Colorado
Colorado is due nearly $800 million in national opioid settlements. The challenge? How to spend it most effectively.
Hundreds of millions of dollars will flow into Colorado over the next 17 years to try to offset the societal damage from opioid addiction, but the governments and regional councils that control the money have little guidance on how best to spend it.
Colorado will receive at least $787.7 million through nearly a dozen multi-state legal settlements with pharmaceutical companies, drug distributors and some major retailers, with $110.7 million of that total distributed since November 2022.
About 60% of Colorado’s share will go to 19 regional groupings of counties, with the state and individual communities taking smaller shares. The amount sent to municipalities, which still benefit from the regional allocations, depends on their populations and how hard the opioid crisis hit them.
So far, the regional distributions have ranged from $345,000, given to five counties in the northwest corner of the state, to $8.4 million for the region that includes only Adams County. Municipalities have received anywhere from just $121, sent to the town of Empire, to $3.9 million, which was Denver’s allocation.
Those sums won’t address all of the harm that opioid addiction has done in the state, but they offer a unique opportunity to save lives, said Marie Curran, Denver’s opioid abatement funds program coordinator. Since 2000, the state reported 11,316 deaths from opioid overdoses, including 1,292 in the most recent year with data.
“I think the money itself is significant,” she said. “It’s not going to be able to solve every issue.”
And the pot of money could still grow. Purdue Pharma, which made OxyContin, and its former owners still haven’t finalized their settlement, which would pay about $6 billion over 18 years to state and local governments, as well as qualifying individuals. The U.S. Supreme Court threw that arrangement into question last month when it ruled the Sackler family, which owned Purdue, couldn’t shield its assets from lawsuits through Purdue’s bankruptcy.
The initial payments from the finalized agreements are supposed to be the largest, however, so unless more companies settle, communities will receive smaller amounts as the years pass, though the exact amount they’ll receive in the future is uncertain. If the regions and local governments don’t have a plan for all of their allocated funds in a particular year, they can opt to have the state hold that money for them until a future year.
Communities have dozens of options to spend the settlement, and while the sums can be significant, they won’t cover every possibility, even in cities receiving millions. That forces regional councils and local governments to prioritize what needs to be tackled first and decide how best to do that, with only limited guidance.
Recipients may never be sure if they chose the absolute best use of their funds. But they’ll know if they made a wrong choice by picking something without strong evidence it works, said Rhiannon Streight, senior behavioral health consultant at the Steadman Group, a consultancy that focuses on health care and is helping five regions sort through their options for the settlement money.
For example, Drug Abuse Resistance Education — the D.A.R.E. program, most prominent through the 1980s and ’90s — is a permitted expenditure, but hasn’t been shown to reduce youth drug use, she said.
“I do think there’s a wrong way to do it,” Streight said. “There are so many right ways.”
Colorado requires the regions and 79 municipalities receiving settlement money directly to spend it on opioid- and addiction-related projects — no paving roads or cutting property taxes. Many towns and counties receiving smaller allocations decided to send their share to their region rather than administering it locally.
The 19 regional councils, largely made of elected officials, that oversee the spending have dozens of options to choose from within those bounds, though, and regions are taking very different approaches. A few are saving most of the money for one major project, such as building a treatment facility, while others are making grants to 10 or more organizations almost immediately.
The regions had to submit two-year plans for how they would spend their share of the settlement funds to the Colorado Attorney General’s Office, which is overseeing the settlements’ distribution. The Colorado Opioid Abatement Council must determine whether the planned spending is an approved use, but can’t deny it if the members believe a different approved use would be better.
The opioid settlements, like the 1998 tobacco master settlement, carry some unusual challenges, said Glenn Sterner, an assistant professor of criminal justice at Penn State University who is involved with Pennsylvania’s settlement distribution. Typically, when a community wants to do something to address substance use, it submits an application to an agency, which determines if the idea seems sound. In this case, courts are distributing the money, and while communities are required to spend it on opioid-related items, no one is giving them much guidance on how best to do that, he said.
Another challenge is that stigma still surrounds some of the interventions with the most evidence, such as offering the medications methadone or buprenorphine to people in recovery, Sterner said. If decision-makers aren’t comfortable with proven strategies, or think their communities won’t be, they may instead turn to ideas without track records, he said.
In a perfect world, every community would have a “balanced portfolio” of investments in prevention, treatment, harm reduction and recovery services, but the settlement sums are less impressive than they sound when spread out over 18 years, Sterner said. So each place will have to consider which needs are most pressing and how they can use other funding sources to achieve as much as possible, he said.
“We don’t really know what the right mix of programs and projects are” for different situations, he said.
Denver goes in on harm reduction
Communities don’t lack options to spend their settlement dollars.
In September 2022, Denver released a list of 58 possible uses for its $4.7 million initial payment. Some of the uses, such as medication-assisted treatment in jails, already had other sources of funding, and some weren’t feasible with the amount available, such as building a new treatment center. Denver received funds both as a city and as a one-county region.
Ultimately, the largest share of the $7.9 million Denver has received so far went to harm reduction, which accounted for at least $1.5 million, according to data from the attorney general’s office. Denver received allocations as both a city and as a one-county region.
Harm reduction includes tactics such as operating syringe exchanges to reduce the spread of infectious diseases and handing out naloxone to people who might need to reverse someone else’s overdose.
The Naloxone Project is using its share of the money, which has totaled about $400,000 so far, to fund training for first responders and to distribute the overdose reversal drug, which it pays for with other grants and donations. In the past year, about 1,000 Denver Health paramedics, Denver Police Department officers, mental health co-responders and Denver Fire Department personnel have taken training about naloxone, and many accepted free doses they can give out to at-risk people they encounter on their calls, Naloxone Project founder Dr. Don Stader said.
Part of the goal is to encourage first responders to think more broadly about who might be at risk. For example, police might be called to an encampment for a disturbance that doesn’t relate to opioids, but notice needles or other paraphernalia around that would lead them to believe that someone could overdose in the near future, and would have the option to leave naloxone, Stader said. Naloxone won’t solve the crisis alone, but it can prevent deaths, he said.
“It’s part of a holistic solution to the opioid crisis,” Stader said.

The group also is hoping to get some state funding to expand its training beyond the 25 agencies that currently participate, most of which are in the Denver area, said Joshua Jacoves, pre-hospital project manager for the Naloxone Project. As of the end of June, the existing partners had given out about 450 naloxone kits to the public. While they don’t know how many people used them to reverse overdoses, a few recipients have volunteered that they used their first kit and were seeking a second one, he said.
Some of the money also went to diversify the group of people working in peer support in the city. Tonya Wheeler, executive director of Advocates for Recovery Colorado, said the $338,000 the group received from Denver this year allowed it to promote a recovery coach of American Indian and Spanish descent to the role of cultural program manager, and to hire a native Spanish speaker originally from Mexico as a recovery coach. People tend to have an easier time relating to coaches who share their background, and the peer recovery workforce is still disproportionately white, she said.
“Let’s bring the proper services to the proper community using the proper support,” she said.
Some of the Denver grant also will go toward translating some of their written materials into Spanish, hiring a contractor to train the recovery coaches on diversity and inclusion and paying stipends to people serving on an advisory council to help the group be more equitable, Wheeler said. The group isn’t guaranteed to get funds every year, but Wheeler said she’s hopeful that the opioid money will offer some longer-term stability for the people they hired and the diversity work they’re doing.
“It can be disruptive to a community when we put services in and have to yank them away,” she said.
Denver also made grants to connect more people to treatment through the Colorado Health Network, and the city plans to help the Harm Reduction Action Center purchase a facility; to expand capacity at 5280 High School, which serves students in recovery; and to run a public education campaign about harm reduction, among other things, said Curran, the opioid abatement funds program coordinator for the city and county.
The regions have to balance how they’re going to address immediate needs with longer-term strategies, and have to think about how to collaborate with others working on addiction to do the most with the available funds, Curran said. Denver is talking to the other regions and the attorney general’s office to see what it can learn from different approaches, she said.
The council in Denver is trying to think 10 or 20 years out for its strategic plan, with the knowledge that it almost certainly will change within that time, Curran said. Twenty years ago, opioid addiction wasn’t on most people’s radar as a health problem, and 10 years ago, prescription pills were still the most salient threat. Since then, heroin displaced prescription pills as the top threat, before illicit fentanyl displaced it as the drug linked to the most overdose deaths.
“We don’t want to develop this plan, wipe our hands and say, ‘We did it,’ ” she said.
Construction, prevention and public messages
Some regions are betting the settlement funds are their opportunity to make a single big investment they couldn’t otherwise afford.
In its most recent report to the state, the Southwest Opioid Response District said it put 93% of the roughly $1.5 million it had received at that point toward saving up to build a “recovery campus,” with the remaining $109,000 going to grants for community organizations working on addiction. The campus is still in the planning phases and doesn’t have a site yet.
Heather Otter, project manager for a five-county economic district and facilitator of the Southwest Opioid Response District, said SWORD accepted the first applications from community organizations in June and is still evaluating them. Both the economic district and SWORD include Archuleta, Dolores, La Plata, Montezuma and San Juan counties.
The recovery campus won’t be ready for several years, at least, but it could represent a “generational solution” to the problem that people in the area don’t have anywhere to go after treatment if they don’t feel ready to return to their normal lives, Otter said. The plan is eventually to build a continuum of recovery services, ranging from supportive groups through sober living homes and the recovery campus, which will have a curriculum that residents complete, she said.
“The recovery piece is something that can endure long after we’re doing the work,” she said.
Other regions concluded that building new infrastructure didn’t make sense for them.
Broomfield, which has received a combined $725,000 as a city and a region, doesn’t have a treatment center within its borders, but in a geographically compact community, people don’t find it a great hardship to go to one of the surrounding counties for care, said Jason Vahling, director of the city and county’s Department of Public Health and Environment.
Broomfield had recently completed a community health assessment, which gave some general areas to explore, Vahling said. It then convened an advisory group, which determined the biggest priorities were preventing substance misuse, harm reduction, linking people to treatment and setting up an infrastructure to oversee the groups using the funds, he said.
Some of the strategies they’re pursuing include preventing drug use by giving young people scholarships for activities so they have less unsupervised time, training community members to recognize when someone needs help, distributing naloxone to anyone who wants it and hiring someone to help in the justice system get treatment and meet their other basic needs, Vahling said.

“We believe we need to be able to address all of those community factors,” he said.
Generally, prevention programs are most successful when they teach kids communication skills, how to make good decisions and how to handle their emotions and control their behavior, said Nathaniel Riggs, executive director of the Colorado State University Prevention Research Center.
Family programs that teach how to talk to kids and monitor their behavior in a way that doesn’t feel punitive also can help, he said. The center is working with four Colorado regions to develop their prevention plans.

“It really is about promoting the good,” because people who feel their lives are going well are less likely to engage in dangerous behavior, he said.
In contrast, evidence has shown that “scare tactics” and programs that just present information about the negative effects of drugs rarely succeed in reducing youth use, Riggs said. Bringing in one-time speakers also isn’t a good use of money, he said.
“We know those approaches don’t work, mainly because they don’t build skills,” he said. “Raising knowledge of substances and the effect that they have on the human body… is important, but it’s not enough.”
Prevention can look different from region to region.

Karina Schorr, opioid abatement council coordinator for the mountainous Region 5, said their anti-stigma campaign has an element of encouraging people to think about how they can still enjoy themselves and be part of their communities without substances. They plan to feature local people in recovery from a variety of substances, not just opioids, since people who are struggling with one drug may use others, she said.
“As a region, we’re somewhat characterized by the mountain resort towns,” she said. “It kind of comes along with a lot of substance use and so-called party culture.” Region 5 includes Summit, Eagle, Pitkin, Garfield and Lake counties.
The Region 5 council also contracted with a local group, High Rockies Harm Reduction, to distribute naloxone in places where people feel comfortable coming to pick it up, Schorr said. As is, most of the free naloxone in the area sits in county health departments, and people who use drugs may not want to advertise that fact to a government agency, she said. The group also offers peer support and help finding care to people who want to stop using drugs.
“Access isn’t (as) strong up here” as it is in the metro area, she said.
Most funding sources last only a year or two, so the councils have to shift their thinking to best use the opioid settlement funding, Schorr said.
“We’re still trying, I think, to wrap our heads around what it means to have funding for 18 years,” she said. “We’re just trying to make sure we build a long-term vision and strategy.”

Initially, the attorney general’s office asked the councils to submit two-year plans, but now they can go one year at a time, said Streight, the consultant working with regions on plans to use their settlement money. Increasingly, though, councils are looking to make plans for three to five years, so they don’t have to go through the process of redetermining their priorities annually, she said.
“Councils are getting — ‘fatigued’ maybe is the right term — and want some longer-term planning,” she said. “Programs require a little bit of time to determine if they’re working or not.”
Streight said she and the other consultants in the firm choose a handful of the available tools to help the regions they’re working with to make their decisions. Most have come in without a clear idea of what goals they want to pursue, which isn’t surprising, since the elected officials on the regional councils aren’t experts on substance use disorders, she said.
The settlement came with an appendix highlighting the strategies that have the most evidence behind them, but even those may not be right for every community, which makes it vital to talk to people in recovery and those working in addiction locally, Streight said.
They also compile data to get an idea of what resources a community has and what gaps are most important to fill, she said.
“The people who have lived this in their communities, they know what to do,” she said.
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Colorado
Coloradans have gloomy outlook on economy, elected leaders — and fear rise in political violence, poll finds
Colorado voters hold a dim view of national politics, with nearly 3 in 4 characterizing the political situation as “in crisis.” And further, nearly two-thirds of respondents to a new poll fear political violence will worsen over the next few years.
Overall, the results from the Colorado Polling Institute, with the results released in phases on Thursday and Friday, show a dour outlook dominating the Centennial State 10 months into President Donald Trump’s second term. The poll also was conducted a month into the recently concluded — and record-long — federal government shutdown, and less than two months since the assassination on a college campus of conservative political activist Charlie Kirk.
Outside politics, 46% of Colorado voters said they think the economy will only get worse, while another 43% think it’ll only stay about the same — leaving a sliver of voters, just 12%, with a rosy outlook.
“I think it’s a general sense that there’s so many different issues that are weighing on them — they’re concerned about the economy, they’re even concerned about jobs today, it’s not just cost of living anymore. That just combines to be a real downer,” said pollster Lori Weigel, principal of New Bridge Strategy, the Republican half of the bipartisan team behind the poll.
Add in fears of political violence and an overall crisis of governance, Weigel said, and “how can you be sort of positive when you feel like that’s happening?”
Colorado voters are also reeling from the down economy more than the rest of the country, the pollsters found: 61% of respondents said they had cut spending on nonessential items compared to last year, versus 42% of the nation writ large, and 28% of Coloradans said their habits had remained about the same, compared to 43% of the nation.
The poll was in the field Nov. 1-5. The pollsters conducted online interviews with 622 registered voters that featured an over-sample of Hispanic voters to gauge that demographic’s views on certain questions. The survey has a margin of error of plus or minus 3.9 percentage points.
Hits to politicians’ favorability ratings
Coloradans’ souring feelings on politics as a whole have bled over to state leaders, though the changes were often within the margin of error. Gov. Jared Polis, a Democrat, is now slightly underwater with voters in favorable feelings, at 45% favorable to 46% unfavorable, according to the poll.
It’s a noticeable slip from March, when a bare majority, 51%, of voters held a favorable opinion of the term-limited governor and 40% had an unfavorable view. More voters also hold a very unfavorable view of him now, at 33%, than earlier this year, when it was 26%.
U.S. Sen. John Hickenlooper, a Democrat who is up for reelection next year, saw a similar slip, going from 49% favorable to 43% between March and this month. His unfavorable rating was 36% in March and 38% this month.
U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet, a Democrat who is now running for governor, saw a similar slip in overall favorability. Voters’ opinions moved from 45% favorable in March to 41% now, and unfavorable opinions ticked up from 31% to 35%.
More than half of all respondents didn’t have an opinion of Attorney General Phil Weiser, a Democrat who is running against Bennet in the primary to be the next governor.
In a Democrat-only breakdown, with a larger polling margin of error of 7.5 percentage points, Weiser suffered from a similar lack of recognition, with 57% not registering an opinion of him and 34% with a favorable view, to 9% with a negative one. Nearly 60% of Democratic voters, meanwhile, had a favorable opinion of Bennet, to 19% with an unfavorable view.
The pollsters did not ask about the two in a head-to-head matchup for next June’s primary.
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Colorado
Historic Colorado River deal to conserve flows advances after winning key approval from state water board
A yearslong effort to purchase two of the most powerful water rights on the Colorado River has cleared another hurdle after the state water board agreed to manage the rights alongside Western Slope water officials.
The Colorado Water Conservation Board voted unanimously Wednesday night to accept the two water rights tied to the Shoshone Power Plant into its environmental flow program. The approval is a critical piece in the Colorado River District’s $99 million deal with the owner of the aging plant in Glenwood Canyon — Xcel Energy — but the deal has faced pushback from Front Range water providers that fear the change could impact their supplies.
Backers of the deal aim to make sure the water now used by the small hydroelectric plant — and then put back in the river — will always flow westward.
“The importance of today’s vote cannot be overstated as a legacy decision for Colorado water and the Western Slope,” Andy Mueller, general manager of the Colorado River District, said in a news release. “It secures an essential foundation for the health of the Colorado River and the communities it sustains.”
Colorado water officials hailed the decision as a monumental achievement for the state that will help protect the river and its ecosystem. The state’s instream flow program allows the Water Conservation Board to manage dedicated water rights for the health of rivers, streams and lakes.
“Acquiring the Shoshone water rights for instream flow use is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to preserve and improve the natural environment of the Colorado River,” Dan Gibbs, the executive director of the Colorado Department of Natural Resources, said in a news release.
One of the main sticking points during the hourslong meeting Wednesday was whether the board should manage the water rights with the River District. That would include decisions on how and when to require upstream users — like Front Range utilities — to send more water downstream. Generally, the board is the sole manager of water rights in its instream flow program, which the Shoshone rights are now a part of.
Several Western Slope entities said they would withdraw their financial support from the purchase if the Colorado River District was not allowed to co-manage the right with the board. Local governments and other organizations across the Western Slope promised more than $16 million toward the purchase.
Front Range water providers argued that the statewide board is the sole authority that can manage such rights and should have final decision-making power.
The water board instead approved the co-management strategy, which means that the two authorities will decide together how to act when there is not enough water to meet the right’s obligations.
The Colorado River District — a taxpayer-funded agency that works to protect Western Slope water — wants to purchase the Shoshone rights to ensure that water will continue to flow west past the plant and downstream to the towns, farms and others who rely on the Colorado River, even if the century-old power plant were decommissioned.
A stream of Western Slope elected officials, water managers and conservation groups testified in support of the deal and the rare opportunity it presented.
“The Shoshone call is one of the great stabilizing forces on the river — a heartbeat that has kept our valley farms alive, our communities whole and our economies steady even in lean years,” Mesa County Commissioner Bobbie Daniel said, urging the board to approve the plan.
The meeting on Wednesday came after weeks of extensive mediation between the River District and Front Range entities. However, the representatives from opposite sides of the Continental Divide could not come to a consensus on a way forward.
Representatives from Front Range utilities have said repeatedly that they supported the purchase as a whole, but they stated concerns about the purchase changing the status quo on the river.
The water rights connected to the plant are the oldest major water rights on the main stem of the Colorado River, which means that they must be fulfilled before any rights established afterward. Those include more junior rights held by Front Range utilities to divert water from the river and bring it under the Continental Divide to their customers.
The plant’s rights can command up to 1,408 cubic feet of water per second year-round, or about 1 million acre-feet a year — enough water for 2 million to 3 million households’ annual use.
The Water Conservation Board’s approval is one of several that must be acquired by the River District. The deal now must go through the state’s water court and its Public Utilities Commission.
Along with the $16 million coming from Western Slope entities, the district will pay $20 million and the Water Conservation Board allocated another $20 million. The financial plan also includes $40 million awarded under the federal Inflation Reduction Act by the Biden administration, but that money remains frozen as part of the Trump administration’s broad halt to spending by the previous president.
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Colorado
Colorado’s Oldest Fan Celebrates 101st Birthday
Boulder, Colorado’s most famous symbol of loyalty, has reached yet another milestone. Peggy Coppom, the legendary Colorado Buffaloes superfan, turned 101 this week, celebrating with family, former athletes, coaches, and generations of fans whose lives she’s touched with her simple devotion to CU.
For Colorado coach Deion Sanders, Peggy is a familiar face in the stands. “Miss Peggy, in her own tremendous, loving way, she gives all of us hope,” Sanders shared last season. “You know how many decades we’re apart? But we still found one another. I thank God for that.”
If you want to know what it means to show up—through good seasons and bad— you’ll hear Peggy’s name every time. After attending her first CU football game in 1940, Coppom, alongside her late twin sister Betty Hoover, became a fixture in the stands. For nearly six decades, the twins rarely missed a home game, their loyalty unwavering even as Boulder changed and college football along with it.
Over the years, Peggy has watched Colorado battle through everything from stadium renovations to conference realignments. Her seat at Folsom Field has weathered championship runs and heartbreaks.
“Once we could afford season tickets, we jumped in,” she once recalled.
Now, Peggy has watched more than 330 home games, and her near-perfect attendance record is a feat matched by few in college sports.
Peggy Coppom’s story is a legacy that is woven into Boulder’s history. She and Betty saw Boulder transform from a small town into a lively college city of more than 100,000, with the university at its heart. They raised families while supporting CU from the stands and navigated losing seasons, and Peggy has embraced the program’s modern rise under Coach Prime.
Even after breaking her femur in 2024, Peggy made it to the Buffs season opener and is a familiar face at the Downtown Boulder Pearl Street rally and at bowl games.
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Peggy’s enthusiasm and kindness are infectious. On her 101st birthday, she was surprised by former CU star Jaylyn Sherrod at the CU women’s basketball game—one of many small celebrations joining together to honor Peggy.
For much of the community, Peggy’s life stands as an example of hope and joy, no matter the scoreboard or the challenges that come with being a fan of the Buffaloes.
Coach Prime’s public admiration has only magnified her legacy, weaving Peggy’s story into the current era of CU athletics.
“She’s consistent with who she is,” Sanders said. “Her memory is sharp as a tack. Just always pleasant… always has something profound and peaceful to say to me.”
Peggy Coppom’s 101 years encapsulate the best of the Buffs Nation and Boulder community. She shows the ability to show up and to celebrate the players at their very best. Her advice for fans and athletes is to always cherish the memories, love the people, and stay true to the black and gold.
Peggy summed up her induction into the CU Athletics Hall of Fame in 2022, saying, “I can’t think of one person or anybody that’s ever been given an award like this for simply having a good time.”
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