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It costs Arizona $332M to pay for vouchers subsidizing private school tuition, homeschooling

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It costs Arizona 2M to pay for vouchers subsidizing private school tuition, homeschooling


A new report from the Grand Canyon Institute, a nonpartisan think tank, shows that the estimated net cost of the universal portion of Arizona’s school voucher program is $332 million in the current fiscal year — a figure that will grow to around $429 million next year. 

The Grand Canyon Institute found that the net cost of the recently-expanded universal part of the ESA program is equal to about one-half of the state’s budget deficit in the 2024 fiscal year and about two-thirds of the projected deficit in 2025.

The state is facing an estimated $1.3 billion budget deficit in both those years combined, with pressure on Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs and Republican leaders in the state legislature to work together to balance them before June 30, when the 2024 fiscal year ends. 

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The current fiscal year’s budget was crafted assuming that 68,380 students would take advantage of the program, at a cost to the state of $625 million. In January, the Arizona Department of Education boosted its estimates to 74,000 students and a $723.5 million price tag. 

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But even more students than that are already participating: Through May, more than 75,200 students were enrolled, with a median cost of $7,000 to $8,000 per student. 

The Education Department estimates that enrollment will increase even more by the end of the next fiscal year, to around 99,000 total participants, according to a May 31 letter from the agency to the Joint Legislative Budget Committee. 

“Failure to rein in these costs means critical areas of state government expenditures will be cut to balance the budget,” GCI said in a statement about the report. 

Public school proponents have staged press conferences at the Capitol in Phoenix two weeks in a row now, calling for the cessation of the costly universal portion of the voucher program or at least a cap on it, but it’s unthinkable that the Republican-led legislature will agree to do so. 

Public school advocates say the program takes money away from the district schools that educate 90% of Arizona’s K-12 students and that universal vouchers are essentially a subsidy for wealthy parents who were already sending their children to private schools before vouchers were available to them. 

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The Empowerment Scholarship Account program, as it’s formally known, works by giving the parents of participating students a debit card that can be used to pay for various educational costs, including private school tuition and homeschooling supplies. The money can even be saved for college. Parents can also be reimbursed for educational purchases through the Class Wallet system. 

The voucher scheme was created in 2012 to allow special education students to attend private or parochial schools using state funding. After the Arizona Supreme Court determined that the program did not violate Arizona’s constitutional ban on directing tax dollars to religious entities, the ESA system was later expanded to include other groups like foster kids and those attending failing public schools. 

In 2022, legislative Republicans voted to expand access to allow any K-12 student in the state to attend private school or to be homeschooled using public money, even if that student’s parents were already paying for them to attend private school before a voucher was available.

The Grand Canyon Institute found that the gross cost of the ESA program in 2024 — including universal students and those who qualified under the previous program — was around $700 million, with the universal portion making up about $385 million. 

The cost of the universal expansion was calculated by first determining how many of the universal voucher recipients wouldn’t have been eligible before the expansion. The researchers found that 54,028 students enrolled in the program in December 2023 were newly eligible, while another 17,492 receiving universal vouchers would have qualified anyway. 

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The net cost of only the universal students was then determined by using state education data to figure out approximately how many of those students never attended a public school and how many moved from a charter school to a private voucher. 

“GCI estimates that 82% of universal ESA recipients never attended a district or charter school,” the report concluded. 

ESA vouchers were initially designed to transfer 90% of the cost of educating a student in a traditional public school to the voucher, thus saving the state money. But several years ago, GOP lawmakers changed that formula and now base the vouchers on 90% of what the state pays to charter schools for each student. 

Because charter schools aren’t able to tax local property, their per-student payment from the state is substantially higher than for district schools, meaning the cost of school vouchers are markedly higher per student now than when they were first created. The change eliminated the savings of vouchers for nearly all students who use them.

So, the net cost to the state for each voucher student depends on whether the state previously paid for that student’s education and to what extent. Students who never attended public or charter schools are a new cost to the state, while a student who moves from a charter school to a voucher saves the state a modest amount since per-student payments for vouchers are about 90% of what the state pays for a charter student. 

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The impact on state coffers when a student switches from public school to a private voucher depends on which school that student attended. Schools in areas with high property values, like Scottsdale Unified, don’t receive state aid and are funded primarily by local property taxes. That means that each of the estimated 283 universal ESA students who previously attended Scottsdale Unified schools but entered the voucher program in fiscal year 2024 are a new cost to the state, to the tune of around $2 million, according to GCI. 

The Grand Canyon Institute also took transportation costs into account when determining the net cost, since public schools usually provide transportation to students, while voucher students generally have to provide their own transportation. 

With all of those factors taken into account, the institute found that the gross cost to Arizona’s general fund for universal voucher students was $385 million, while the net cost was lower, at $332 million. 

The report shows that while Republicans who back the program, including Arizona’s Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Horne, say it saves the state money, that isn’t actually the case.

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Could Arizona State be the next Clemson or Oregon? Kenny Dillingham thinks so

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Could Arizona State be the next Clemson or Oregon? Kenny Dillingham thinks so


Kenny Dillingham is still not comfortable being viewed as a top coach in college football or a preseason favorite entering 2025. But in his second year on the job, he led Arizona State to the College Football Playoff in 2024 as the program won its first conference title since 2007. Being a preseason top-15 team […]



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Arizona prisons director defends practice of lowering inmate custody level

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Arizona prisons director defends practice of lowering inmate custody level


PHOENIX (AZFamily) — Ricky Wassenaar was already serving 16 life sentences for his role in an escape attempt and hostage standoff at the Lewis Complex prison in Buckeye in 2004. For the past 20 years, he remained mostly out of the limelight, serving his time.

But in April of this year, Wassenaar attacked three inmates in the Cimarron Unit of the state prison in Tucson, killing them, and sparking a controversy over how he was able to carry out the murders and how he had access to other inmates in the first place.

“I would have killed at least seven. My goal was at least seven,” Wassenaar told True Crime Arizona’s Briana Whitney, in a phone interview. She said he seemed excited to talk about it, bragging that he had provided a service, because the inmates he killed were sex offenders.

According to Wassenaar’s inmate profile, at the end of 2024, he was moved out of maximum security, where he had been for decades, and into close custody, which is a slightly lower level of security.

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“He was max custody and then he was put out in close custody, which means he gets to walk among them (other inmates),” said Rodney Carr, who is a former warden in the Arizona prison system.

He left the Arizona Department of Corrections, Rehabilitation and Reentry after Gov. Katie Hobbs hired Ryan Thornell as the new director. Thornell came to Arizona from Maine, where he was deputy commissioner of a prison system a fraction the size of Arizona’s.

“I worked for a lot of directors and not always that I agreed with. But that’s my job. Well, with him it got to the point where I couldn’t,” said Carr.

Carr and another former warden, as well as several correctional officers, reached out to Arizona’s Family Investigates with similar complaints: that the department under Thornell’s leadership was moving maximum security inmates into close custody, where it costs less and requires fewer correctional officers to oversee the inmates.

“Under the way they’re managing maximum security inmates in a closed custody environment, staff are going to get hurt,” said Carr.

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In an interview with Arizona’s Family Investigates, Thornell said he is moving inmates out of maximum security. “That is absolutely something we are doing. Just like every other department of corrections across the country must do. It’s a practice and we are doing that here,” said Thornell.

He said 90 to 95% of inmates who are in custody will eventually be released into the community, including those in maximum security. And Thornell said keeping them in maximum security the entire time they are in prison is not good for the community once they are released. He said the effect the isolation of maximum custody has on inmates is real and often negative.

“How can I say that somebody in max custody is OK to release into local Arizona, but they’re not OK to release into a close custody yard that still has fences or razor wire?” he said.

When asked if it was a mistake to take Wassenaar out of maximum custody, Thornell said no, but he couched his answer.

“Hindsight is always 20/20, right? So, knowing what I know today, should we have moved him out of max custody? Yes, we should have. Would I do it knowing the facts that I have at my disposal today? Knowing what he did then? No, I wouldn’t. But the practice was sound. It’s still a sound practice,” he said.

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Thornell acknowledged that the number of violent incidents in close custody has increased, but he denied that it was the result of max-custody inmates creating more problems.

“It’s easy for a warden, a former warden, to come forward and say, ‘20 years ago, that’s not how we did it.’ Well, 20 years ago, nobody cared who we were releasing back into the community,” said Thornell.

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Arizona lawmakers demand answers over Phoenix immigration court arrests

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Arizona lawmakers demand answers over Phoenix immigration court arrests


PHOENIX (AZFamily) — Some Arizona lawmakers are demanding answers on what has been happening outside a Phoenix immigration court recently.

On Wednesday, four Arizona Democrats sent a letter to the Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and ICE Acting Director Todd Lyons. It came from Sens. Mark Kelly and Ruben Gallego, as well as Reps. Yassamin Ansari and Greg Stanton.

The letter comes after tense protests last week. For two days straight, ICE agents were at Phoenix immigration court, arresting people there for routine hearings and putting them into vans. That second day turned chaotic with protestors and officers getting physical.

“That pattern of dismissal and detainment kind of slowed down towards the end of the week, but unfortunately, today we did see more people detained at the immigration court,” said state Sen. Analise Ortiz, a Democrat from the West Valley.

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She has been showing up to immigration court to support migrants at their hearings, and says ICE was there again on Wednesday, but it was different this time. “People were actually being told they could leave the courthouse, so they were driving off of the property and then being stopped and detained down the street. Someone relayed to me that a toddler was detained. This is just horrible, and this is inhumane,” said Ortiz.

The letter poses three main questions, with the first being how many people has ICE arrested and detained at an immigration court during the week of May 19 and how many have been placed in expedited removal?

The second asks for copies of all guidance and written directives associated with this recent ICE action, and the third asks how ICE is complying with requirements for screening individuals for fear of persecution.

The letter also says the Democratic lawmakers believe tactics like this make the immigration process less fair and efficient and undermine the Trump administration’s goal of targeting criminals who are public safety threats.

“A lot of these individuals who are in deportation proceedings (or) immigration proceedings, they don’t have a criminal history,” said immigration attorney Sheree Wright with IBF Law Group.

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She has been volunteering to advise migrants at their hearings. “When it comes to safety, these are not criminals,” said Wright.

Arizona’s Family also spoke to a former Phoenix-based ICE agent who was in the field for 22 years. He wanted to remain anonymous.

The former agent said arrests like the ones at the immigration court are not new. He also said they are safer for the public, the officers, and the detainees because there is a screening process at places like court buildings. According to the former officer, when they detain someone, they often go through what is called “custody redetermination” to see if the migrant should continue with their immigration proceedings or be placed in expedited removal.

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