Colorado
What comes next for Colorado’s health insurance programs for immigrants?
During Joe Biden’s presidential administration, Colorado took bold steps to expand health coverage to immigrants living in the state, regardless of their legal status.
Tens of thousands of people took advantage of those programs to gain coverage for themselves or their children. The hope of supporters is that this will lower the uninsured rate in Colorado since immigration status can be a major barrier to obtaining health coverage. Providing access to coverage for primary and preventive care could also reduce the amount the state spends paying for emergency care for uninsured noncitizens who have a health crisis.
But now, the long-term fate of those programs is unclear — and not just because of potential threats from Donald Trump’s administration. While an executive order issued Wednesday could affect one of the programs, state budget woes could also have an impact.
So what might come next for these programs? Here are some answers.
What are these programs?
The coverage expansions largely come through two programs.
One is called OmniSalud, and it connects people with private health insurance. Many immigrants are not eligible for federal insurance subsidies offered to people who buy coverage on their own. OmniSalud addresses that by offering state-funded subsidies to people not eligible for federal subsidies.
The program works in conjunction with the state’s insurance exchange, Connect for Health Colorado, but it does not use the exchange’s platform. Instead, Colorado created an entirely new exchange called Colorado Connect to handle the sign-ups.
For 2025, more than 13,000 people signed up for coverage through Colorado Connect, including 12,000 who signed up to receive subsidized coverage through OmniSalud. (Because of funding limitations, OmniSalud enrollment is capped, but people can still buy unsubsidized coverage.)
The second program is called Cover All Coloradans, and it rolled out only at the start of the year. The program allows children and pregnant women to receive Medicaid coverage regardless of their immigration status.
That program has now enrolled more than 11,000 people.
Colorado is among a handful of mostly Democratic-controlled states that offer coverage to children regardless of immigration status. But many states, including several run by Republicans, have extended federal programs to cover pregnant women.
Do these programs share immigration information with the federal government?
The answer here is complicated — mostly no but sometimes yes.
Colorado law generally prohibits state agencies from asking about immigration status or from sharing identifying information for the purposes of immigration enforcement.
For OmniSalud, the use of a separate enrollment platform means the data is stored separately from the state’s main insurance exchange and is not shared with the federal government. The OmniSalud application does not ask about immigration status, said Kevin Patterson, the CEO of Connect for Health Colorado.
For Cover All Coloradans, the application is the same as what is used for anyone else applying for Medicaid. That application does ask about immigration status.

But Colorado doesn’t always pass that information on to the federal government. The portion of the program for kids is entirely state-funded, so there is no federal match of funds for those enrollees.
“If there is not a match for an individual, their information will not be shared,” Marc Williams, a spokesperson for the state Department of Health Care Policy and Financing, wrote in an email. The department administers Medicaid in the state as well as the Cover All Coloradans program.
But the state does for now receive matching funds from the federal government to help pay for the care for pregnant people regardless of immigration status as well as for another program that covers emergency services. In that case, personal information, including immigration status, would be shared with the federal Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services, which is also known as CMS.
“Historically, CMS has used the information only for the purpose of determining eligibility,” Williams wrote.
Does the latest Trump executive order end Cover All Coloradans?
On Wednesday, Trump issued an executive order attempting to end federal benefits for people living in the country without documentation, as well as to crack down on so-called sanctuary policies at the local level.
“My Administration will uphold the rule of law, defend against the waste of hard-earned taxpayer resources, and protect benefits for American citizens in need, including individuals with disabilities and veterans,” Trump stated in the order.
How this will impact Medicaid programs nationally and in Colorado, though, is unclear.
The federal money that helps pay for coverage for pregnant people on Cover All Coloradans comes through a Medicaid companion program called the Children’s Health Insurance Program, or CHIP. States can choose to participate in CHIP’s From-Conception-to-End-of-Pregnancy Option. So far, 23 states have done so, including Republican-controlled states such as Texas and Tennessee.
Federal Medicaid dollars can also be used to help pay for emergency care for people in the country illegally. Every state has some form of such an emergency Medicaid program.
The executive order doesn’t spell out which programs are affected. Instead, it says that the head of each federal agency must “identify all federally funded programs administered by the agency that currently permit illegal aliens to obtain any cash or non-cash public benefit, and, consistent with applicable law, take all appropriate actions to align such programs with the purposes of this order.”
Williams, the Colorado Medicaid spokesperson, wrote in an email that state officials are evaluating the order.
“Like other executive orders, this order directs action by federal agencies and we’re awaiting guidance from CMS,” he wrote.

Could the feds use health information to target immigrants who are undocumented?
Experts The Colorado Sun consulted said it may be technically possible but it’s not necessarily likely.
Immigration authorities trying to get Colorado agencies to cough up enrollee information would enter a legal morass.
“Federal law doesn’t require that state agencies or private companies share information with immigration officials,” César Cuauhtémoc García Hernández, a law professor at Ohio State University (previously at the University of Denver), who specializes in immigration enforcement law, wrote in an email.
“A federal law bars Colorado from refusing to share information about a person’s citizenship or immigration status with (Immigration and Customs Enforcement), but that law only applies to information that the state already possesses and Colorado law has barred state officials from asking for this information since 2022.”
García Hernández said, while it’s possible that immigration authorities could obtain a court subpoena or search warrant requiring the state to hand over enrollee information, it would be unusual.
“ICE rarely does that,” he wrote.
What about information shared with federal Medicaid officials?
Historically, the U.S. Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement has had a policy against using health information for enforcement purposes.
Matthew Lopez, an attorney and the director of state advocacy for the National Immigration Law Center, said the federal Medicaid agency “has pretty strong restrictions on how Medicaid information can be shared.”
“We’re pretty confident that the way that it’s carried out now is consistent with federal laws regarding privacy within the Medicaid program,” Lopez said.
That doesn’t mean the Trump administration won’t try to change those protections, but Lopez said he hasn’t heard of anything so far suggesting it will. Still, he said, he understands why immigrants and immigrant-rights groups are nervous.
“This exists in the context of everything else that’s happening,” he said. “This is an administration whose immigration actions are designed to sow chaos and fear.”
Will the programs survive?
OmniSalud and Cover All Coloradans face uncertain futures, but for different reasons.
OmniSalud is funded out of something called the Colorado Health Insurance Affordability Enterprise, which gets its money from a fee on health insurers, as well as from a large, annual federal grant. (Colorado is still waiting on its promised grant from the feds for 2025 to arrive.)
Colorado Insurance Commissioner Michael Conway said the state amended the “terms and conditions” section of its federal grant in the waning days of the Biden administration to make clear that OmniSalud is not funded by the federal money.
“We obviously knew there would be a concern related to the incoming Trump administration,” Conway said. “It just made sense to take that issue off the table.”
But, with potential changes to health insurance funding at the federal level, Colorado could see smaller grant amounts in the coming years. The federal authorization for the grant is also due to expire during the Trump administration, making it unclear whether it will be renewed. If those federal funds were to go away, Colorado’s health insurance enterprise wouldn’t be able to pay for all the programs it currently supports.

Cover All Coloradans, meanwhile, faces more challenges. If it survives the Trump administration orders, it could still be a victim of the current state budget crisis. Members of the legislature’s Joint Budget Committee have looked at possibly axing the program, which is expected to cost around $30 million in the coming fiscal year, as a way to close the state’s roughly $1 billion budget shortfall.
Supporters of the program have argued against ending it, though, saying that the program will ultimately save the state money by providing lower-cost preventive care up front and avoiding more costly emergency care down the road.
“The impact of capping or pausing this program,” state Medicaid director Adela Flores-Brennan told the JBC last month, “is that we will further strain the safety net.”
Colorado
Colorado mom accused of killing 2 kids, fleeing to UK arrives back in US to face murder charges: ‘Momentous day’
A Colorado mom who is accused of stabbing her two young children to death and then fleeing the country after trying to frame her ex-husband finally arrived back in the US on Tuesday — almost two years after she was arrested in the UK.
Colorado District Attorney Michael Allen announced Kimberlee Singler’s return to the US during a somber press conference Tuesday afternoon. The 36-year-old faces two counts of first-degree murder and life behind bars if convicted.
“It’s a momentous day today,” Allen said, adding that her return “marks the first step in the criminal justice process.”
Singler is accused of killing her 9-year-old daughter and 7-year-old son and slashing her 11-year-old daughter amidst a bitter custody battle with her ex-husband on Dec. 18, 2023.
Her ex had recently been awarded more parenting time and his sister had been due to pick the three children up for the holidays two days before the slayings — but Singler refused to hand the kids over.
The husband’s lawyer then got a court order on Dec. 18, the day of the gruesome stabbings, for her to exchange the children two days later.
The mom called cops just after midnight on Dec. 19, claiming someone had burglarized the family’s Colorado Springs apartment. When police arrived, they said they found her two youngest children dead and her eldest injured.
Singler then told police that her ex-husband “had previously dreamt about killing his family” and that he was “always trying to ‘frame her’ and ‘get her arrested’ and to have the kids taken away from her,” Judge John Zani at Westminster Magistrates’ Court said in his January ruling when he rejected the challenge to her extradition to face murder charges.
A warrant was issued for her arrest mere days after the slaying, but she’d fled the country by then.
Singler’s extradition from the UK had repeatedly been stalled due to challenges ever since she was arrested in London on Dec. 30, 2023, less than two weeks after she allegedly killed her 9-year-old daughter and 7-year-old son.
She tried to argue that her extradition would violate the European human rights protections on the basis that a potential first-degree murder conviction would slap her with an automatic life-without-parole sentence, per Colorado law.
An eleventh-hour appeal was rejected in November, clearing her long-awaited extradition.
Allen, meanwhile, reiterated the importance of granting her eldest daughter, now 13, and her distraught family the privacy they desperately need.
The sole survivor previously recounted the moment her disturbed mother led her and her siblings to their bedrooms while muttering that “God was telling her to do it or their father was going to take them away.”
Singler faces seven first-degree charges for murder, attempted murder, and first-degree assault, Allen said.
Colorado
Where did Colorado’s wolves spend time in December?
While some of the wolves are part of Colorado’s four packs establishing territories in Pitkin, Jackson, Routt and Rio Blanco counties, others continue to search the landscape for mates and suitable food sources and habitat.
Largely, however, wolf exploration of Colorado remains within similar northern counties in December, according to the latest wolf activity map shared by Colorado Parks and Wildlife on Dec. 23.
The map — which shows the watersheds where the state’s collared gray wolves were located between Nov. 25 and Dec. 19 — shows that wolves continue to be most active in the northwest, while also pushing into watersheds to the south and east.
While the map continues to show activity in some Front Range area watersheds within Larimer, Denver, Boulder and Jefferson counties, the agency reported that “no wolves have crossed I-25 or spent time near urban centers.”
If a watershed is highlighted, it means that at least one GPS point from one wolf was recorded in that watershed during the 30 days. GPS points are recorded every four hours or so. The latest map also shows activity in Routt, Rio Blanco, Eagle, Jackson, Larimer, Grand, Summit, Gilpin, Clear Creek, Park, Lake, Chaffee, Gunnison, Garfield, Saguache, Rio Grande and Conejos counties.
While wolves have been exploring southern watersheds for months, Colorado saw its first wolf enter New Mexico and be returned by the southwestern state’s wildlife agency in December. Colorado has an agreement with Utah, New Mexico and Arizona in which any gray wolves from Colorado that enter these three states can be captured and returned to Parks and Wildlife.
According to Parks and Wildlife, the male gray wolf was among those born to the Copper Creek pack in 2024 and dispersed from the pack in the fall. Dispersal is common for young wolves as they leave their birth pack, attempt to make it on their own and search for a mate. The animal was released in Grand County — a decision that sparked concerns from state and local elected officials as well as some wildlife advocates — in a location reportedly distanced from livestock and near to an unpaired female wolf as well as prey populations.
The watershed map shows that there was wolf activity in Conejos County along the New Mexico state border. It also shows wolf activity brushing up against the Wyoming border. Parks and Wildlife does not have an agreement with its northern neighbor. Instead, wolves that enter Wyoming lose their protections as an endangered species and can be hunted in the vast majority of the state. Three of Colorado’s reintroduced wolves have died after going north.
Colorado is nearly two years into its reintroduction of gray wolves, releasing a total of 25 wolves. Four packs had pups this year, but Parks and Wildlife has not released minimum counts of new wolf pups for all the packs. It says it will release the count in its annual wolf report, released each spring. Eleven wolf deaths have been confirmed.
While the agency was looking to conduct its third year of wolf releases in the southwest this winter, Parks and Wildlife has yet to secure a source of wolves. The agency had planned to return to British Columbia; however, the federal government, under a new director, said it could no longer import the wolves from outside the country.
Colorado
Opinion: Colorado must invest in evidence-based policies to prevent harm from substances, not costly criminalization
Across the nation, the opioid epidemic has wreaked havoc on the health and lives of far too many, and Colorado is no exception. According to Mental Health America, Colorado ranks fourth and seventh in the country for adults and youth with substance use disorders, respectively. That means thousands of our friends, neighbors and loved ones are living with addiction and can’t get the help they need. Overdose deaths in Colorado have risen sharply since 2019, largely due to the proliferation of fentanyl, with 1,603 deaths in 2024 alone, according to the state.
It’s a public health crisis, and one we’re now at risk of making even worse. Last month, supporters turned in signatures to send Initiative #85 to the 2026 ballot, a measure that would increase criminal penalties for fentanyl crimes. We feel this threatens to drag us backward toward the failed policies and practices of the past rather than working toward a healthier future.
At the same time, state and federal funding for treatment and prevention is drying up. The recently passed federal spending bill HR1 will mean devastating changes to Medicaid, gutting the single most important source of funding for substance use treatment in the country. For the past several years, as more states have expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act, Medicaid has emerged as the leading source of coverage for addiction treatment in the nation.
A recent Brookings study found that nearly 90% of treatment for opioid addiction is paid for, at least in part, by Medicaid. These cuts will leave our already strained systems unable to meet the growing demand, particularly for low-income and disabled individuals who will have fewer treatment options and more barriers to care.
Meanwhile, Colorado faced a $1.2 billion budget shortfall this year, and even more deficits are on the horizon for 2026. The state is stuck in a cycle of annual budget shortfalls of roughly $1 billion, making it increasingly difficult to cover existing programs and skyrocketing Medicaid costs. That means fewer resources to fill in federal funding gaps, a fraying behavioral health safety net, and an increasingly stressed population that is highly vulnerable to substance use and harm.
Given this grim picture, it’s never been more critical to prioritize smart, effective policy to combat the overdose crisis. We should be focusing our scarce funding on evidence-based substance use prevention, treatment and recovery support, not costly, ineffective drug war criminalization policies that are historically discriminatory in their implementation and proven to fail.
Mitigating and reversing the drug addiction crisis in Colorado and across the nation is complex and has to involve multiple strategies working in tandem to decrease supply and demand. While increasing criminal penalties related to drug addiction among individuals may seem like a tough-on-crime approach, it has not and will not resolve the drug addiction crisis nor dissolve the supply or the demand for illicit drugs.
Decades of data show that criminalizing substance users doesn’t reduce addiction or overdose. Recently, researchers at the University of Colorado Anschutz found the following: “Intensified drug enforcement laws have little deterrent effect on substance use and may worsen health outcomes. Fear of being arrested fosters riskier substance use behaviors and increased overdose risk. Incarceration and the subsequent stigma experienced by people with substance use disorder work in tandem to create barriers for treatment access and worsen mental health, creating a structurally reinforced cycle of isolation.”
The research is clear. Harsh penalties haven’t protected our communities from the dangers of fentanyl. They have only compounded harm and pushed people deeper into the shadows, making it harder to seek help, and saddling individuals with felony records that create lifelong barriers to employment, housing, and recovery.
Policies like the proposed 2026 ballot measure to increase felony charges for drug possession are not just misguided — they cost taxpayer dollars. They further overburden law enforcement agencies, flood jails, courtrooms and prisons that are already beyond their capacity, and ultimately do nothing to address the core of the opioid epidemic.
Instead of doubling down on punishing people who use substances, we need to expand what works: prevention programs in schools and communities, access to harm reduction tools like naloxone, and a robust continuum of care that includes outpatient and residential treatment. We need more support for peer recovery professionals, more public education and more investment in what keeps people healthy, which includes housing, food security and opportunities for connection. We need to act together, with assertive intelligence, to disrupt the black market drug trafficking that is the enemy of the people.
The opioid crisis is a public health crisis and demands a public health response. Colorado has the knowledge, data and tools to build a more effective and compassionate system. But we cannot do it if we are bleeding out resources to punitive policies that fail the people they claim to help.
Let’s not go backward. Let’s invest in health and safety and give Coloradans a real chance at recovery.
Vincent Atchity, of Denver, is the president and CEO of Mental Health Colorado.
José Esquibel, of Jefferson County, is the former vice chair of the Colorado Substance Abuse Trend and Response Task Force.
The Colorado Sun is a nonpartisan news organization, and the opinions of columnists and editorial writers do not reflect the opinions of the newsroom. Read our ethics policy for more on The Sun’s opinion policy. Learn how to submit a column. Reach the opinion editor at opinion@coloradosun.com.
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