California
California legal weed industry in tumult over pesticides in pot
Nicole Elliott, right, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s cannabis advisor and his appointee to run the Department of Cannabis Control, speaks at a cannabis growers gathering in 2019.
(Andy Colwell)
SACRAMENTO —
A scandal over California’s failure to keep pesticides out of legal cannabis is causing turmoil throughout the industry, with a whistleblower retaliation lawsuit, the departure of a top cannabis official, the state hiring a private investigator, and a race in the private sector to form a shadow regulatory system in the face of crumbling consumer confidence.
Product testing, confidential lab reports, public records and interviews show California regulators have largely failed to address evidence of widespread contamination, after a Los Angeles Times investigation in June found high levels of pesticides in some of the most popular vape brands. Industry leaders fear those revelations give consumers one more reason to opt out of the higher-priced, highly taxed $5-billion legal market, beset by slumping sales and rising business failures as it is out-competed by the larger, unregulated underground cannabis economy.
Licensed sales in September hit a four-year low, allowing the legal market in smaller states such as Michigan to surpass that of California.
“There’s an understanding if we don’t clean this up, people are not going to buy in the regulated market,” said Tiffany Devitt, lobbyist for the March and Ash dispensary chain. She said The Times reporting of unaddressed pesticide contamination “created an urgency and momentum.”
Those concerns were underscored last week when the former laboratory division chief of the Department of Cannabis Control — whose sudden departure was previously reported by The Times — filed a civil lawsuit alleging the agency’s director had long ignored allegations of dangerous products and fraudulent testing labs. When that lab division chief, Tanisha Bogans, sought to involve criminal investigators and other state agencies, she was summarily fired, the suit claims.
A spokesman for the Department of Cannabis Control, David Hafner, said Friday the agency and its director, Nicole Elliott, would not comment on Bogans’ allegations. The agency has yet to file an answer in court to the complaint. However, Hafner confirmed that a private investigator hired by the cannabis agency in June was brought in to examine work within the division Bogans had supervised, “to improve its processes.” He could provide no further details.
The unusual hiring, on top of Bogans’ claims, indicates problems within the cannabis division responsible for protecting the public from unsafe products. An estimated 5 million Californians consume cannabis products each month, according to federal surveys.
Public contracting records show the private investigator was tasked to investigate “allegations of policy violations, misconduct, civil rights” and other issues. The $49,000 contract describes the investigative targets as including, but “not limited to,” managers and executive-level staff. The confidential findings are to be presented to Elliott’s office, as well as the department’s legal affairs and employment offices.
Bogans had been the cannabis department’s deputy director of laboratory services since December 2022. Her responsibilities included supervision of an agency testing lab in Richmond, an $11-million contract lab at UC San Diego, and the licensing of some three dozen private labs that test cannabis products before they can be sold to consumers. During that time, public records, interviews and confidential reports viewed by The Times show, the division failed to establish a system to verify the safety claims of private labs that cleared cannabis products for sale, nor could the agency get its own labs up and running to test for pesticides.
Multiple owners of private testing labs claimed they were being pushed out of business by competitors willing to falsify testing results.
Bogans’ lawsuit specifically pins the blame for failing to address those problems on Elliott and chief deputy director Rasha Salama.
The suit alleges Elliott and Salama sought to block action on “issues rampant throughout the California cannabis market,” including pesticide contamination, allegations of lab fraud, illegal cultivation and even an uninvestigated tip of fentanyl in licensed products.
Bogans’ lawsuit alleges Elliott for months failed to disclose industry complaints about labs issuing fraudulent potency and pesticide safety reports. When Bogans reported receiving additional such complaints from private lab owners, the suit alleges, Elliot responded with “hostility and accusations.”
Bogans claimed she was “severely reprimanded” and excluded from agency discussions when she told Salama she’d contacted law enforcement officers about allegations of fentanyl adulteration. Salama did not respond to requests for comment.
Finally, the lawsuit claims Bogans in January raised the prospect of pursuing criminal charges against those responsible for pesticides found in cannabis products being sold in stores. After hearing no response from her superiors for two weeks, she requested contact information to refer the unaddressed complaints to state environmental and criminal enforcement agencies. She said she was fired the next day.
Neither Bogans nor her attorneys responded to requests for comment.
Her dismissal coincided with questions sent by The Times to the Department of Cannabis Control seeking a response to why the agency had allowed scores of pesticide-contaminated products to remain on store shelves.
Subsequently, the department in January began a series of license suspensions and citations, including a $3-million fine against one brand with adulterated products, West Coast Cure, for storing cannabis inventory in parking lot trailers without video security. Four cannabis testing labs that had issued safety certificates for products found to be contaminated had their licenses suspended, denied or revoked.
This Backpack Boyz vape was found to contain more than two dozen pesticides, despite being declared clean by a state-certified lab.
(Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
Bogans’ lawsuit was filed Sept. 9 in Los Angeles County Superior Court.
On Sept. 12, Elliott sent out a staff email announcing Salama’s “upcoming departure” from the agency, without providing a reason for the resignation. Elliott described Salama as both her “closest partner” and “vital architect” of the state’s cannabis regulation.
“Wherever one might turn, Rasha’s keen intellect and tireless spirit have been woven into every thread of our progress,” the email said.
Salama’s last “official” day is Sept. 30. An agency spokesman said she continues to do work for the agency.
Other notable executive office departures include the resignation in May of Jeff Merriman, who ran the Cannabis Control agency’s compliance division; chief general counsel Matthew Lee, who moved to the governor’s office; and chief deputy for legal affairs Tamara Colson.
The Department of Cannabis Control has been under fire since June, when The Times in conjunction with industry newsletter WeedWeek published an investigation of pesticide contamination in the state’s legal cannabis supply chain. In August, state auditors criticized the agency for lax oversight of $100 million in cannabis licensing grants.
Despite a $5-million advertising campaign touting the safety of legal cannabis products, regulators were long aware of contaminated products reaching store shelves, The Times investigation found. Two industry labs provided documentation that for months they had sent regulators as well as Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office evidence of contaminated products without the state taking action. With no pesticide testing capability of its own, and despite millions of dollars in state spending for that purpose, the agency relied on screening conducted by private labs paid by the cannabis vendors whose products they tested.
A further story in July disclosed efforts by the Newsom administration to contract for other state agencies to undertake such testing. That effort has resulted in pesticide-related product recalls against five brands. But those recalls included only two of the dozens of pesticides private labs identified in legal cannabis products, and included products manufactured as long as a year before. Scores of other contaminated products identified by whistleblower labs and by tests published by The Times have not been recalled.
The expanded pesticide tests conducted for The Times by San Francisco-based Anresco Laboratories showed the presence of seven harmful chemicals — including a carcinogenic insecticide, pymetrozine — that aren’t on the list of 66 chemicals required to be screened for by the state. The Department of Cannabis Control more than eight months ago told The Times it was considering revising its mandatory testing list but has yet to do so.
The private sector is not waiting.
San Diego-based Infinite Chemical Analysis Labs has broadened its own pesticide testing capabilities to include 358 chemicals. At least three of California’s major cannabis retailers told The Times they are sending store products to Anresco and Infinite for expanded testing, and to check the veracity of safety certificates required before sale. In several instances, those retailers confirmed, they have pulled products from sale despite no public action by regulators.
Among retailers taking matters into their own hands is the 28-store Catalyst dispensary chain. Owner Elliot Lewis initially announced on social media platforms he would denounce and ban products that failed testing. Since then, citing worry about damaging the reputations of brands struggling to remain afloat, Lewis instead is promoting products that undergo expanded testing beyond the 66 chemicals required by the state. A blue sticker created for the purpose cites “Category 4” testing, a loosely defined term Lewis coined. It currently refers to products showing only trace levels of contamination under the expanded testing panels offered by Anresco and Infinite, so far the only labs to offer that service.
“We know the DCC is not going to move quickly nor have they moved quickly on any of it,” Lewis said. “A CAT 4 sticker, after doing a deep dive, was the best and fastest solution I could come up with.
“It’s sad to say, but I believe the responsibility of consumer safety lies with the legal cannabis industry.”
There are no prescribed pesticide levels that cannabis products must meet to be declared “Cat 4” but bulk cannabis oil manufacturers and brands have already begun to use the label.
Lewis said the Department of Cannabis Control has remained silent on his campaign, which he has heavily publicized.
The agency also has said little to lawmakers asking for an accounting.
Members of the California Legislature’s Inland Empire caucus cited the Los Angeles Times reporting in a July letter to Elliott and to the director of the state’s pesticide control agency, calling for stricter testing regimens.
The caucus letter, spearheaded by Assemblymember Freddie Rodriguez, (D-Chino) and signed by six other lawmakers, noted the ease with which illegal cultivators can slip harmful products into cannabis supply chains, both licensed and unlicensed.
“Even cannabis products that appear to be compliant with state regulations can be tainted with dangerous chemicals,” it said.
The lawmakers called for immediate routine pesticide testing of cannabis products sold on store shelves, and to raise the penalties for those who violate pesticide regulations.
A legislative liaison for the cannabis control department replied a week later outlining “measures already underway to address issues of concern, such as identifying contaminated products (including through random, retail shelf testing), assessing strict administrative penalties, and coordinating our enforcement efforts with local law enforcement.”
She included a fact sheet that cited a steep increase in license violation notices, illegal cultivation seizures, and a “675% increase in recalls, a number of which have been for pesticide contamination.” It did not note that statistic is so high because the agency in 2023 issued just four product recalls, all voluntary and including its first-ever recall for pesticide contamination, issued in December 2023.
Cannabis regulators have declined to provide records that would demonstrate the scope of any shelf testing conducted by the state agency. Legislation requiring the Department of Cannabis Control to conduct random testing died in September without action by the California Legislature, after regulators told bill negotiators they already conduct such oversight.
The caucus letter also called on cannabis regulators to collaborate more closely with local law enforcement agencies — the same effort for which Bogans said she was fired.
Elliott is a Newsom appointee, having worked for the governor previously as his cannabis advisor. She began her career as Newsom’s scheduling director and a liaison to the Board of Supervisors when he was mayor of San Francisco. Her husband, Jason Elliott, is a longtime Newsom campaign loyalist and until this summer served as Newsom’s deputy chief of staff.
Newsom often takes credit for helping to write the Prop. 64 ballot initiative in 2016 that launched California’s recreational cannabis market. But after the Times story, Newsom’s office said it would not intervene in the department’s handling of contaminated weed, and issued a statement in support of its ability to address the problem.
California
Two Jewish men beaten in San Jose after speaking Hebrew | The Jerusalem Post
Two Jewish men were beaten, and later briefly hospitalized, after they were heard speaking Hebrew in front of a restaurant in San Jose’s Santana Row in California, local media reported on Tuesday.
Footage of the incident, shot by local witnesses, shows the pair of victims attacked by three other individuals outside the Augustine restaurant, NBC Bay Area reported.
“I just turned around, and they literally started punching,” one of the victims, who wished not to be identified, told the outlet. “We got swarmed very badly. I’m in a lot of pain. I still cannot chew. My jaw hurts, my back is hurting.”
According to NBC, the victims said they did not recognize their assailants, and police are investigating the incident as a possible hate crime.
According to ABC7 News, both Jewish men were waiting to be seated at the restaurant when the incident occurred.
“One of the witnesses said that they heard them saying, ‘don’t mess with Iran’, which we don’t know why,” one of the victims told the outlet. “We don’t have any problem with them. But, I heard at the beginning of the fight, something with, ‘F the Jews’.”
ABC7 added that one of the victims had been knocked out and needed stitches after the assault.
In a statement, the Bay Area Jewish Community Relations Council identified the pair of victims as Israeli Americans.
Sam Liccardo, the Democratic representative of California’s 16th Congressional District and former San Jose mayor, condemned the assault in a subsequent statement on X/Twitter.
“Violence targeting any members of our community—including our Jewish and Israeli community members—amounts to an attack on all of us,” he wrote.
Current San Jose Mayor also weighed in on X, stating that “Antisemitism and all acts of hatred have no place in San Jose. Being able to talk about our differences and celebrate them is what makes us the safest big city in America.”
“I have been in touch with our police department and leaders in the local Jewish community regarding this deeply disturbing incident and will continue to monitor the situation closely as the investigation continues,” he added.
California
California’s Voter ID Initiative is Way More Chill Than Trump’s SAVE Act
Sources: California Voter ID Initiative text (proposed); H.R. 7296, Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act, 119th Congress, 2d Session (introduced January 30, 2026); Congressional Research Service Bill Summary; California Secretary of State; National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL).
Background: How California Currently Handles Voter Identification
Under current California law, U.S. citizenship is required to vote, but the state relies on voters to simply attest to their citizenship when registering. California does not generally require voters to show identification at the polls. The limited exceptions apply only to first-time federal election voters who registered by mail or online without providing a California ID or Social Security number, and even then, the state allows a broad range of documents, including utility bills, bank statements, paychecks, or official government mail.
In 2024, Governor Gavin Newsom signed legislation explicitly banning local jurisdictions from requiring voter ID, following Huntington Beach voters’ approval of a local measure to do so. California currently has among the most permissive voter identification rules in the nation.
The California Initiative: A Targeted, Inclusive Reform
A proposed California ballot initiative would amend the state constitution to add a new Section 3.1 to Article II. The initiative states three purposes: to “promote public confidence and trust in the electoral process,” to “deter and detect voter fraud by maintaining accurate voter registration records and confirming eligibility to vote,” and to “minimize the risk of voter impersonation by requiring proof of identity to vote.”
The measure is notable for what it does and, just as importantly, for what it does not do.
For in-person voting, the initiative requires that “each time a voter casts a ballot in person in any election in the State, the voter shall present government-issued identification.” The initiative defines government-issued identification as “documentation that allows conclusive verification of the voter’s identity.”
For mail voting, the requirement is far more limited. The voter needs only to provide “the last four digits of a unique identifying number from government-issued identification that matches the one designated solely by the voter for their voter registration.” Importantly, the type of ID designated by each voter “must be indicated in their voter registration record, noted on the mail ballot envelope provided to them, and available to them on request by phone or electronically,” so voters are never caught off guard.
On the question of cost, the initiative is explicit: “Upon request by an eligible voter, the state shall provide, at no charge, a voter ID card for use in casting a ballot.” This is perhaps the most important provision in the measure. One of the most common and legitimate criticisms of voter ID laws is that they can function as a de facto poll tax. This initiative addresses that concern directly by guaranteeing that the means of compliance are freely available to every eligible voter.
On citizenship verification, the initiative directs the Secretary of State and county elections officials to “use best efforts to verify citizenship attestations using government data” and to “annually report what percentage of each county’s voter rolls have been citizenship-verified.” This is a transparency measure, not a documentation barrier.
On accountability, the initiative requires that “during every odd-numbered year, the State Auditor shall audit the State’s and each county’s compliance with this section and report its findings and recommendations for improving the integrity of elections to the public.” Citizens may also “seek judicial review and remedy of the State’s or any county’s compliance with this section.”
What the initiative does not do is equally important. It does not require documentary proof of citizenship to register to vote. It does not require voters to submit citizenship documents with mail ballots beyond the last four digits of an ID number. It does not impose criminal penalties on election officials. It does not create unfunded mandates. It does not establish a private right of action against election workers.
In short, the California initiative is a narrowly drawn measure. It asks voters to confirm who they are while ensuring that the tools to do so are freely available to all.
The Federal SAVE Act (H.R. 7296): A Sweeping and Problematic Mandate
Introduced in the House on January 30, 2026, by Rep. Chip Roy and referred to the Committee on House Administration, the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act amends the National Voter Registration Act of 1993. Unlike the California initiative, which works within existing systems, the SAVE Act would fundamentally restructure how Americans register to vote and cast ballots in federal elections, with requirements that, in many cases, are practically impossible for millions of eligible citizens to meet.
Here is what the bill actually requires, provision by provision, and why each raises serious concerns.
1. Documentary Proof of Citizenship Required to Register
The bill is unambiguous on this point. It states that “a State may not register an individual to vote in elections for Federal office held in the State unless, at the time the individual applies to register to vote, the individual provides documentary proof of United States citizenship.”
The bill defines acceptable proof narrowly. It includes a REAL ID-compliant document “that indicates the applicant is a citizen of the United States,” a valid U.S. passport, or a military ID combined with “a United States military record of service showing that the applicant’s place of birth was in the United States.” For voters who cannot provide those documents, the bill allows a government photo ID paired with a certified birth certificate, but that birth certificate must meet an exacting list of requirements: it must include “the full name, date of birth, and place of birth of the applicant,” must list “the full names of one or both of the parents of the applicant,” must carry “the signature of an individual who is authorized to sign birth certificates,” must include “the date that the certificate was filed with the office responsible for keeping vital records in the State,” and must bear “the seal of the State, unit of local government, or Tribal government that issued the birth certificate.”
This is an extraordinarily demanding standard. Birth certificates are lost, damaged, or were never properly recorded, particularly for older Americans, rural residents, and low-income citizens.
The bill does include a fallback process for applicants who cannot produce these documents. They may “sign an attestation under penalty of perjury that the applicant is a citizen of the United States” and “submit such other evidence to the appropriate State or local official demonstrating that the applicant is a citizen.” The official then makes a personal judgment and must sign a sworn affidavit “swearing or affirming the applicant sufficiently established United States citizenship.” This places an unusual and significant legal burden on individual election workers who are simply trying to help voters register.
2. A Photo ID Requirement That Specifies Citizenship on the Face of the Document
The bill requires that every voter in a federal election present an “eligible photo identification document.” The bill defines that document as one containing “a photograph of the individual identified on the document,” “an indication on the front of the document that the individual identified on the document is a United States citizen,” and either an ID number or “the last four digits of the social security number of the individual identified on the document.”
The citizenship indicator requirement is the critical problem. Currently, only a handful of states denote citizenship status directly on driver’s licenses. Even REAL ID-compliant cards display the same gold star insignia for citizens and lawfully present non-citizens alike. The bill does include a limited workaround: a voter may present a non-compliant ID “together with another identification document that indicates the individual is a United States citizen.” But requiring two documents at the polls is itself a significant additional burden, and it would disqualify the standard ID held by the vast majority of Americans unless paired with a second document.
The bill also specifies that for in-person voting, the eligible photo identification document “shall be a tangible (not digital) document,” closing off the possibility of using a digital ID on a smartphone, a technology that several states have begun adopting.
3. Double Documentation Required for Absentee Voting
For voters casting absentee ballots, the bill requires that a copy of the eligible photo identification document be submitted both “with the request for an absentee ballot” and again “with the submission of the absentee ballot.” This double documentation requirement, which most states do not currently impose at any stage, would add substantial friction to the process that millions of Americans, including elderly, disabled, and overseas military voters, rely upon as their primary means of voting.
4. Immediate Effective Date, No Funding, No Phase-In
The bill states plainly that its provisions “shall take effect on the date of the enactment of this section.” There is no phase-in period. There is no federal funding provided to help states implement new documentation systems, train election workers, update voter registration forms and databases, or communicate requirements to the public. The Election Assistance Commission is given just 10 days after enactment to “adopt and transmit to the chief State election official of each State guidance with respect to the implementation of the requirements.” States are given 30 days to “establish a program” for identifying non-citizens on voter rolls. These are the conditions under which states would be expected to overhaul their entire voter registration and election administration infrastructure.
5. The Risk of Bifurcated Elections
States that cannot comply with the law’s requirements could be forced to maintain two separate voter rolls: one for voters who have provided documentary proof of citizenship and are eligible to vote in federal elections, and one for voters who have not. Arizona has operated under just such a bifurcated system since 2004, resulting in nearly two decades of continuous litigation. The SAVE Act would risk spreading that legal and administrative chaos to all 50 states simultaneously, with no funding and no preparation time.
6. Mandatory Federal Database Cross-Checks and Data Sharing
The bill requires states to establish programs to identify non-citizens on voter rolls using information from the Department of Homeland Security’s SAVE system, the Social Security Administration, and state driver’s license agencies. Federal agencies must respond to state requests within 24 hours and are directed to “share information with each other with respect to an individual who is the subject of a request.”
The bill goes further: it directs the Secretary of Homeland Security to “conduct an investigation to determine whether to initiate removal proceedings” against any non-citizen found to be registered to vote. This means voter registration data would become a direct input into federal immigration enforcement. The scope of personal voter information flowing between state election systems and federal agencies raises significant privacy concerns that the bill does not address.
7. Criminal Penalties for Election Officials
The bill amends the existing criminal penalties section of the National Voter Registration Act to make it a federal crime for an election official to register “an applicant to vote in an election for Federal office who fails to present documentary proof of United States citizenship.” The bill also criminalizes “providing material assistance to a noncitizen in attempting to register to vote or vote in an election for Federal office” for executive branch officers and employees.
Critically, the bill does not limit criminal liability to knowing or willful violations. An election official who makes an honest administrative mistake could face federal criminal prosecution. This provision could have a severe chilling effect on election administration, discouraging qualified people from serving as election officials and causing those who do serve to deny registration to borderline applicants out of fear of personal legal consequences.
8. A Private Right of Action Against Election Officials
The bill expands private right of action provisions under the National Voter Registration Act to include “the act of an election official who registers an applicant to vote in an election for Federal office who fails to present documentary proof of United States citizenship.” This means private individuals may sue election officials directly for compliance failures, compounding the chilling effect of the criminal penalties and creating a hostile legal environment around the routine work of election administration.
Side-by-Side Comparison
The Bottom Line
Both proposals share a stated goal: ensuring that only eligible U.S. citizens cast ballots in American elections. But they represent fundamentally different visions of how to pursue that goal, and the differences matter enormously for millions of American voters.
The California initiative works within existing systems. It asks voters to confirm who they are, provides free IDs to those who need them, and builds in transparency and accountability through annual audits and public reporting. Its requirements are clearly defined, its burdens are modest, and its protections for voters are explicit.
The SAVE Act, as written in H.R. 7296, would impose requirements that tens of millions of eligible American citizens cannot currently meet, without providing a dollar in funding, a meaningful period of preparation, or protection for the election officials expected to carry it out. It takes effect the day it is signed. It gives states 30 days to overhaul their voter rolls. It exposes election workers to both criminal prosecution and private lawsuits for honest mistakes. It routes voter registration data into federal immigration enforcement. And it threatens to force all 50 states into the kind of bifurcated election chaos that Arizona has lived with for two decades.
Reasonable people can disagree about whether voter ID requirements are necessary or wise as a matter of policy. But the contrast between these two proposals is instructive. One is a carefully drawn, incremental reform that takes eligible voters’ concerns seriously. The other is a sweeping federal mandate that, as written, would make voting harder for millions of lawful American citizens while creating new legal and administrative burdens that states are given neither the time nor the resources to meet.
California
Man who was severely stabbed bled to death after someone stole his ambulance, family says
Recent retiree Reinaldo Jesus Lefonts was charging his EV in a Downey library parking lot when he was attacked in a stabbing that severed both carotid arteries and both jugular veins. He was alive when an ambulance arrived at the parking lot — but that emergency vehicle was then stolen.
The driver of the ambulance, according to police, led officers on a pursuit that ended in a crash miles away.
“In that moment, every second mattered,” Lefonts’ family says in a legal claim against the city. “The City’s paramedics and rescue vehicle were Reinaldo’s only realistic chance of survival.
Lefonts died at the scene of the stabbing, authorities say.
Now his family is seeking $40 million from the city. Their attorneys cite failures in public safety and the emergency response. They say a “surveillance” sign at the lot led Lefonts to believe he was safe, and that the ambulance was missing a required locking device.
The 68-year-old had only recently retired from his job as a lab technician at UCI Medical Center when he was attacked on the morning of Sept. 13, 2025, in the Downey Civic Center parking lot adjacent to the public library at 11121 Brookshire Ave., according to the claim, filed Friday with the Downey city clerk. Suspect Giovanni Navarro, 23, had been arrested for trespassing at the same location less than 24 hours earlier.
Navarro had 28 prior criminal convictions, including brandishing a weapon, attempted burglary and criminal threats, attorneys said.
The Los Angeles County medical examiner determined that Lefonts suffered at least four sharp force injuries to his head, neck and right forearm. The fatal wound was a stab to the neck, and the manner of death was ruled a homicide, according to the autopsy report.
The Downey Fire Department rescue vehicle that responded was not equipped with a Tremco anti-theft locking device required under state law and applicable Fire Department standards, the family’s attorneys argue. While paramedics treated Lefonts, 52-year-old Nicholas DeMarco allegedly got into the ambulance and drove away. The police pursuit followed.
In the parking lot, Lefonts was pronounced dead at 9:55 a.m., the autopsy report states.
The city logged about 675 calls for service to the Civic Center and library between January 2022 and December 2025, covering assaults, robberies, sex crimes, arson and narcotics violations, according to the claim.
“While both the violent attack and theft were criminal acts, it was entirely foreseeable in light of the known conditions around the Civic Center and the repeated criminal and transient activity in the area,” the claim states. “The City’s failure to equip its own rescue vehicle and secure it properly directly interfered with the provision of emergency care to Reinaldo. As a result, Reinaldo did not receive the timely medical treatment he desperately needed.”
Just weeks before Lefonts was killed, the Downey City Council received a report at its Aug. 26, 2025, meeting on homelessness-related public safety concerns, attorneys said.
The family’s attorneys also argue that the lot’s posted signage, reading “Area Under 24 Hour Surveillance,” led Lefonts to reasonably believe he was in a protected space when he paid the city to use its EV charger, the claim states.
“The City of Downey knew this parking lot was dangerous,” lead attorney Alexis Galindo said in a statement. “They knew the man who killed Reinaldo had just been arrested there the day before. They knew their rescue vehicle wasn’t properly equipped. And still, they did nothing. Reinaldo died within reach of help that should have been there. His family deserves answers, accountability and justice.”
The claim seeks $35 million in general damages and $5 million in special economic damages. Under California law, the city has up to one year to respond by accepting, rejecting or settling. A rejection would allow the family to file the case in court as a formal lawsuit.
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