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Kevin Warsh, Trump’s Pick to Lead Fed, Faces Senate at Tricky Moment

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Kevin Warsh, Trump’s Pick to Lead Fed, Faces Senate at Tricky Moment

Kevin M. Warsh, President Trump’s pick to lead the Federal Reserve, has spent years refining his pitch for why he should get one of the most powerful economic jobs in the world.

At his confirmation hearing on Tuesday, he will have to convince Senate lawmakers that he is ready to step into the role, which has become politically explosive amid Mr. Trump’s relentless attacks on the institution and its current chair, Jerome H. Powell.

Mr. Warsh, who is scheduled to testify before the Banking Committee at 10 a.m., plans to commit to being “strictly independent” on decisions related to interest rates, according to his prepared remarks. He also plans to tell lawmakers that he is unbothered by Mr. Trump’s incessant calls for substantially lower borrowing costs. And he will use his opening statement to underscore his focus on disrupting the “status quo” at an institution he said just last year was in need of “regime change.”

“In a time that will rank among the most consequential in our nation’s history, I believe a reform-oriented Federal Reserve can make a real difference to the American people,” he plans to tell lawmakers, adding: “The stakes could scarcely be higher.”

Mr. Warsh, 56, faces significant hurdles to winning confirmation. He has broad support among Republicans, who control the Senate and can confirm him along party lines. Yet his candidacy has stalled because of an ongoing investigation by the Justice Department into Mr. Powell and his handling of the Fed’s headquarters renovations.

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Mr. Powell’s term as chair ends May 15, but Mr. Warsh looks increasingly unlikely to be in place by then. That’s because Senator Thom Tillis of North Carolina — a Republican on the Banking Committee who has expressed support for Mr. Warsh — has vowed to block any attempt to confirm a new Fed chair until the legal threats into Mr. Powell are resolved. For Mr. Tillis, the investigation is a blatant attempt to coerce Mr. Powell into lowering rates, undermining the Fed’s independence and confirming the politicization of the Justice Department.

“I’m not going to condone bad decision-making and bad behavior,” Mr. Tillis told reporters on Monday in reference to the Justice Department’s lack of evidence of any wrongdoing.

The department has vowed to continue its investigation, despite numerous legal setbacks.

“I think ultimately, he will be confirmed,” Senator John Kennedy of Louisiana, another Republican on the committee, told reporters on Monday. “I just don’t know what decade.”

Mr. Warsh’s ascent would mark a homecoming for the Wall Street financier, who served as a Fed governor from 2006-11.

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Since leaving the Fed, he has amassed assets worth well in excess of $100 million, according to financial disclosures submitted before his hearing. Those have drawn scrutiny because Mr. Warsh repeatedly invoked “pre-existing confidentiality agreements” to avoid disclosing the details behind several of his investments. He has said he would divest a substantial amount of his assets before taking the job.

The global financial crisis dominated Mr. Warsh’s first tenure at the Fed, thrusting him into the middle of discussions about how the central bank should respond to the threat of bank failures, turmoil in financial markets and a painful recession that followed. Mr. Warsh, then the youngest-ever member of the Board of Governors, was initially supportive of the Fed’s efforts to shore up financial markets by buying enormous quantities of government bonds and expanding its balance sheet to ease strains in financial markets and support growth by keeping market-based rates low.

But he soon soured on subsequent efforts to buy more bonds and resigned in protest. That experience has stuck with Mr. Warsh, who has made a smaller balance sheet a pillar of his plans if he takes over as chair.

Mr. Warsh would also be likely to usher in changes to how the Fed communicates its policy views, having expressed misgivings about its strategy of providing so-called forward guidance, or hints about how interest rates may change in the future to guide expectations. He has also suggested that policymakers across the Fed system should speak far less. Mr. Powell held a news conference after each rate decision, or eight a year, and delivered speeches with regularity. Mr. Trump’s pick to join the Fed last year, Stephen I. Miran, often speaks multiple times a week.

“Once policymakers reveal their economic forecast, they can become prisoners of their own words,” Mr. Warsh said in a speech last year. “Fed leaders would be well served to skip opportunities to share their latest musings. The swivel-chair problem, rhetorically waxing and waning with the latest data release, is common and counterproductive.”

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What is far less clear is how much Mr. Warsh would heed the president’s demands for lower interest rates. Mr. Trump said he would not pick someone for chair who did not support lower borrowing costs.

Mr. Warsh sought in his opening statement to downplay the costs of a president’s voicing his opinions about rates, saying central bankers must be “strong enough to listen to a diversity of views from all corners, humble enough to be open-minded to new ideas and new economic developments, wise enough to translate imperfect data into meaningful insight and dedicated enough to make judgments faithfully and wisely.”

Earlier this year, many officials at the Fed saw a path to gradually lower rates as the impact of Mr. Trump’s tariffs faded and inflation restarted its slide back toward 2 percent after almost of year of stalling out. The war in Iran — and the energy shock it has unleashed — has upended those forecasts, however, prompting officials to turn wary about lowering rates.

Mr. Warsh will face questions on Tuesday about the economic impact of the war and how it has changed his thinking around the Fed’s ability to lower rates. While at the Fed, he was known as an inflation hawk who often argued against providing policy relief for fear that it could stoke price pressures. He also said the Fed should aspire to engage in rule-based policymaking that stems from formulas that prescribe how officials should set rates based on levels of inflation and employment.

While campaigning to be chair, Mr. Warsh embraced the need for rate cuts, arguing that there was a path for lower borrowing costs because of his plans to shrink the balance sheet, which would lift longer-term rates that then could be offset by lowering short-term ones. He also argued that higher productivity from the boom in artificial intelligence could unleash higher growth without stoking inflation, which could give the Fed more space to lower rates than otherwise would be the case.

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In his opening statement, Mr. Warsh made clear, however, that a failure to bring down inflation, which has been stuck above the Fed’s 2 percent target for roughly five years, would strictly be the Fed’s fault, suggesting that he would shoulder the blame if he did not bring it back down during his tenure.

“Inflation is a choice, and the Fed must take responsibility for it,” he will tell lawmakers.

Megan Mineiro contributed reporting.

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Coca-Cola manufacturer to shutter major Southern California plant

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Coca-Cola manufacturer to shutter major Southern California plant

A regional Coca-Cola manufacturer will shut down a plant in Ventura after over 100 years in production.

Reyes Coca-Cola Bottling will close the plant on July 10, the company announced in a recent state filing.

“We regularly assess our locations, products and services to ensure we can continue driving sustainable growth and innovation across our business,” a spokesperson for Reyes Coca-Cola Bottling told SFGate.

Employers must submit a Worker Adjustment and Retraining Notification, or WARN notice, to alert employers, state and local officials at least 60 days before major layoffs. The initial notice was submitted Friday.

A total of 85 employees will be affected by the closure, according to the notice. Seventy-eight of them will be reassigned to other facilities, and the rest will be able to apply for open roles at other Coca-Cola plants, a company spokesperson told SFGate.

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Operations from the Ventura plant will be transferred to other Southern California facilities.

A spokesperson for Reyes Coca-Cola Bottling didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.

Coca-Cola shut down a Bay Area plant in American Canyon in late December. That closure affected at least 45 workers, according to the WARN notice. Reyes Coca-Cola Bottling also shut down its Salinas location in June.

Reyes Coca-Cola Bottling is a subdivision of Reyes Holding, which manages major beer and drink distributors and McDonald’s largest global distributor. Reyes Holding began distributing Coca-Cola in 2015 and officially formed Reyes Coca-Cola Bottling in 2022.

The company runs 22 manufacturing centers in California, including two production and distribution centers in Los Angeles. The company operates 50 facilities across 10 states.

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Dozens of Polymarket Bets Show Signs of Insider Trading, The Times Finds

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Dozens of Polymarket Bets Show Signs of Insider Trading, The Times Finds

On the evening of Thursday, June 12, a small group of internet gamblers made a highly specific prediction on Polymarket, the betting website that offers odds on virtually everything.

Thirteen users wagered a total of $140,000 that Israel would strike Iran by the end of that week, even as the odds suggested that an attack was unlikely. Seven of the accounts had been opened just days earlier. Another had a history of bets related to military action against Iran — and had won money on all of them.

Israel attacked Iran later that day, netting the accounts more than $600,000 in profits.

The explosive growth of prediction markets like Polymarket has rattled the political world over the last year, fueling concerns about a new kind of insider trading by military leaders and government officials with access to confidential plans. A military reservist was recently indicted in Israel for a scheme to bet on the June strike, while a U.S. Army Special Forces soldier was accused last month of wagering on the capture of Nicolás Maduro, the president of Venezuela.

Those bets represent only a slice of the suspicious activity on Polymarket. A New York Times examination found that more than 80 Polymarket users have placed bets with suspicious characteristics, including 38 whose well-timed wagers have drawn little or no public attention. They won money across nearly 30 topics dating back to at least 2024, from Israel’s strike on Iran last year to the regulatory debate over cryptocurrency trading.

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The Times’s examination also revealed previously unreported red flags in some of the high-profile bets that have drawn scrutiny. The findings were based on a series of warning signs that hint at insider trading without proving it definitively. Those signals include long-shot bets that pay off, well-timed wagers by recently opened accounts and bets by users who gamble on only a few related topics without ever losing, among other considerations.

The Times identified more than 11,000 Polymarket accounts that exhibited some combination of those characteristics, then manually reviewed the most striking cases, comparing the users’ trading histories against overall prediction market activity. Many of the examples involved military operations, which have attracted a surge of betting this year.

While the accounts The Times examined make up a small portion of Polymarket’s users, they show how suspicious wagers can unfold on the site and highlight the vulnerability of prediction markets to manipulation. Polymarket’s trading data is publicly visible, which makes it possible to reconstruct betting patterns with second-by-second accuracy.

One of the highest-profile cases occurred at the start of the year, when the idea that Mr. Maduro would soon be ousted as Venezuela’s leader seemed unlikely. The odds on Polymarket reflected that doubt, sitting at around 7 percent. Then something unexpected happened: The United States swept into Venezuela on Jan. 3 and arrested Mr. Maduro.

Somehow, one user appeared to know the arrest was coming. The account had placed large bets on Jan. 1 and Jan. 2 predicting that Mr. Maduro would be “out” as Venezuela’s leader before the end of the month. When Mr. Maduro was captured on Jan. 3, the user pocketed more than $400,000. Prosecutors later charged Master Sgt. Gannon Ken Van Dyke, the special forces soldier, with using classified information to make that bet.

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A similar betting pattern played out when Polymarket offered odds on whether the United States would announce a cease-fire in the war with Iran by April 7.

At least seven users placed bets in the hours before President Trump announced the agreement in a Truth Social post on April 7. Collectively, they won more than $1.4 million, including two users who each walked away with over $400,000 in profits.

The Times also found warning signs in areas unrelated to America’s foreign policy. In 2024, a user created a Polymarket account and placed a single long-shot bet that a financial product tied to the cryptocurrency Ether would be approved by the Trump administration. A month later, the user withdrew $50,000 in profits after regulators blessed the product.

Based on the public data alone, it is impossible to conclude whether these users were insiders who had access to nonpublic information. Many sophisticated bettors use automated bots to place well-timed wagers that may appear suspicious at first glance, while some prediction market traders pride themselves on making giant bets against the odds that occasionally pay off.

But The Times’s examination adds to evidence suggesting that Polymarket has been exploited by users with information that is not publicly available.

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Last month, the nonprofit Anti-Corruption Data Collective released a report about Polymarket that found heavy bettors on underdog outcomes — an event with at most a 35 percent likelihood — won more than half the time on topics related to the military, calling it a sign of “potential insider trading.” Similar wagers on other topics were profitable only 14 percent of the time, the report found.

Polymarket has pledged to combat insider trading, saying it has “no place” on the platform. A company spokeswoman said the firm “continuously monitors its markets for suspicious activity and regularly engages with relevant authorities when appropriate.”

Polymarket and its main rival, Kalshi, are the most popular prediction markets. But they differ in important ways. Polymarket’s main platform processes wagers in crypto, creating a public record of transactions. Much less data is available about the bets on Kalshi, which announced in February that it had opened more than 200 insider-trading investigations resulting in over a dozen “active cases.”

Robert DeNault, Kalshi’s head of enforcement, said in a statement to The Times that insider trading was banned on the platform. “We surveil, investigate and punish it,” he said.

For years, prediction markets occupied a legal gray area in the United States. A tiny financial agency, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, barred Polymarket from serving U.S.-based customers in 2022, while Kalshi battled those regulators in court for authorization to offer bets on congressional elections.

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Now the landscape is shifting in these firms’ favor.

Kalshi won its case in October 2024, paving the way for election betting in the United States. Within a year, Polymarket secured regulatory approval to start offering some services, though the majority of its betting markets, including wagers on military action, are still available only overseas. Sergeant Van Dyke gained access to the website using a virtual private network, a tool that disguises a user’s location, according to court papers.

Together Kalshi and Polymarket draw $25 billion in monthly trading volume, up from less than $2 billion a year ago, an explosion of popularity that poses a challenge to regulators.

Under federal law and agency regulations, insider trading on prediction markets is prohibited, though what qualifies as an offense is a complex legal question. Some advocates for the sites argue that certain insiders can help generate more accurate forecasts, making prediction markets a useful source of information.

In a CBS “60 Minutes” interview last fall, Shayne Coplan, Polymarket’s chief executive, called insider trading “an inevitability” that comes with “a lot of benefits,” while stipulating that trading platforms need to draw an ethical line somewhere.

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“What’s cool about Polymarket is that it creates this financial incentive for people to go and divulge the information to the market,” he said at an Axios conference in November. “Or someone tells someone, and then the market responds.”

But potential insider activity does not always create a clearer picture for the public, The Times found. Someone with insider knowledge can employ a range of strategies to accumulate large, profitable positions without moving the needle on the odds.

In January 2025, a Polymarket user who regularly wagered on Washington politics began betting that President Joseph R. Biden Jr. would pardon his brother James Biden. The user placed 53 separate bets worth more than $20,000, even as the odds declined.

Less than 40 minutes after the user’s final bet on Jan. 20, the White House announced that Mr. Biden had signed a last-minute pardon for his brother. The user earned $200,000, cashed out and has not bet since.

The Times’s review also found possible coordination among Polymarket accounts that placed bets at identical times. Such activity can signal that an individual user deployed automated bots to avoid detection, obscuring a large position across many accounts.

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A possible example emerged on Feb. 27, when Mr. Trump at 3:38 p.m. gave the order to strike Iran while he was aboard Air Force One. Over the next few hours, at least 27 accounts placed thousands of dollars of simultaneous bets predicting that the United States would attack by Feb. 28. When the strike began around 1 p.m. on Feb. 28, the accounts collected profits of more than $700,000.

Much of the suspicious activity has been concentrated on the conflicts in the Middle East. Of the 27 betting topics that The Times flagged, 12 focused on the U.S.-Israeli war with Iran.

In February, Israeli authorities charged the military reservist with using nonpublic information to help an accomplice make more than $100,000 betting on Polymarket about the timing of Israel’s attacks on Iran and Yemen.

“It’s happening now,” the soldier texted his accomplice, just as military planes took off for the June attack, according to the indictment.

In court this month, the reservist’s lawyer argued that his client’s unit in the Israeli Air Force had a penchant for gambling, a risk-taking impulse that was common in the military.

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An Israeli military representative said the defense forces had taken steps to “strengthen oversight and control systems” since the Polymarket bet was exposed.

The rise of suspicious trading has caused alarm in Washington.

The Senate passed a resolution last month barring senators and their staff members from using prediction markets. In April, Mr. Trump said he was “never much in favor” of the sites and lamented that “the whole world unfortunately has become somewhat of a casino.”

Within days, he reversed himself, noting that people working in the prediction business are “pretty happy with it.” Mr. Trump’s eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., is an adviser to Kalshi and Polymarket, and the family’s social media company, Trump Media, has announced plans to offer a prediction market.

The scrutiny on prediction markets has put a spotlight on the Commodity Futures Trading Commission. Historically, the agency has overseen markets for oil, agricultural goods and certain financial instruments known as swaps. Because prediction market bets are classified as swaps, the agency has argued, the sites fall under its purview as well. But the C.F.T.C. has a relatively small staff and a spotty record of enforcement that has drawn skepticism from critics.

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Michael Selig, the agency’s chairman, is an outspoken prediction market enthusiast who has hopscotched the country giving speeches about the technology’s potential to rival traditional media as an information source.

“It’s really important that we protect these markets here in the U.S.,” he said at a crypto conference in March.

In a statement to The Times, Mr. Selig said the agency had a “renewed focus on efficiency” and was using artificial intelligence to bolster its capabilities. “There are no gaps in our ability to fulfill our mission,” he added.

As concerns have intensified, Polymarket has promised to monitor for misconduct. But its public pronouncements are sometimes contradictory.

Three weeks before the Special Forces soldier was indicted, Mr. Coplan, Polymarket’s chief, was interviewed at Harvard Business School, where he was asked about suspicious activity in the Maduro betting market.

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“For the Maduro one, it’s actually a very funny story — it’s not what it seems,” Mr. Coplan said. “It’s just more of a fluke than it is some sort of exciting thing.”

Once the federal charges were announced, Mr. Coplan told a different story, writing on social media that Polymarket had “flagged this, referred it, and cooperated throughout the process” with the Justice Department.

In April, Kalshi said it had unearthed three examples of insider trading — all congressional candidates who had placed bets on their own races.

In one case, Kalshi said, a Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate in Virginia placed a bet that he would join the race, a decision he clearly controlled. Kalshi fined him more than $6,000 and gave him a five-year ban from the platform.

Because prediction market data is public, the hunt for insider trading has also become a social media phenomenon.

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On X, users post screenshots of prediction markets with strange patterns or bets from new accounts. Some traders have built strategies around identifying insiders and then copying suspicious wagers before other bettors catch on.

One market that was flagged on social media centered on a prominent internet sleuth, who announced in February that he was preparing a detailed investigation into an unnamed crypto company whose employees had “abused internal data.”

Speculators on Polymarket started betting on who the sleuth’s target might be. Between Feb. 24 and Feb. 26, an anonymous user who had just joined Polymarket bet more than $65,000 that it was Axiom, a crypto trading firm. (Axiom did not respond to a request for comment.)

The wager was correct. On Feb. 26, the sleuth accused Axiom employees of insider trading.

It’s unclear who made the bet. The sleuth said that he had been “retained” to investigate Axiom, and that he had reached out to the firm before posting his findings.

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The anonymous bettor walked away with $411,647 in profits.

Johnatan Reiss contributed reporting.

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L.A.’s surging real estate prices have cooled, so why is nobody buying condos?

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L.A.’s surging real estate prices have cooled, so why is nobody buying condos?

Even as the relentless rise in Los Angeles housing costs seems to have paused, condominium sales slowed to a trickle this year.

The number of condo units sold in the first two months slid to a more than 20-year low, according to figures from real estate data firm Attom. The median price of a condo fell nearly 5% in February compared with a year earlier, the property information provider said.

Cooling condo sales may be an early sign of broader weakness in the market.

Stubbornly high home-loan rates, a decline in the construction of new units, and economic angst are all keeping people and property developers from doing more deals, said Richard Green, director of the Lusk Center for Real Estate at USC.

“When the housing market softens, and it has, condos usually go softer faster than single-family homes,” he said. “People prefer single-family houses to condos.”

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The median price of a Los Angeles County condo fell 4.5% in February, compared with a year earlier. The median price of a single-family home fell 1.6%.

Median rents in L.A. recently fell to a four-year low, a small sign of hope for tenants who felt like it was only a matter of time before they were priced out of the city.

Condos, like other properties, shot up in value earlier in the pandemic but have been moving sideways in L.A. for the last two years, with the median price meandering around $700,000 for a two-bedroom condominium.

“The market is experiencing more of a pricing plateau than a major correction,” said Rob Barber, chief executive of Attom.

Even as prices have flattened out, fewer deals are getting done.

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In January and February, fewer than 2,000 condominiums were sold in Los Angeles County, according to Attom data. That is more than 40% fewer than a recent peak five years ago, and the worst start to the year since 2005, when Attom began collecting the data.

A view of the Vue, a 16-story rental complex in San Pedro.

(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)

Unlike other big cities such as Miami, New York and Chicago, which are known for abundant condo choices, Los Angeles and other California cities have fewer options, in part because many housing developers steer clear of building them.

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Developers say California’s high costs of land and labor, as well as tough government regulations, fees and taxes, have forced them to stop building in the Golden State, even as prices have soared.

L.A.’s weak condo market is part of a larger development problem in which builders increasingly favor rental apartments — or avoid the region altogether.

San Diego is a rare example of a nearby metropolis that has been able to convince more builders to build more.

The city is more welcoming to developers, industry insiders say, with fewer regulations and fees, better planning and less rent control.

In the last quarter of 2025, the number of new apartments under construction in San Diego County rose 10% from three years earlier, CoStar data show. New apartment construction in Los Angeles County tumbled 33% over the same period, hitting an 11-year low in the three months through December. San Diego is expanding its apartment pool at nearly twice the rate of L.A. and other major city clusters in the state.

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Condos are particularly tough for builders to invest in because California law allows homeowners associations, or HOAs, to sue developers for construction defects for up to 10 years after a building is completed.

It is common for an HOA to sue the developer as the 10-year statute of limitations nears, often for what developers consider minor or perceived issues. Because of the high litigation risk, the insurance premiums that developers pay for condo projects are often three to five times higher than those for an identical apartment building.

Occupied apartment buildings, meanwhile, are considered stabilized assets. A developer can build them, fill them with renters, and then sell the entire building to an investor, such as a pension fund or a real estate investment trust, for a predictable profit.

“If you sell it, you’re done,” Green said. “The multifamily market has been overwhelmingly a for-rent product for many, many years here in California.”

None of the six Southern California counties from Ventura County to San Diego County tracked by Attom saw median condo prices rise year over year. The biggest drop was 8.6% in Ventura County in February from a year earlier.

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“Condo buyers tend to be more rate sensitive and are also dealing with rising HOA fees, insurance costs and stricter financing conditions,” Barber said. “At the same time, condo prices have remained relatively resilient, suggesting demand has cooled but not disappeared altogether.”

HOA fees have been rising with inflation and the upkeep costs of older buildings, making it tougher for consumers to buy condos.

“In California, it’s becoming clearer that they are more expensive to own than people think,” Green said. “We haven’t built much lately. The condominium market is generally older, 40- to 50-year-old places, and they need a lot of work. A lot of capital improvements are coming home to roost.”

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