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Colorado is due nearly $800 million in national opioid settlements. The challenge? How to spend it most effectively.

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Colorado is due nearly 0 million in national opioid settlements. The challenge? How to spend it most effectively.


Hundreds of millions of dollars will flow into Colorado over the next 17 years to try to offset the societal damage from opioid addiction, but the governments and regional councils that control the money have little guidance on how best to spend it.

Colorado will receive at least $787.7 million through nearly a dozen multi-state legal settlements with pharmaceutical companies, drug distributors and some major retailers, with $110.7 million of that total distributed since November 2022.

About 60% of Colorado’s share will go to 19 regional groupings of counties, with the state and individual communities taking smaller shares. The amount sent to municipalities, which still benefit from the regional allocations, depends on their populations and how hard the opioid crisis hit them.

So far, the regional distributions have ranged from $345,000, given to five counties in the northwest corner of the state, to $8.4 million for the region that includes only Adams County. Municipalities have received anywhere from just $121, sent to the town of Empire, to $3.9 million, which was Denver’s allocation.

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Those sums won’t address all of the harm that opioid addiction has done in the state, but they offer a unique opportunity to save lives, said Marie Curran, Denver’s opioid abatement funds program coordinator. Since 2000, the state reported 11,316 deaths from opioid overdoses, including 1,292 in the most recent year with data.

“I think the money itself is significant,” she said. “It’s not going to be able to solve every issue.”

And the pot of money could still grow. Purdue Pharma, which made OxyContin, and its former owners still haven’t finalized their settlement, which would pay about $6 billion over 18 years to state and local governments, as well as qualifying individuals. The U.S. Supreme Court threw that arrangement into question last month when it ruled the Sackler family, which owned Purdue, couldn’t shield its assets from lawsuits through Purdue’s bankruptcy.

The initial payments from the finalized agreements are supposed to be the largest, however, so unless more companies settle, communities will receive smaller amounts as the years pass, though the exact amount they’ll receive in the future is uncertain. If the regions and local governments don’t have a plan for all of their allocated funds in a particular year, they can opt to have the state hold that money for them until a future year.

Communities have dozens of options to spend the settlement, and while the sums can be significant, they won’t cover every possibility, even in cities receiving millions. That forces regional councils and local governments to prioritize what needs to be tackled first and decide how best to do that, with only limited guidance.

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Recipients may never be sure if they chose the absolute best use of their funds. But they’ll know if they made a wrong choice by picking something without strong evidence it works, said Rhiannon Streight, senior behavioral health consultant at the Steadman Group, a consultancy that focuses on health care and is helping five regions sort through their options for the settlement money.

For example, Drug Abuse Resistance Education — the D.A.R.E. program, most prominent through the 1980s and ’90s — is a permitted expenditure, but hasn’t been shown to reduce youth drug use, she said.

“I do think there’s a wrong way to do it,” Streight said. “There are so many right ways.”

Colorado requires the regions and 79 municipalities receiving settlement money directly to spend it on opioid- and addiction-related projects — no paving roads or cutting property taxes. Many towns and counties receiving smaller allocations decided to send their share to their region rather than administering it locally.

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The 19 regional councils, largely made of elected officials, that oversee the spending have dozens of options to choose from within those bounds, though, and regions are taking very different approaches. A few are saving most of the money for one major project, such as building a treatment facility, while others are making grants to 10 or more organizations almost immediately.

The regions had to submit two-year plans for how they would spend their share of the settlement funds to the Colorado Attorney General’s Office, which is overseeing the settlements’ distribution. The Colorado Opioid Abatement Council must determine whether the planned spending is an approved use, but can’t deny it if the members believe a different approved use would be better.

The opioid settlements, like the 1998 tobacco master settlement, carry some unusual challenges, said Glenn Sterner, an assistant professor of criminal justice at Penn State University who is involved with Pennsylvania’s settlement distribution. Typically, when a community wants to do something to address substance use, it submits an application to an agency, which determines if the idea seems sound. In this case, courts are distributing the money, and while communities are required to spend it on opioid-related items, no one is giving them much guidance on how best to do that, he said.

Another challenge is that stigma still surrounds some of the interventions with the most evidence, such as offering the medications methadone or buprenorphine to people in recovery, Sterner said. If decision-makers aren’t comfortable with proven strategies, or think their communities won’t be, they may instead turn to ideas without track records, he said.

In a perfect world, every community would have a “balanced portfolio” of investments in prevention, treatment, harm reduction and recovery services, but the settlement sums are less impressive than they sound when spread out over 18 years, Sterner said. So each place will have to consider which needs are most pressing and how they can use other funding sources to achieve as much as possible, he said.

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“We don’t really know what the right mix of programs and projects are” for different situations, he said.

Vehicle Support Technician Paul Grimes shows a Narcan kit, a brand of the livesaving opioid overdose medication naloxone, while stocking ambulances at Denver Health in Denver on Thursday, July 11, 2024. (Photo by Hyoung Chang/The Denver Post)

Denver goes in on harm reduction

Communities don’t lack options to spend their settlement dollars.

In September 2022, Denver released a list of 58 possible uses for its $4.7 million initial payment. Some of the uses, such as medication-assisted treatment in jails, already had other sources of funding, and some weren’t feasible with the amount available, such as building a new treatment center. Denver received funds both as a city and as a one-county region.

Ultimately, the largest share of the $7.9 million Denver has received so far went to harm reduction, which accounted for at least $1.5 million, according to data from the attorney general’s office. Denver received allocations as both a city and as a one-county region.

Harm reduction includes tactics such as operating syringe exchanges to reduce the spread of infectious diseases and handing out naloxone to people who might need to reverse someone else’s overdose.

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The Naloxone Project is using its share of the money, which has totaled about $400,000 so far, to fund training for first responders and to distribute the overdose reversal drug, which it pays for with other grants and donations. In the past year, about 1,000 Denver Health paramedics, Denver Police Department officers, mental health co-responders and Denver Fire Department personnel have taken training about naloxone, and many accepted free doses they can give out to at-risk people they encounter on their calls, Naloxone Project founder Dr. Don Stader said.

Part of the goal is to encourage first responders to think more broadly about who might be at risk. For example, police might be called to an encampment for a disturbance that doesn’t relate to opioids, but notice needles or other paraphernalia around that would lead them to believe that someone could overdose in the near future, and would have the option to leave naloxone, Stader said. Naloxone won’t solve the crisis alone, but it can prevent deaths, he said.

“It’s part of a holistic solution to the opioid crisis,” Stader said.

Sorted Narcan kits at Denver Health on Thursday, July 11, 2024. (Photo by Hyoung Chang/The Denver Post)
Sorted Narcan kits at Denver Health on Thursday, July 11, 2024. (Photo by Hyoung Chang/The Denver Post)

The group also is hoping to get some state funding to expand its training beyond the 25 agencies that currently participate, most of which are in the Denver area, said Joshua Jacoves, pre-hospital project manager for the Naloxone Project. As of the end of June, the existing partners had given out about 450 naloxone kits to the public. While they don’t know how many people used them to reverse overdoses, a few recipients have volunteered that they used their first kit and were seeking a second one, he said.

Some of the money also went to diversify the group of people working in peer support in the city. Tonya Wheeler, executive director of Advocates for Recovery Colorado, said the $338,000 the group received from Denver this year allowed it to promote a recovery coach of American Indian and Spanish descent to the role of cultural program manager, and to hire a native Spanish speaker originally from Mexico as a recovery coach. People tend to have an easier time relating to coaches who share their background, and the peer recovery workforce is still disproportionately white, she said.

“Let’s bring the proper services to the proper community using the proper support,” she said.

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Some of the Denver grant also will go toward translating some of their written materials into Spanish, hiring a contractor to train the recovery coaches on diversity and inclusion and paying stipends to people serving on an advisory council to help the group be more equitable, Wheeler said. The group isn’t guaranteed to get funds every year, but Wheeler said she’s hopeful that the opioid money will offer some longer-term stability for the people they hired and the diversity work they’re doing.

“It can be disruptive to a community when we put services in and have to yank them away,” she said.

Denver also made grants to connect more people to treatment through the Colorado Health Network, and the city plans to help the Harm Reduction Action Center purchase a facility; to expand capacity at 5280 High School, which serves students in recovery; and to run a public education campaign about harm reduction, among other things, said Curran, the opioid abatement funds program coordinator for the city and county.

The regions have to balance how they’re going to address immediate needs with longer-term strategies, and have to think about how to collaborate with others working on addiction to do the most with the available funds, Curran said. Denver is talking to the other regions and the attorney general’s office to see what it can learn from different approaches, she said.

The council in Denver is trying to think 10 or 20 years out for its strategic plan, with the knowledge that it almost certainly will change within that time, Curran said. Twenty years ago, opioid addiction wasn’t on most people’s radar as a health problem, and 10 years ago, prescription pills were still the most salient threat. Since then, heroin displaced prescription pills as the top threat, before illicit fentanyl displaced it as the drug linked to the most overdose deaths.

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“We don’t want to develop this plan, wipe our hands and say, ‘We did it,’ ” she said.

Construction, prevention and public messages

Some regions are betting the settlement funds are their opportunity to make a single big investment they couldn’t otherwise afford.

In its most recent report to the state, the Southwest Opioid Response District said it put 93% of the roughly $1.5 million it had received at that point toward saving up to build a “recovery campus,” with the remaining $109,000 going to grants for community organizations working on addiction. The campus is still in the planning phases and doesn’t have a site yet.

Heather Otter, project manager for a five-county economic district and facilitator of the Southwest Opioid Response District, said SWORD accepted the first applications from community organizations in June and is still evaluating them. Both the economic district and SWORD include Archuleta, Dolores, La Plata, Montezuma and San Juan counties.

The recovery campus won’t be ready for several years, at least, but it could represent a “generational solution” to the problem that people in the area don’t have anywhere to go after treatment if they don’t feel ready to return to their normal lives, Otter said. The plan is eventually to build a continuum of recovery services, ranging from supportive groups through sober living homes and the recovery campus, which will have a curriculum that residents complete, she said.

“The recovery piece is something that can endure long after we’re doing the work,” she said.

Other regions concluded that building new infrastructure didn’t make sense for them.

Broomfield, which has received a combined $725,000 as a city and a region, doesn’t have a treatment center within its borders, but in a geographically compact community, people don’t find it a great hardship to go to one of the surrounding counties for care, said Jason Vahling, director of the city and county’s Department of Public Health and Environment.

Broomfield had recently completed a community health assessment, which gave some general areas to explore, Vahling said. It then convened an advisory group, which determined the biggest priorities were preventing substance misuse, harm reduction, linking people to treatment and setting up an infrastructure to oversee the groups using the funds, he said.

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Some of the strategies they’re pursuing include preventing drug use by giving young people scholarships for activities so they have less unsupervised time, training community members to recognize when someone needs help, distributing naloxone to anyone who wants it and hiring someone to help in the justice system get treatment and meet their other basic needs, Vahling said.

A person bikes by Paul Derda Recreation Center in Broomfield, where the city is using some of Colorado's opioid settlement funds to provide youth free access to recreation centers, on Thursday, July 11, 2024. (Eli Imadali/Special to The Denver Post)
A person bikes by Paul Derda Recreation Center in Broomfield, where the city is using some of Colorado’s opioid settlement funds to provide youth free access to recreation centers, on Thursday, July 11, 2024. (Eli Imadali/Special to The Denver Post)

“We believe we need to be able to address all of those community factors,” he said.

Generally, prevention programs are most successful when they teach kids communication skills, how to make good decisions and how to handle their emotions and control their behavior, said Nathaniel Riggs, executive director of the Colorado State University Prevention Research Center.

Family programs that teach how to talk to kids and monitor their behavior in a way that doesn’t feel punitive also can help, he said. The center is working with four Colorado regions to develop their prevention plans.

Teenagers work out at Paul Derda Recreation Center in Broomfield, where the city is planning to use some of Colorado's opioid settlement funds to provide youth free access to recreation centers, on Thursday, July 11, 2024. (Eli Imadali/Special to The Denver Post)
Teenagers work out at Paul Derda Recreation Center in Broomfield, where the city is planning to use some of Colorado’s opioid settlement funds to provide youth free access to recreation centers, on Thursday, July 11, 2024. (Eli Imadali/Special to The Denver Post)

“It really is about promoting the good,” because people who feel their lives are going well are less likely to engage in dangerous behavior, he said.

In contrast, evidence has shown that “scare tactics” and programs that just present information about the negative effects of drugs rarely succeed in reducing youth use, Riggs said. Bringing in one-time speakers also isn’t a good use of money, he said.

“We know those approaches don’t work, mainly because they don’t build skills,” he said. “Raising knowledge of substances and the effect that they have on the human body… is important, but it’s not enough.”

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Prevention can look different from region to region.

High Rockies Harm Reduction peer support specialist Josie Cruz sets up a canopy tent in preparation for visitors in the parking lot in front of the Pitkin County Health and Human Services building in Aspen on Thursday, July 11, 2024. The group gives away harm reduction supplies like naloxone and fentanyl test strips. (Photo by Andy Cross/The Denver Post)
High Rockies Harm Reduction peer support specialist Josie Cruz sets up a canopy tent in preparation for visitors in the parking lot in front of the Pitkin County Health and Human Services building in Aspen on Thursday, July 11, 2024. The group gives away harm reduction supplies like naloxone and fentanyl test strips. (Photo by Andy Cross/The Denver Post)

Karina Schorr, opioid abatement council coordinator for the mountainous Region 5, said their anti-stigma campaign has an element of encouraging people to think about how they can still enjoy themselves and be part of their communities without substances. They plan to feature local people in recovery from a variety of substances, not just opioids, since people who are struggling with one drug may use others, she said.

“As a region, we’re somewhat characterized by the mountain resort towns,” she said. “It kind of comes along with a lot of substance use and so-called party culture.” Region 5 includes Summit, Eagle, Pitkin, Garfield and Lake counties.

The Region 5 council also contracted with a local group, High Rockies Harm Reduction, to distribute naloxone in places where people feel comfortable coming to pick it up, Schorr said. As is, most of the free naloxone in the area sits in county health departments, and people who use drugs may not want to advertise that fact to a government agency, she said. The group also offers peer support and help finding care to people who want to stop using drugs.

“Access isn’t (as) strong up here” as it is in the metro area, she said.

Most funding sources last only a year or two, so the councils have to shift their thinking to best use the opioid settlement funding, Schorr said.

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“We’re still trying, I think, to wrap our heads around what it means to have funding for 18 years,” she said. “We’re just trying to make sure we build a long-term vision and strategy.”

High Rockies Harm Reduction peer support specialist Josie Cruz, left, provides Narcan for participant David Naranjo under a canopy tent set up in the parking lot in front of the Pitkin County Health and Human Services building in Aspen on Thursday, July 11, 2024. (Photo by Andy Cross/The Denver Post)
High Rockies Harm Reduction peer support specialist Josie Cruz, left, provides Narcan for participant David Naranjo under a canopy tent set up in the parking lot in front of the Pitkin County Health and Human Services building in Aspen on Thursday, July 11, 2024. (Photo by Andy Cross/The Denver Post)

Initially, the attorney general’s office asked the councils to submit two-year plans, but now they can go one year at a time, said Streight, the consultant working with regions on plans to use their settlement money. Increasingly, though, councils are looking to make plans for three to five years, so they don’t have to go through the process of redetermining their priorities annually, she said.

“Councils are getting — ‘fatigued’ maybe is the right term — and want some longer-term planning,” she said. “Programs require a little bit of time to determine if they’re working or not.”

Streight said she and the other consultants in the firm choose a handful of the available tools to help the regions they’re working with to make their decisions. Most have come in without a clear idea of what goals they want to pursue, which isn’t surprising, since the elected officials on the regional councils aren’t experts on substance use disorders, she said.

The settlement came with an appendix highlighting the strategies that have the most evidence behind them, but even those may not be right for every community, which makes it vital to talk to people in recovery and those working in addiction locally, Streight said.

They also compile data to get an idea of what resources a community has and what gaps are most important to fill, she said.

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“The people who have lived this in their communities, they know what to do,” she said.

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Colorado

Saturday Night Showdown | Colorado Avalanche

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Saturday Night Showdown | Colorado Avalanche


Leading the Way

Nate the Great

MacKinnon is tied for fifth in the NHL in points (10), while ranking tied for seventh in goals (4) and tied for ninth in assists (6). 

All Hail Cale

Cale Makar is tied for first in goals (4) among NHL defensemen,

Toewser Laser

Among NHL blueliners, Devon Toews is tied for third in points (7) while ranking tied for fifth in assists (5) and tied for sixth in goals (2). 

Series History

The Avalanche and Wild have met in the playoffs on three previous occasions, all in the Round One, with Minnesota winning in 2003 and 2014 in seven games while Colorado was victorious in six contests in 2008. 

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Making Plays Against Minnesota

MacKinnon has posted 16 points (4g/12a) in nine playoff games against the Wild, in addition to 70 points (27g/43a) in 55 regular-season contests. 

Makar has registered three points (2g/1a) in two playoff contests against Minnesota, along with 26 points (6g/20a) in 29 regular-season games. 

Necas has recorded five points (1g/4a) in two playoff games against the Wild, in addition to nine points (5g/4a) in 15 regular-season games. 

Scoring in the Twin Cities

Quinn Hughes is tied for the Wild lead in points (11) and assists (8) while ranking tied for second in goals (3). 

Kaprizov is tied for first on the Wild in assists (8) and points (11) while ranking tied for second in goals (3). 

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Matt Boldy leads the Wild in goals (6) while ranking third in points (10) and tied for fourth in assists (4). 

A Numbers Game

4.50

Colorado’s 4.50 goals per game on the road in the playoffs are tied for the most in the NHL.

39

MacKinnon’s 39 playoff goals since 2020-21 are the second most in the NHL. 

2.17

The Avalanche’s 2.17 goals against per game in the playoffs are the second fewest in the NHL. 

Quote That Left a Mark

“It should definitely get you up and excited. It’s gonna be a good test. [It’s a] great building and [it’s] against a desperate team. It’s gonna be great.” 

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— Gabriel Landeskog on playing in Minnesota



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Colorado Gov. Jared Polis signs state budget, with Medicaid taking brunt of cuts to close $1.5 billion gap

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Colorado Gov. Jared Polis signs state budget, with Medicaid taking brunt of cuts to close .5 billion gap


Colorado Gov. Jared Polis on Friday, May 8, signed into law a $46.8 billion state budget that cuts healthcare spending but preserves funding for K-12 education. 

The budget applies to the 2026-27 fiscal year, which begins on July 1, and caps months of work by lawmakers, who wrestled with how to close a roughly $1.5 billion gap that ultimately forced reductions to Medicaid funding and other programs. 

“This year was incredibly difficult and challenged each of us in a myriad of ways that put our values to the test,” said Rep. Emily Sirtota, a Denver Democrat and chair of the bipartisan Joint Budget Committee, which crafts the state’s spending plan before it is voted on by the full legislature. “It’s a zero-sum game. A dollar here means a dollar less over here.” 



The state’s spending gap was the result of several factors. 

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The legislature is limited in how it can spend under the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, or TABOR, an amendment to the state constitution approved by voters in 1992 that limits government revenue growth to the rate of population growth plus inflation. 



Lawmakers are also dealing with the consequences of increased spending on programs they created or expanded in recent years, some of which have seen their costs balloon beyond their original estimates. Costs for Medicaid services, in particular, have surged, driven by inflation, expanded benefits and greater demand for expensive, long-term care services due to Colorado’s aging population. 

Medicaid cuts 

Medicaid recently eclipsed K-12 education as the single-largest chunk of the state’s general fund and now accounts for roughly one-third of all spending from that fund. 

Lawmakers, who are required by the state constitution to pass a deficit-free budget, said they had no choice but to cut Medicaid funding as a result. 

That includes a 2% reduction to the state’s reimbursement rate for most Medicaid providers. The budget also institutes a $3,000 cap on adult dental benefits, limits billable hours for at-home caregivers of family members with severe disabilities to 56 hours per week and phases out, by Jan. 1, automatic enrollment for children with disabilities to receive 24/7 care as adults.

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The budget also cuts benefits and places new limits on Cover All Coloradans, a program created by the legislature in 2022 that provides identical coverage as Medicaid to low-income immigrant children and pregnant women, regardless of their immigration status. 

That includes an end to long-term care services for new enrollees, a $1,100 limit on dental benefits, and an annual enrollment cap of 25,000 for children 18 or younger. The cuts come as spending on the program has grown more than 600% beyond its original estimate, going from roughly $14.7 million to an estimated $104.5 million for the 2025-26 fiscal year. 

Colorado Gov. Jared Polis signs the state’s 2026-27 fiscal year budget at his Capitol office on May 8, 2026. He is flanked, from left, by Lt. Lt. Gov. Dianne Primavera, Rep. Emily Sirota, D-Denver, Sen. Jeff Bridges, D-Greenwood Village, and Sen. Barbara Kirkmeyer, R-Brighton.
Robert Tann/Summit Daily News

While the budget still represents an overall increase in Medicaid spending compared to this year, funding is roughly half of what it would have been had lawmakers not made any changes to benefits and provider rates, which total about $270 million in savings for the state. 

Healthcare leaders say the cuts will exacerbate an already challenging environment for providers, who are bracing for less federal support after Congress last year passed sweeping Medicaid cuts and declined to renew enhanced subsidies for the Affordable Care Act. 

For rural hospitals in particular, Medicaid is one of their key funding drivers. 

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“While a 2% (Medicaid reimbursement rate cut) doesn’t sound like a whole lot, when we already have close to 50% of our rural hospitals statewide operating in the red and 70% with unsustainable margins, facing another 2% (cut) on top of that is just devastating,” said Michelle Mills, CEO for the Colorado Rural Health Center, which represents rural hospitals on the Western Slope and Eastern Plains. 

If the state provides less reimbursement for Medicaid services, Mills said it will lead to fewer providers accepting Medicaid plans. That in turn will mean fewer care options for people, particularly in Colorado’s rural counties, where healthcare services are already more limited. 

“I feel like all of the decisions and cuts that they’re making are hitting everyone,” she said. 

Rep. Rick Taggart, a Grand Junction Republican and budget committee member, said cuts to healthcare led to “a lot of tears.” 

State Rep. Rick Taggart, R-Grand Junction, talks about the tough decisions he and other members of the legislature’s Joint Budget Committee made to balance the state budget on May 8, 2026.
Robert Tann/Summit Daily News

“This was a tough budget, and nobody won in this budget, but we did what we had to do by way of the (state) constitution,” he said. 

While Medicaid saw some of the biggest cuts, lawmakers also trimmed spending from a suite of other programs, including financial aid for adoptive parents and grants providing mental health support for law enforcement. 

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Preserving K-12 education 

One of the brighter spots for Polis and lawmakers in the budget is K-12 education. 

After years of chronically underfunding the state’s schools, lawmakers in 2024 rolled out a revamped funding formula and abolished what was known as the budget stabilization factor, a Great Recession-era mechanism that had allowed the state to skirt its constitutional funding obligation to schools for more than a decade.

The new funding formula went into effect this school year, and the state is set to continue delivering higher levels of K-12 funding in the 2026-27 fiscal year budget. The budget allocates roughly $10.19 billion in K-12 funding, an increase of roughly $194.8 million, though the specifics of that spending are still being worked out in a separate bill, the 2026 School Finance Act, which has yet to pass the legislature. 

The finance act guides how state and local funds are allocated to Colorado’s 178 school districts on a per-pupil basis. As it stands now, the bill is on track to increase per-pupil funding by $440 per student for the 2026-27 fiscal year, for a total of $12,314 per student.

“We are not returning to the days of underfunding our schools and a budget stabilization factor,” Polis said.

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Colorado Gov. Jared Polis highlights efforts to shield K-12 education funding from cuts in the state’s 2026-27 fiscal year budget on May 8, 2026.
Robert Tann/Summit Daily News

Still, there are challenges on the horizon for some districts. 

Combined with a proposed three-year averaging model for student counts instead of the current four-year averaging, recent dips in student enrollment across the state will weigh more heavily on how much funding is allocated to each district. The shift to three-year averaging advances the state’s plan to gradually phase in the new school finance formula by 2030-31.

With several districts seeing decreased year-over-year enrollment and rising operational expenses like healthcare, some Western Slope school districts are poised to see less funding compared to this year, while others are seeing their increases eaten up by inflation.

A note on wolves 

The topic of Colorado’s spending on gray wolf reintroduction hasn’t gone away, and while Medicaid headlined much of the budget discussions, lawmakers also used the spending plan to send a message on the future of the wolf program. 

While the budget allocates $2.1 from the general fund to Colorado Parks and Wildlife to spend on wolf reintroduction, it also contains a footnote from lawmakers asking the agency not to use the money to acquire new wolves. 

Footnotes are not legally binding, but rather serve as a direction or guidance from lawmakers to agencies on how they want certain funds spent. 

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Under the footnote, the wildlife agency could still use gifts, grants, donations and non-license revenue from its wildlife cash fund to bring additional wolves to Colorado. Most of the agency’s wolf funding goes toward personnel, followed by operating costs, compensation for ranchers and conflict minimization programs and tools.

Education reporter Andrea Teres-Martinez and wildlife and environmental reporter Ali Longwell contributed to this story





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Canvas outage leaves thousands of Colorado students scrambling amid nationwide cyberattack

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Canvas outage leaves thousands of Colorado students scrambling amid nationwide cyberattack


A widespread cyberattack targeting the learning platform Canvas is disrupting thousands of schools across the country, including in Colorado. It’s hitting students at one of the worst possible times: finals week.

Cybercriminal group ShinyHunters claimed credit for the attack, breaching systems tied to Instructure, the company that runs Canvas. Canvas is used by 41% of higher education institutions across the country to deliver courses. Millions of K-12 students rely on the platform as well.

In Colorado, more than 20 schools, including Colorado School of Mines, Metropolitan State University of Denver, the University of Denver, the University of Colorado Boulder, Colorado State University, and the University of Northern Colorado, have been affected by the cybersecurity attack.

The group is attempting to extort the company, threatening to release massive amounts of student data if demands are not met.

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For students like Flannery Headley, a political science major at MSU Denver, the disruption is more than an inconvenience — it’s a major source of stress.

“The moment I tried to click on something, it gave me this maintenance down page,” she said. “I started Googling things, and I saw this whole thing about the hack.”

Flannery Headley, left, is a political science major at MSU Denver who was impacted by a recent cyberhack of university systems across the country. 

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Headley says she was working on assignments when Canvas suddenly stopped functioning.

MSU sent out guidance telling students not to log into Canvas and to wait for updates from professors.

Like many students, Headley is now left in limbo, unsure how finals will be submitted or graded.

“This final I’ve spent the last week working on might not matter,” she said. “At least one of my grades is hinging on another final, whether I’m going to pass or fail.”

university-canvas-data-breach-10pkg-transfer-frame-1070.png

Flannery Headley, a political science major at MSU Denver, shows an email from her college alerting students and faculty about a cyberattack impacting university systems on Thursday, May 7, 2026.

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The attackers claim to have stolen large amounts of data, including names, student ID numbers, email addresses, and academic records.

Experts say the real risk may not just be disruption, but what happens next.

“The worst they could do is release it,” said MSU Denver computer science professor Steve Beaty. “There’s been minor leaks and breaches and these sorts of things from time to time, but nothing on the scale of this.”

Beatty says the group claims to have terabytes of student data, which could include personally identifiable information protected under federal privacy laws. If released, that information could be used for scams, identity theft, or further cyberattacks.

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Canvas is a cloud-based system used by thousands of institutions, meaning a single attack can have massive ripple effects.

“They took the entire Canvas infrastructure down,” Beatty said. “That affects about 9,000 schools, tens of thousands of people in Colorado alone.”

Right now, schools are scrambling to find workarounds, from email submissions to alternative testing methods.

There is no current timeline for resolution. The hacker group has set a May 12 deadline for the company to respond before potentially releasing the data.

Until then, students like Headley are left waiting, hoping their work doesn’t disappear.

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“I’m going to keep working on my finals,” she said, “but I’m not sure what that’s going to look like.”



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