwest hasn’t started well; they were dog-walked by Michigan State in East Lansing, 88-54, on Thursday. U-W trailed by 29 points at the half (42-13) and by more than 40 points in the second half (82-41 with less than five minutes to play) in an utter annihilation.
After two tight wins in conference play — by three points over Wisconsin and two over Iowa — U-M has won four games in a row by double digits and could make it five straight, with one of the bottom teams in the Big Ten coming to town.
Great Osobor with not-so-great help
U-Dub forward Great Osobor made headlines this offseason when he transferred from Utah State to Washington (following head coach Danny Sprinkle) for a then-record NIL deal worth $2 million.
Apparently, money doesn’t buy wins, because while Osobor has been decent, it hasn’t been nearly enough for the Huskies.
The senior leads the Huskies in scoring (13.8 points per game) and rebounding (8.4) but his efficiency has taken a large drop, as he has shot just 45% from the floor on 3s after hitting at least 57.7% in each of his first three college seasons. Some of that might be attributable to his increased 3-point tries — after attempting just 18 3s (and making four, for a 22.2% success rate) in his first 104 games, he has 14 3-point tries in 16 games this season (with only two makes, a 15.3% rate). More concerning is his 2-point shooting percentage: After hitting 59.1% last season, he’s at 47.7% inside the arc this season.
He has scored in double figures in 11 games with the Huskies, though much of his success came in a weak nonconference schedule. Though he put up 20 points and 14 rebounds vs. Maryland, he had just nine points and three boards vs. USC and a combined 15 points and eight rebounds vs. Illinois and MSU.
Sophomore guard Tyler Harris (Portland) is next at 12.3 points and 5.3 rebounds per game while freshman point guard Zoom Diallo, a top-50 recruit according to 247 Sports’ composite rankings, averages 10.8 points per contest for Sprinkle’s team.
Overall, U-Dub is simply not up to Big Ten standard. On defense, the Huskies are No. 7 nationally in limiting 3-pointers (28%) and No. 69 in efficiency (99.9), per KenPom, but on offense, the Huskies are No. 149 in efficiency (107.4), No. 201 in 2-point shooting (50.1%) and No. 240 on 3s (32%).
Depth on display
The Wolverines, meanwhile, continue to flex their depth and balance with each passing game.
Michigan just defeated UCLA by 19 on the road and did so by scoring 94 points (the most a Mick Cronin team has ever allowed at home) without perhaps its most proven guard: Roddy Gayle Jr. (knee bruise) missed Tuesday’s game vs. the Bruins. U-M coach Dusty May said then it was too early to say if he’d play Sunday.
“Long-term health is priority No. 1 for us,” May said. “But I would say he’ll be back relatively soon.”
Gayle is one of five U-M players scoring in double figures for May in his first season in Ann Arbor. After putting up a career-high 36 points vs. the Bruins, center Vlad Goldin now leads the Wolverines at 15.8 points per game. Point guard Tre Donaldson (13.1 points) is next while Danny Wolf, Goldin’s frontcourt partner, averages a double-double at 12.5 points and 10.2 rebounds per game.
All three had standout games on the trip; Wolf started the L.A. double-dip becoming just the third NCAA player in more than 20 years with at least 20 points, 10 rebounds, seven assists and six blocks, and Donaldson made a career-high four 3-pointers vs. USC, then topped it with six vs. UCLA.
And then there’s Gayle (12.4 points) and Nimari Burnett (10.5 points), who are both shooting better than 50% from the floor. Every starter has led the team in scoring at least once this season, a major reason U-M leads the country in 2-point shooting (62%) and effective field goal percentage (60.2%).
“I mean numbers don’t lie,” Donaldson said. “We’re shooting over 60% inside the arc, I mean just continuing to do that. We got big guys out here … with Danny doing what he does in and out. It’s hard to guard. Nobody’s seen nothing like that before.”
Prediction for Michigan basketball vs. Washington
The Wolverines’ outlook is worlds away from a year ago, when it was often U-M on the wrong side of the talent and coaching ledger. U-M is better than Washington in every facet. As long as the Wolverines don’t have a horrendous shooting night, or commit an egregious number of turnovers (they’re 16th nationally, at 15.2 per game), they just have too much talent and depth for U-Dub to slow down. The pick: U-M 88, Washington 68.
Tony Garcia is the Michigan Wolverines beat writer for the Detroit Free Press. Email him at apgarcia@freepress.com and follow him on X at @RealTonyGarcia.
Washington
Six lawmakers to watch in Washington’s 2025 session • Washington State Standard
Washington’s citizen legislature kicks off its 2025 session Monday in Olympia.
Lawmakers will have 105 days to make multi-billion dollar shortfalls disappear from state operations and transportation budgets. They’ll wrangle over policies for capping rent hikes, purchasing guns, providing child care, teaching students, and much, much more. With many new faces, they’ll spend a lot of time getting to know one another as well.
Here are six lawmakers and one statewide executive to keep an eye on when the action begins.
Sen. Jamie Pedersen, Democrat, of Seattle
This is Pedersen’s first session leading the Senate Democrats. He takes over for the longtime majority leader Andy Billig, of Spokane, who retired last year. Pedersen represents one of the most progressive areas in the state, including Seattle’s Capitol Hill, which could indicate a shift in where his caucus is going politically. His new gig won’t be easy as he navigates the needs of 30 Democrats, seeks compromises with his 19 Republican colleagues, and deals with a gaping $12 billion budget hole. He takes the position after years as the majority floor leader, where he was well known for his efficiency, organization and Nordic sweaters.
Rep. Travis Couture, Republican, of Allyn
As the lead Republican on the House Appropriations Committee, Couture will be the point person for his caucus as it looks to block tax bills and push the Legislature to tamp down state spending. This is a new responsibility for him. It will test his mettle to work with Democratic budget writers in both chambers while simultaneously carrying out his role as a vocal critic of Democratic initiatives his caucus opposes most strongly. For Couture, a conservative who some say can at times “sound like a Democrat” it might not be as difficult as it seems.
Sen. Noel Frame, Democrat, of Seattle
Frame stumbled into the spotlight last month after mistakenly sending an email to all senators — instead of just fellow Democrats — outlining ideas for new taxes. Those include taxing wealthy individuals and large businesses — proposals that are getting traction with her progressive colleagues. She also mentioned an excise tax on guns and ammunition sales, a lift of the 1% cap on annual property tax increases and a sales tax on self-storage unit rentals. Frame takes on a new role this year as vice chair of finance on the Senate Ways and Means Committee, giving her power to explore new revenue ideas and making her a central player in talks about how to solve the budget shortfall.
Sen. Matt Boehnke, Republican, of Kennewick
Boehnke, the top Republican on the Senate Energy, Environment and Technology Committee, is out to retool climate change laws passed by Democrats and outgoing Gov. Jay Inslee. He wants, for example, to repeal a law requiring Washington to adopt California’s tough vehicle emission standards for trucks. And he wants to cut the governor out of decision-making on major clean energy projects. Inslee stirred controversy when his actions led to approval of the state’s largest-ever wind farm, near the Tri-Cities, despite concerns from the community where it will be built. That community happens to be in Boehnke’s home county.
Rep. Emily Alvarado, Democrat, of Seattle
Alvarado will be a key lawmaker leading the charge to pass a cap on rent hikes. This was one of the more controversial bills to fail last year, passing the House but failing twice in the Senate. After the bill died, Alvarado said “momentum is building, and next year, I believe we will pass this bill.” She may have more success this time around, especially if she makes her way over to the Senate to fill Sen. Joe Nguyen’s vacancy (Nguyen is leaving to lead the state Department of Commerce. The appointment process for his seat is still ongoing). Democratic leadership said the rent proposal is a priority for their caucuses, and Pedersen said he believes the idea has more support in his chamber this year. But Alvarado still has her work cut out. The bill, which would cap yearly rent increases at 7% for existing renters, is sure to draw fire from powerful real estate groups and Republicans, who warn that capping rents could undercut the construction of new housing and end up hurting renters.
Rep. Jim Walsh, Republican, of Aberdeen
Walsh made The Standard’s list of lawmakers to watch in 2024 because he was a legislator, the chair of the Washington State Republican Party and author of six initiatives, half of which are now law. He makes the cut again because he still wears two political hats giving him two separate pulpits to convey the Republican message. While he’s not pushing any ballot measures, yet, he did launch the state party’s “Project to Resist Tyranny in Washington” as a vehicle for opposing incoming Democratic governor Bob Ferguson.
Washington
Washington lawmakers revive plan for state cap on rent increases • Washington State Standard
Democratic state lawmakers are again pushing a proposal to restrict rent hikes across Washington.
Despite the rent cap bill’s dramatic failure last session, backers say its prospects this year are better given new lawmakers, revamped legislative committees and growing public support. The road to final passage, however, could still be tough.
Rep. Emily Alvarado, D-Seattle, prefiled a “rent stabilization” bill in the House on Thursday. It is similar to where the plan left off last year.
The bill includes a 7% cap on yearly rent increases for existing tenants, with some exceptions, including buildings operated by nonprofits and residential construction that is 10 years old or less. It also requires landlords to give 180 days notice before an increase of 3% or more and limits some move-in and deposit fees.
“People are suffering, and I don’t know how anyone comes back to the legislative session and doesn’t want to support relief,” said Sen. Yasmin Trudeau, D-Tacoma, who will sponsor the legislation in the Senate.
Supporters say the proposal would help tenants and alleviate homelessness, but opponents say a rent cap could only worsen Washington’s housing shortage by disincentivizing new development.
Democratic leaders said Thursday that the proposal will likely be heard quickly in the House after the session kicks off next week but could move slowly in the Senate where it died last year.
Trudeau said the new makeup of the chamber and the membership of key committees could be in the bill’s favor. Last year, supporters blamed moderate Democrats on committees like Ways and Means and Housing for killing the bill. Two of those moderates — Sens. Mark Mullet and Kevin Van De Wege — did not run for reelection last year and will no longer be in the Senate.
Trudeau also said that because the policy is being named early as a priority for their caucus, it will give lawmakers more time to consider it.
“We’re still going to have conflict, just hopefully not as dramatic as last year,” she said.
Senate Majority Leader Jamie Pedersen, D-Seattle, told reporters Thursday that he believes his caucus is ready to support the bill, but that it would take passing other legislation to increase housing supply and improve affordability.
In the House, the outlook is more certain. “We passed it off the floor in the House last year, and we will pass it off the floor this year,” House Speaker Laurie Jinkins, D-Tacoma, said.
The bill is sure to cause some heavy debate.
Last year, it had support from affordable housing advocates, tenants and labor unions.
Michele Thomas, at the Washington Low Income Housing Alliance, said stabilizing rents is essential to help prevent evictions and homelessness.
“I think lawmakers understand how much rising rents are contributing to housing instability, to homelessness, and to our state’s eviction crisis,” Thomas said.
Among those against the proposal are business groups, landlords and developers.
Sean Flynn, board president and executive director at the Rental Housing Association of Washington, an industry group, criticized the idea, saying it would drive developers out of the state and lead to less home construction.
“The fundamental problem that we have in our housing market is a lack of supply,” Flynn said. “This chokes off supply.”
Instead of a cap on all rents, Flynn said the Legislature should try to target tenants who need assistance most and specific landlords who use predatory rent increases without cause.
One idea that has support from Republicans is creating a tenant assistance program that would give rental assistance vouchers to low-income tenants who may need help paying rent during a given month. Rep. Sam Low, R-Lake Stevens, is sponsoring that bill.
House Minority Leader Drew Stokesbary, R-Auburn, told reporters Thursday his caucus is working on similar proposals with a more targeted approach to helping tenants.
Stokesbary and Senate Minority Leader John Braun, R-Centralia, said their members likely will not support a rent cap policy this session. Stokesbary said he understands the short-term relief of the proposal but that the state ultimately needs more housing.
“In the long-run, this is a much worse deal for renters,” he said.
Braun said lawmakers should find ways to make permitting easier and increase available land for home construction. He said there is “no quick solution” to the state’s housing and homelessness crisis.
But supporters of the rent cap bill push back on the idea that solely building more housing will solve the state’s problems.
Thomas said lawmakers have put a lot of emphasis in recent years on increasing the supply of homes and alleviating homelessness, but they have not passed legislation to help tenants struggling to keep their homes. Failing to do so will only result in higher levels of eviction and homelessness, Thomas said.
“Rent stabilization stands alone,” she said. “Each of these issues are important, and the Legislature needs to address the entire housing ecosystem.”
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