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Whether a ‘pickle’ or a ‘crisis,’ the Alaska House is struggling with a deficit budget

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Whether a ‘pickle’ or a ‘crisis,’ the Alaska House is struggling with a deficit budget


The Alaska Legislature’s quest to pass a viable state budget before the end of the legislative session in mid-May isn’t getting any easier.

“Ladies and gentlemen, we’re all in a pickle,” House Speaker Bryce Edgmon, I-Dillingham, told reporters on Tuesday.

At this point in a normal year, Edgmon said, House lawmakers would be on the verge of passing their version of the state’s operating budget, marking the lower chamber’s preferred level of spending on state agencies, public schools and the Permanent Fund dividend. Last year’s budget passed the House on April 11.

But this is not a normal year. Low oil prices are fueling large deficits, meaning tough budget decisions are ahead. With a razor-thin 21-19 majority for the chamber’s Democrat-heavy bipartisan coalition, House lawmakers are struggling to come to an agreement that meets their constitutional obligation to pass a balanced budget.

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Nowhere is that struggle clearer than in the state operating budget, which House Finance Committee members voted out of committee last week. The $13.5 billion appropriations bill contains $2.5 billion for dividends, enough for a roughly $3,800 PFD, in line with Gov. Mike Dunleavy’s budget proposal and a formula in state law that has not been used since the mid-2010s. The budget also includes a so-called “unallocated cut” of nearly $80 million, an unusual step that would give the governor the freedom to make substantial cuts on his own. Legislative attorneys warn the step could be unconstitutional.

Altogether, it adds up to a $1.9 billion deficit. And that’s before accounting for recent volatility in the markets for crude oil, equities and bonds, which further threatens the state’s financial stability.

“It is a crisis. We cannot pay an unsustainable dividend,” said Chuck Kopp, R-Anchorage, the House majority leader.

The state has approximately $2.8 billion in its main rainy-day fund, the Constitutional Budget Reserve.

Large dividend figure is largely a mirage — but a persistent one

Members of both the coalition majority and Republican minority have called the $3,800 figure unrealistic in a year when roughly status quo spending would leave a $677 million deficit between the current fiscal year ending in June and the next year beginning in July. That figure, spotlighted by Senate budgeters, includes a roughly $1,400 dividend and a long-term extension of this year’s $175 million boost to education funding.

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But House lawmakers have so far failed to come to an agreement on a more realistic dividend.

Majority lawmakers, including members of House leadership, have called repeatedly for reducing the PFD to $1,000 in an effort to balance the budget while boosting funding for public schools. But so far, they haven’t mustered the votes to pass, or even advance, a budget that reflects that stated preference.

During the marathon budget-writing process, two majority-aligned members of the House Finance Committee — Rep. Neal Foster, D-Nome, and Rep. Nellie Unangiq Jimmie, D-Toksook Bay — voted with all of the House Finance Committee’s minority Republicans to reject a proposal that would have reduced the PFD to $1,000.

Foster and Jimmie were not available for interviews Wednesday afternoon, but Foster has in the past said PFD reductions amount to a tax that falls disproportionately on the poorest Alaskans.

The House’s chief budgeter, House Finance Committee Co-Chair Andy Josephson, D-Anchorage, said he’s sympathetic, but the dire fiscal picture is forcing lawmakers’ hands.

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“We don’t yet live in a world where the Alaska people, writ large — although we heard different messages in Anchorage — are ready for themselves to invest in their state government, so here we are,” he said. “I’m not saying that people who want the PFD in its entirety aren’t speaking to a set of values. We just have a significant math problem.”

House leaders turn to minority and governor for help

With members of his own caucus apparently unconvinced, Edgmon on Tuesday pleaded with his Republican counterparts for help.

“We need the help of the minority caucus. We also need the help of the governor to come forward and to put all these pieces together,” Edgmon said.

Reducing the PFD would only go so far when it comes to balancing the budget, though. Even with a $1,000 PFD, the nonpartisan Legislative Finance Division estimates a $169 million deficit for the next fiscal year — if a House-passed $1,000-per-student funding boost, a key campaign issue for the Democrat-dominated majority, is included.

“That’s just not possible,” said Rep. DeLena Johnson, R-Palmer and the senior Republican on the Finance Committee, said.

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House minority Republicans say they’d like to see some additions to the governor’s budget rolled back, though those would not close the gap. Johnson said she anticipated cuts to both the PFD and the House’s $275 million education bill that’s now in the hands of the Senate.

“We’re looking at really having to cut things back, and [that’s] probably going to include having to discuss both of those two very, very, very difficult things,” Johnson said.

‘Maybe we can get to yes’ on Senate tax bills

Even reducing the education funding boost to a status quo level, $175 million, same as schools got this fiscal year in one-time funding, would not close the remaining gap.

Funding for Alaska’s schools remains a question mark. Here’s where things stand

Another option for balancing the budget is raising state revenue. Members of the bipartisan Senate majority have suggested expansions of corporate income taxes and reductions to oil and gas tax credits.

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“I hope they pass,” said Senate President Gary Stevens, R-Kodiak. “I’d like to see us have reasonable education funding and a reasonable dividend, and not have to slash everything, as we would if we don’t have those revenues.”

Stevens also suggested that the Legislature may not have a choice when it comes to determining the appropriate school funding level.

“I suspect that the legislature may pass a $1,000 [school funding increase],” he said. “I have no doubts, from having spoken to the governor, that he will veto that.”

Stevens said he expected efforts to overcome a veto with a two-thirds majority vote would be “dead on arrival.”

Josephson, the Finance Committee co-chair, suggested the House may agree to Senate-proposed reforms that would capture corporate income taxes for large S corporations in the oil and gas industry — namely, BP successor Hilcorp, which is not subject to typical state corporate income taxes — and companies that do business in the state via the internet.

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“Maybe we can get to yes,” Josephson said.

But the House majority’s one-vote margin may make that difficult. Kopp, the majority leader, said he opposes the Senate’s revenue measures.

“Not this year,” he said last month.

Stevens, though, reiterated Wednesday that he continues to oppose spending from savings for the coming year’s budget, despite recently acknowledging a withdrawal will likely be necessary to close the budget gap in what remains of the current fiscal year.

If the House fails to pass a budget, the Senate could push forward with its own budget bill, cramming the Legislature’s typically separate operating, capital and supplemental spending bills into a single budget document colloquially referred to as a “turducken.”

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Despite the political headwinds and mounting time pressure, Edgmon says he remains optimistic lawmakers will settle on a budget before the constitutional end of the legislative session on May 21. Edgmon estimated that the House would have to pass a budget next week to remain on track.

“We still have time,” he said. “We don’t have a lot of time.”

Correction: An earlier version of this story misspelled Toksook Bay.



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Opinion: A new energy project, new risks and new responsibilities for Alaska

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Opinion: A new energy project, new risks and new responsibilities for Alaska


Speaker Bryce Edgmon speaks with members of the Alaska House at the Alaska State Capitol on August 2, 2025. (Marc Lester / ADN)

Alaska may soon face major decisions about the future of the Alaska LNG project and, if so, the Legislature will need to ensure that every step serves the best interests of Alaskans.

It is essential to remember that Senate Bill 138, the blueprint for state involvement in Alaska LNG, was passed in 2014 for a very different project: one led by ExxonMobil, BP and ConocoPhillips, with a key role fulfilled by TransCanada. Today’s project is led by a private-equity developer, Glenfarne, pursuing a structure that diverges dramatically from what lawmakers contemplated more than a decade ago. When a project changes this much, the underlying statutes need to be revisited.

In June, the Alaska Gasline Development Corp.’s president told his board that AGDC would be coordinating with the developer, the administration and the Legislature regarding legislation needed to support project development. He also noted that AGDC would work with the administration and Legislature on policies required to exercise the corporation’s option to invest 5% to 25% equity at Final Investment Decision, or FID. When AGDC itself signals that legislation is necessary, we should look forward to their outreach.

SB 138 also assigned important responsibilities to the departments of revenue and natural resources that may require legislative action. One key responsibility is the Legislature’s authority to approve major gas project contracts negotiated by the DNR commissioner. The law clearly states that balancing, marketing and gas sale agreements for North Slope gas cannot take effect without explicit legislative authorization. That statutory requirement was intentional and recognizes a project of this scale demands legislative oversight.

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We also know that the pressure for speed on complex megaprojects often backfires, sometimes creating more problems than it solves. The Legislature must balance the legitimate need for progress with the responsibility to ensure Alaskans are not asked to assume unreasonable financial risk. As Speaker Bryce Edgmon recently observed, legislation of this magnitude “could dominate the session” and “take significant time.” Senate Finance Co-Chair Bert Stedman was even more direct: if we get this wrong, it could be “detrimental for generations.”

Last week, 4,000 miles away in Washington, D.C., Glenfarne and POSCO International announced a major strategic partnership. It is a meaningful milestone. But Alaska has seen similar announcements before, and it does not diminish the need for hard questions. If anything, it raises them.

Final Investment Decision is when investors and lenders commit billions based on the project’s economics and the state’s fiscal terms. Any legislation affecting property taxes, payments-in-lieu-of-taxes, aka PILTs, state equity, fiscal stability, or upstream royalties and production taxes must be decided before this takes place.

The Legislative Budget and Audit Committee has focused on providing lawmakers and the public with the information needed to understand the choices ahead. I revisited the Legislature’s 2014 “Alaska LNG: Key Issues” report, which helped lawmakers evaluate the original SB 138 framework. Building on that model, I directed our consultants, GaffneyCline, to prepare an updated “key issues” report; not to endorse or oppose the current project, but to provide a high-level overview of potential policy choices, which should be available to the public within the next few days.

The refreshed “key issues” report will be an important starting point. I ask Alaskans to approach it with an open mind and to read it as objectively as possible, free from assumptions shaped by past disappointments or early optimism. Keep asking tough questions of the Legislature, AGDC, Glenfarne and the administration. Don’t assume the project is a done deal or a doomed one. This is not about cheerleading or obstruction, but insisting on rigorous analysis, strong oversight and a fair deal for our children and grandchildren.

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Some Alaskans have raised questions about a potential conflict of interest: GaffneyCline is a subsidiary of Baker Hughes, which recently announced agreements with Glenfarne to help advance the Alaska LNG project. I share those concerns, which is why I have met with the Legislature’s director of Legal Services and with GaffneyCline’s North America director. I have been assured by GaffneyCline’s leadership that no one outside the GaffneyCline project team has influenced their analysis, and that their global reputation for independence and trust remains intact. Still, we also must fully vet this issue when we convene in Juneau next month. Transparency and independence are non-negotiable.

The recent ceremony in Washington, D.C., with Glenfarne and POSCO International underscores the project’s potential; however, the authority to determine how and when Alaska monetizes its resources rests here, not with dignitaries celebrating overseas commitments. Our future will be determined in Alaska, by Alaskans, based on the fullest and most honest understanding of the choices before us.

Sen. Elvi Gray-Jackson, D-Anchorage, represents Senate District G, which includes Midtown, Spenard and Taku Campbell in Anchorage. Sen. Gray-Jackson serves as the chair of the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee.

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Trump Repeals Biden Land Protections in Alaska, Other States

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Trump Repeals Biden Land Protections in Alaska, Other States


President Donald Trump on Thursday signed several congressional measures designed to undo Biden administration land conservation policies restricting energy development in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and federal lands in three Western states.



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Alaska Hosts US Bomber Exercise Against ‘Threats to the Homeland’

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Alaska Hosts US Bomber Exercise Against ‘Threats to the Homeland’


The United States deployed two bombers to simulate strikes against “maritime threats” to the homeland in response to a growing Russian and Chinese presence near Alaska.

Newsweek has contacted China’s Foreign Ministry for comment by email. Russia’s defense and foreign ministries did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Why It Matters

Russia and China have closely cooperated in military matters under their “partnership without limits,” including a joint naval maneuver in the north Pacific near Alaska’s Aleutian Islands involving 11 Russian and Chinese vessels in summer 2023.

Facing a growing Moscow-Beijing military partnership, along with increased Chinese activities in the Arctic, the U.S. has been reinforcing its military presence in Alaska by deploying warships and conducting war games with its northern neighbor, Canada.

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Bombers, capable of flying long distances and carrying large amounts of armaments, are a key instrument for the U.S. military to signal its strength. The American bomber force has recently conducted operations as a show of force aimed at Russia and China.

What To Know

According to a news release, the Alaskan Command executed simulated joint maritime strikes with Air Force B-52H bombers and the Coast Guard national security cutter USCGC Kimball in the Gulf of Alaska on Tuesday as part of Operation Tundra Merlin.

The bombers are assigned to the 2nd Bomb Wing out of Barksdale Air Force Base in Louisiana, while the Kimball is homeported in Honolulu. The 354th Fighter Wing at Eielson Air Force Base in Alaska also deployed four F-35A stealth fighters.

Other supporting units included two KC-135 aerial refueling aircraft and an HC-130 aircraft on standby to conduct personnel recovery missions, the news release said.

During the operation, the bombers received target information from the Kimball for standoff target acquisition and simulated weapons use, while the F-35A jets—tasked with escorting the bombers—enhanced mission security and operational effectiveness.

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According to an Air Force fact sheet, each B-52H bomber has a maximum payload of 70,000 pounds and is capable of carrying up to 20 standoff weapons—designed to be fired from outside enemy defenses—such as the Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile.

The simulated strikes “demonstrated the capability of the [U.S. Northern Command] and its mission partners to deter maritime threats to the homeland,” the news release said.

Homeland defense is the Alaskan Command’s top priority, said its commander, U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Robert Davis, adding that the ability to integrate with other commands and partners is key to safeguarding the U.S. northern approaches.

What People Are Saying

U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Robert Davis, the commander of the Alaskan Command, said: “Operations in the Alaskan Theater of Operations are critically important to North American Homeland Defense. Operation Tundra Merlin demonstrates the Joint Force’s ability to seamlessly integrate capabilities from multiple combatant commands and mission partners to deter and defeat potential threats in the region.”

The Alaskan Command said: “Operation Tundra Merlin is a Homeland Defense focused joint operation designed to ensure the defense of U.S. territory and waters within the Alaskan Theater of Operations (AKTO). The operation includes integration with partners in the region with the shared goal of North American defense in the Western Arctic.”

What Happens Next

It remains to be seen whether Russia and China will conduct another joint air patrol near Alaska following a similar operation over the western Pacific earlier this week.

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