New Mexico
PRC approves PNM battery, solar projects – NM Political Report
State regulators moved forward with approving the Public Service Company of New Mexico’s application for new solar and battery storage despite concerns that there are not enough new energy projects in the Central Consolidated School District to replace property tax revenue lost when the San Juan Generating Station closed. On Thursday, the New Mexico Public […]
State regulators moved forward with approving the Public Service Company of New Mexico’s application for new solar and battery storage despite concerns that there are not enough new energy projects in the Central Consolidated School District to replace property tax revenue lost when the San Juan Generating Station closed.
On Thursday, the New Mexico Public Regulation Commission unanimously approved a recommended decision from the hearing examiner, Hans Muller, with one amendment.
The case stems from a 2023 application to add 100 megawatts of solar through a power purchase agreement with the Quail Ranch solar project as well as three energy storage agreements for a total of 250 megawatts of four-hour storage at different sites. The application also requested approval of a utility-owned battery storage facility known as BESS Sandia Storage Project. PNM requested the additional resources, including the contract with Quail Ranch, as a way to meet peak energy load requirements in 2026.
However, concerns arose during the case that the Quail Ranch project is intended to replace the Rockmont Solar Project that the PRC approved to replace the San Juan Generating Station.
The Rockmont project is located in northwest New Mexico and within CCSD boundaries. But it ran into delays and ultimately PNM canceled its contract with the developers.
Commissioner James Ellison noted that PNM never asserted that Quail Ranch was intended to replace the Rockmont project. However, replacing Rockmont with Quail Ranch is mentioned in Muller’s recommended decision.
Ellison said that the possibility that Quail Ranch would replace Rockmont was “never really litigated in this case.”
“I think it would be a mistake to reject the resources before us now over concerns that there is not a replacement in the school district,” Ellison said. “Rejecting them or delaying the process does risk these contracts falling apart and, given the timelines around the procurement process, it really leads to big questions about will we have resource adequacy in 2026 if we do that.”
CCSD and San Juan County maintain that the Energy Transition Act requires PNM to install 450 megawatts of generation or storage capacity within the school district’s boundaries to replace at least some of the property tax that was lost when the power plant closed.
They say that, without Rockmont, PNM is short of meeting that obligation.
Quail Ranch is located in Bernalillo County and the other resources in the application are in Valencia, Cibola and Bernalillo counties.
Former PRC Commissioner Steve Fischmann, who was on the PRC when the replacement resources were decided, said that part of the portfolio of solar and battery projects that PNM proposed in the current case needs to be treated as replacement for the San Juan Generating Station.
“In our commission, we took very seriously the need to get replacement resources into the San Juan community and the Central Consolidated School District to help ease the economic pain caused by the closing of the San Juan coal plant,” he said during public comment.
He said that he feels that the San Juan County community is “getting hosed” because the PRC did not discuss the current solar and battery projects in relation to replacing the San Juan Generating Station.
“It appears that all parties in the case failed to recognize the San Juan replacement aspect that needed to be considered in the record,” he said.
Fischmann was not alone in those concerns. Two members of 350 New Mexico who were involved in drafting the Energy Transition Act also spoke during public comment.
“I remember very clearly that one of the negotiated agreements was that PNM, in return for very favorable bond financing provisions, was to build about 450 megawatts of replacement resources in ‘the school district in New Mexico where the abandoned facility is located,’ meaning the San Juan Central Consolidated School District,” Tom Solomon with 350 New Mexico said.
He said only 300 megawatts of the 450 have been built and that PNM has no apparent plans to add another 150 megawatts in the CCSD boundaries.
The location of replacement resources and how many megawatts must be located within the CCSD has been a subject of debate since the passage of the Energy Transition Act in 2019.
This is because the ETA states that replacement resources means that “up to 450 megawatts” identified as a replacement for San Juan Generating Station “provided that such resources are located in the school district in New Mexico where the abandoned facility is located, are necessary to maintain reliable service and are in the public interest as determined by the commission.”
San Juan County and CCSD have maintained that the law means that PNM is required to locate 450 megawatts of replacement power such as solar arrays and battery storage in CCSD boundaries.
But PNM and some others have said it only requires that up to 450 megawatts must be located in the CCSD boundaries. During the replacement power case, the PRC ultimately ordered close to 450 megawatts of replacement power to be built in the CCSD boundaries. Those replacement projects were the San Juan Solar Project and the Rockmont Solar Project.
Commission Chairman Pat O’Connell said the issue of replacing the Rockmont project is important and that PNM has testimony on the record in this case that addresses the efforts the utility made and explains why none of the projects are located within the CCSD boundaries. O’Connell said there are challenges in getting projects within CCSD boundaries.
“It’s an important issue. It’s also, for me, an issue where we’re in a world of multiple truths,” he said.
He said that PNM’s system is short on capacity.
“Do we delay or postpone a decision on these resources now because another important decision is not being addressed?” he said.
O’Connell said he couldn’t support that.
But, he said, PNM is developing a request for proposals for an integrated resource plan. The IRP essentially serves as a roadmap for the utility and O’Connell said there will be opportunities for stakeholder engagement during that process. He encouraged PNM to reach out to the people who have expressed concerns about the Rockmont project not being completed during the IRP process.
O’Connell said that moving forward with the case that the PRC was hearing on Thursday does not negate the need to address the San Juan Generating Station replacement resources.
New Mexico
Remembering Pancho Villa’s New Mexico Raid and the Punitive Expedition Into Mexico | Council on Foreign Relations
Say the words “September 11” and every American instantly knows what you are referring to. The same is true for “Pearl Harbor.” Most Americans vaguely know that during the War of 1812 the British shelled Fort McHenry and burned down the White House. But mention the words “Columbus, New Mexico” and you will draw blank stares. Yet on March 9, 1916, Mexican revolutionary leader José Doroteo Arango Arámbula—better known to history as Pancho Villa—led a surprise attack on Columbus that left eighteen Americans and eighty Mexicans dead. Within days, nearly 7,000 U.S. soldiers crossed the border into Mexico in search of Villa in what would become one of the more dismal chapters in U.S. military history: the Punitive Expedition.
The Mexican Revolution
The events in Columbus, New Mexico had a back story. In 1911, a popular uprising had ousted Porfirio Díaz as president (more accurately, dictator) of Mexico after thirty-five years in power. (Díaz is credited with uttering the line, “Poor Mexico, so far from God and so close to the United States!”) His overthrow ushered in a decade of political instability known as the Mexican Revolution. Mexico saw several leaders come to power as conflict wracked the country.
The first person to succeed Díaz was Francisco Madero. The son of a wealthy landowner in northeastern Mexico, Madero studied in the United States and France and became a democracy advocate. He was also, to say the least, odd. As the historian Robert Ferrell tells it:
At one meeting with the American ambassador, Henry Lane Wilson, the president of Mexico placed a third chair in the circle and announced to the ambassador that a friend was sitting there. The friend was invisible, Madero explained, but there nonetheless.
In February, after holding power for less than two years, Madero was shunted aside by his leading military officer, General Victoriano Huerta. The general drank, and drank often; brandy was his preferred drink. (He died in 1916 from cirrhosis of the liver.) He had Madero and his vice president shot, possibly at the behest of Ambassador Wilson. Huerta had suggested to Ambassador Wilson that perhaps he should exile Madero or send him to an insane asylum. The ambassador responded ambiguously; Huerta “ought to do that which was best for the peace of the country.”
Madero’s murder outraged the incoming U.S. president, Woodrow Wilson, who was not related to Ambassador Wilson and who was inaugurated on March 4, 1913. (The tradition of inaugurating presidents on January 20 did not begin until after the passage of the Twentieth Amendment in 1933.) Once in office, Wilson refused to recognize Huerta’s legitimacy, saying the Mexican general led a “government of butchers.” Ever the moralist, Wilson told the British ambassador to the United States: “I am going to teach the South American republics to elect good men.” Wilson’s efforts to influence who would lead Mexico included using the Tampico Incident in April 1914 to order the U.S. invasion of Veracruz, Mexico. U.S. troops would remain there until that November.
Venustiano Carranza Takes Power
President Wilson got his wish for a new Mexican government in August 1914 when Huerta was ousted by Venustiano Carranza. Another son of a wealthy landowner and a Madero follower, Carranza was a former governor of the Mexican state of Coahuila. He quickly found his rule challenged by his former ally, Francisco (Pancho) Villa, who had led the “Division of the North” in fighting against Huerta loyalists.

Villa at first had Carranza on the defensive. In December 1914, Villa’s forces briefly took control of Mexico City before being driven back north. Wilson thought that Villa might be friendly to U.S. interests, so he withheld formal recognition of the Carranza government. Villa in turn hoped that Wilson’s refusal to recognize the Carranza government would help his cause. He was soon disappointed, however. The war in Europe increasingly consumed Wilson’s time, and he wanted a way out of his confrontational policies toward Mexico. Carranza, as he put it, “will somehow have to be digested.” In October 1915, the United States did just that, formally recognizing his government.
Pancho Villa’s Revenge
Villa viewed Wilson’s decision as a betrayal, especially after Washington allowed Carranza’s troops to travel on U.S. railroads through New Mexico and Arizona to pursue Villa and his men rather than cross the harsh northern Mexican desert by horseback. German agents also urged Villa to turn on the United States. They hoped to bog the United States down in a war with Mexico that would prevent a U.S. entry into World War I.
With events having shifted against him, Villa devised a new strategy. He would seek to provoke the United States into attacking Mexico, thereby discrediting Carranza as a pawn of the United States. Villa put his plan into effect in January 1916. As Ferrell tells the story, Villa’s troops:
Met a Mexican Northwestern train at Santa Ysabel on January 11, 1916, carrying seventeen young American college graduates who had just come into Mexico from California under a safe conduct from Carranza to open a mine. Villa killed sixteen of them on the spot.
Villa spared one of the young Americans so he could tell his countrymen what happened.
The news of the Santa Ysabel massacre did not trigger the U.S. retaliation that Villa expected. So, he turned to something even more audacious. In the predawn hours of March 9, 1916, Villa’s men raided the town of Columbus, New Mexico, three miles north of the border. A regiment of the U.S. Army’s 13th Cavalry was encamped at the town, and its munitions depot was a target of the raid. Despite being caught off guard, the U.S. troops quickly regrouped and returned fire—at one point setting up a machine gun in front of the town’s lone hotel. The fighting, as well as the fires Villa’s men set, left the town in ruins.

The Punitive Expedition
By the end of the day on March 9, Wilson had ordered General John J. Pershing to cross into Mexico to hunt down Villa. The incursion would have been an act of war, except that Carranza had reluctantly consented to it; he essentially had no other choice. He did, however, extract one face-saving concession: Mexico had the right, at least in theory, to pursue bandits across the border into the United States.

The Punitive Expedition began with much enthusiasm and moral righteousness in Washington. It proved in practice, like most of Wilson’s policies toward Mexico, to be a political and diplomatic blunder. Pershing’s troops trekked more than 300 miles through northern Mexico without setting eyes on Villa, who knew the unfriendly terrain and was a hero to the local people. Critics back in the United States began to call the incursion as the “Perishing Expedition.”

Rather than cut his losses, Wilson surged more troops into Mexico. Soon more than 12,000 U.S. soldiers had crossed the border. Carranza understandably wanted them all to go home. Even though General Pershing assured Washington that “the natives are not generally arming to oppose us,” in June 1916 U.S. forces clashed with the Mexican army, leaving a dozen Americans and forty Mexicans dead. Within days, Wilson had ordered nearly 150,000 National Guard troops to the border. War seemed likely.
Reversing Course
Wilson’s stubbornness and self-righteousness partly explain why he continued to dig his hole deeper in Mexico rather than stop shoveling. Politics also played a part—1916 was a presidential election year. Like many presidents who would follow him, Wilson did not want to hand an election issue to his opponent by looking “weak” in his dealing with Mexico.
Events on the other side of the Atlantic eventually forced Wilson’s hand. With relations with Germany worsening, and the likelihood of a U.S. entry into World War I growing, he ordered the withdrawal of U.S. troops in early January 1917. The last U.S. soldiers left Mexico on February 5, 1917. Less than four weeks later, the American public would learn about the Zimmermann Telegram.

Today Columbus, New Mexico, is home to about 1,800 people. It lies thirty five miles south of Deming, New Mexico, and sixty-five miles west of El Paso, Texas. You can find it by taking New Mexico State Highway 11 south from I-10 or New Mexico State Highway 9 from El Paso. Should you ever visit Columbus, be sure to check out Pancho Villa State Park.
The United States celebrates its 250th anniversary in 2026. To mark that milestone, I am resurfacing essays I have written over the years about major events in U.S. foreign policy. A version of this essay was published on March 9, 2011.
Oscar Berry assisted in the preparation of this post.
New Mexico
Aggies Earn Outright Mountain West Title with Win Over New Mexico
Courtesy of Utah State Athletics
LOGAN, Utah – Utah State men’s basketball concluded its final season in the Mountain West with a championship Saturday afternoon in the Dee Glen Smith Spectrum, defeating New Mexico 94-90 to secure the outright regular season championship and the No. 1-seed in the upcoming MW Tournament.
This is Utah State’s third all-time Mountain West championship, and its second outright title since joining the league in 2013. The Aggies had secured at least a share of the title prior to the game, but were able to prevent the second-place Lobos from claiming a share with the victory. This is the second time USU has won the MW title outright, joining the 2024 squad as the only Aggie teams to do so.
The Aggies conclude the 2025-26 regular season 25-6 overall and 15-5 in conference play. This is the 12th 25-win season in program history, and the first time the team has ever won 25-plus in four-straight seasons.
The senior class showed up in a big way on senior night, combining for 62 of Utah State’s 94 points in the contest. In his final game in the Spectrum, senior guard MJ Collins Jr. led the way as he went for 27 points with a season-best six rebounds, an assist and a steal. This was the second-best scoring performance of the season for Collins Jr.
Other seniors honored following the game included guards Drake Allen and Kolby King, and forwards Zach Keller and Garry Clark. Each senior gave a major contribution — Allen going for 14 points, Keller for eight, King finishing with seven and Clark going for six.
The Aggies led from nearly start-to-finish in the victory, leading for over 38 minutes while trailing for less than one. USU shot an efficient 50 percent from the field and found its rhythm from deep as well, connecting on 10-of-27 3-pointers. Despite the hot shooting, however, the Lobos held strong and remained in the contest throughout, shooting 48 percent on their end of the court.
Utah State set the tone early with 10 makes in its first 15 shots, opening up a double-digit advantage six minutes in at 17-7. The Aggies remained decisively in front through the rest of the half, until a 7-0 New Mexico run to close the half gave the Lobos their first and only lead of the contest, going into the locker room up 94-90.
The second half started the same as the first, the Aggies pouncing to quickly regain control. USU opened the final 20 minutes with a 12-2 run out of the gates, sparked by back-to-back triples from Collins Jr.
While the Aggies never took another double-digit lead, they remained on top the rest of the way. Despite a cold streak where it made just three of 13 shots, USU kept itself in control at the charity stripe, connecting on 83 percent of its free throws including going 18-of-21 in the second half.
Along with Collins Jr.’s big scoring performance, junior guard Mason Falslev showed out for the Aggies with 15 points, three boards and four assists. Junior guard Karson Templin provided a spark in 23 minutes off the bench, going for 15 points and five rebounds.
Allen accompanied his 14 points with a team-best seven assists, while also pulling down five boards, two steals and a block.
In total, Utah State shot 50.0 percent (27-of-54) from the floor, 37.0 percent (10-of-27) from 3-point range and 83.3 percent (30-of-36) at the charity stripe. New Mexico shot 47.5 percent (29-of-61) from the field, 44.8 percent (13-of-29) from behind the arc and 73.1 percent (19-of-26) at the free throw line.
UP NEXT
Utah State will now travel to Las Vegas for the Mountain West men’s basketball tournament, taking place next week from March 11-14 at the Thomas & Mack Center. The Aggies will be the No. 1-seed and will play at 1 p.m. (MT).
FOLLOW
For more information on Utah State’s men’s basketball program, follow the Aggies on Facebook at usumensbasketball, on Twitter at @usubasketball and on Instagram at @usubasketball. Fans can also watch USU men’s basketball highlights by visiting youtube.com/utahstateathletics.
-USU-
New Mexico
Pentagon and FAA agree to conduct anti-drone laser tests in New Mexico
The Pentagon and the Federal Aviation Administration agreed to conduct anti-drone laser tests in New Mexico after the military’s deployment of the lasers led the FAA to suddenly close airspace in Texas twice in the last month.
The newly announced testing was being carried out to “specifically address FAA safety concerns,” the military said Friday in a statement. It was to take place Saturday and Sunday at the White Sands Missile Range in New Mexico.
Lawmakers were concerned about an apparent lack of coordination after the Pentagon allowed U.S. Customs and Border Protection to use an anti-drone laser in early February without notifying the FAA. The federal agency that ensures safety in the skies decided to close the airspace over El Paso for a few hours, stranding many travelers.
The Trump administration said it was working to halt an incursion by Mexican cartel drones, which are not uncommon along the southern border.
On Feb. 26 the U.S. military used the laser to shoot down a “seemingly threatening” drone flying near the U.S.-Mexico border. It turned out the drone belonged to Customs and Border Protection, lawmakers said.
The incident led the FAA to close the airspace around Fort Hancock, about 50 miles (80 kilometers) southeast of El Paso.
“We appreciate the coordination with the Department of War to help ensure public safety,” the FAA said of the testing, in a separate statement. “The FAA and DOW are working with interagency partners to address emerging threats posed by unmanned aircraft systems while maintaining the safety of the National Airspace System.”
The military is required to formally notify the FAA when it takes any counter-drone action inside U.S. airspace.
Illinois Democratic Sen. Tammy Duckworth, the ranking member on the Senate’s Aviation Subcommittee, called previously for an independent investigation after the two February incidents.
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