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Several key steps toward drilling in Alaska’s Arctic refuge are due before year’s end • Alaska Beacon

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Several key steps toward drilling in Alaska’s Arctic refuge are due before year’s end • Alaska Beacon


It is the season of ANWR.

On Wednesday, the board of directors for the state-owned Alaska Industrial Development and Export authority approved spending $20 million to pursue legal claims and oil leases in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, a stretch of potentially oil-rich North Slope land that has been protected from development for decades.

As soon as Friday, a federal judge in Anchorage is expected to rule whether the Biden administration’s decision to cancel oil leases in the refuge is legal.

On Nov. 5, Americans will decide between Kamala Harris and Donald Trump for president. Trump has repeatedly vowed to pursue drilling in the refuge, while Harris is expected to continue the Biden administration’s opposition.

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And in December, the federal government faces a congressionally imposed deadline to hold a second oil lease sale covering land within the refuge.

“I think the next two months are important for the short term, and what type of resource opportunities may be under consideration, as companies make long-term plans and future plans,” said Kara Moriarty, president and CEO of the Alaska Oil and Gas Association.

A long time coming

The Arctic National Wildlife Refuge sits between Prudhoe Bay’s oil fields and the Canadian border. Its coastal plain has long been eyed for oil potential, but the 1980 law that created the refuge states that no exploratory drilling or development can take place without congressional action.

The state of Alaska, through its congressional delegation, repeatedly tried to pass legislation opening the refuge to drilling, but it didn’t find success until 2017, when the delegation — led by Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, inserted critical language into a tax bill.

“I’m actually very proud of what we were able to do and how we were able to draft that,” Murkowski said in an interview this week.

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That language requires the federal government to hold at least two lease sales covering land on the coastal plain. One sale has already taken place, and a second is legally required.

Oil development could generate billions of dollars in economic activity, creating jobs and revenue for the state treasury. 

For that reason, drilling in ANWR continues to be a top priority of the state’s elected officials, with Democrats, Republicans and independents all voting to endorse the pursuit.

The North Slope’s local government also supports the effort, as do many people living in and near the refuge. Oil revenue and oil jobs make up a key part of the North Slope’s economy.

Voice of Arctic Iñupiat, a nonprofit formed in 2015 and representing local residents, has repeatedly supported leases in ANWR. 

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“It’s important from a sovereignty perspective,” Murkowski said, explaining that local residents should be able to make the decision on the issue. “It’s important to the state of Alaska from a resource perspective, and the state’s determination. It is part of the promise to us by our federal government that these lands that were set aside up there were to be reserved for oil and gas development.”

She said that even though the world is shifting away from fossil fuel energy, it still needs oil for other things.

“Why would we not wish to be able to access this resource that is needed, in a place that has the highest environmental standards and safety safeguards, with attention not only towards the environment, but to the worker and and create a base of strength, economic strength for our own country?”

But drilling poses environmental risks — to polar bears, caribou, birds and other wildlife — and environmental groups nationwide have made opposition to ANWR drilling one of their top issues.

The Gwich’in Steering Committee, which represents some people living outside the refuge, has long opposed drilling there. Subsistence hunting of caribou is a central part of Gwich’in culture.

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“I think we’re all looking — from conservation organizations to the Gwich’in people and chiefs — everyone is looking for a way to find permanent, long-term protections for the refuge, so there will never be development in there,” said Peter Winsor, the committee’s interim director.

Alaska pushes the issue forward

In the last months of the Trump administration, shortly before the first ANWR lease sale, some state officials became worried that environmental opposition would deter oil companies from participating in the sale.

Former Gov. Frank Murkowski — Lisa Murkowski’s father — was among those who suggested that the state itself should bid on the sale as a backstop.

The Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority, a state-owned corporation with directors appointed by the governor, stepped up, appropriating $20 million for bid preparation and bidding.

As it turned out, the AIDEA backstop was critical — only one oil company submitted any bids, and AIDEA was one of only three bidders overall.

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After the Biden administration assumed control of the federal government, it first suspended, then canceled the leases won by AIDEA.

The other two bidders willingly surrendered their leases, but AIDEA fought on, suing the federal government to challenge the suspension and the cancellation. The state of Alaska supports AIDEA’s positions, as do the North Slope Borough, Arctic Slope Regional Corp. and Kaktovik Inupiat Corp.

Opposing them are Indigenous people who live south of the refuge, outside the borough, as well as local and national environmental groups, Canadians who rely on caribou that live for part of the year in the refuge, and Canadian environmental groups.

“This is a critical time for the Arctic and Alaska. AIDEA’s push to develop the Refuge doesn’t make financial sense, and it goes against decades of community opposition. Community health on both sides of the Alaska-Canada border is at stake,” said Sean McDermott of the Northern Alaska Environmental Center, a group that opposes ANWR drilling.

Some opponents who live outside the refuge have asked to have the coastal plain protected as important for religious and cultural reasons.

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That’s been opposed by North Slope residents, including the borough mayor, Josiah Patkotak.

“We will not allow our lands to be co-opted for purposes that serve neither our people nor our future,” he wrote in an opinion column about the issue.

That argument is continuing, and AIDEA’s board voted this week to prepare bids for the second lease sale, but a final go/no-go decision is likely in December, at the board’s next scheduled meeting. 

Its support for ANWR drilling and various other projects in Alaska has turned AIDEA into a target for environmental and social campaigns that question the agency’s effectiveness.

“We’re definitely planning a larger campaign against AIDEA,” Winsor said.

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Through ads, talking to Alaskans, and lobbying legislators, the goal is “basically try to work towards dismantling this whole colossus of a mistake that AIDEA is,” he said.

Critical court decision could come by Friday

Even as AIDEA and others prepare for the second lease sale, U.S. District Court Judge Sharon Gleason is expected to release a key legal decision about the legality of the Biden administration’s suspension of the first sale’s results.

Attorneys representing AIDEA and the federal government have agreed that a decision by Friday is important because if the first lease sale is canceled, that land could be put up for lease again during the second sale.

If Gleason’s ruling doesn’t cancel the first sale, it could clear the way for AIDEA to begin seismic surveying and other preliminary work on its leases in the refuge.

To date, only a single exploratory well has been drilled in the refuge, and the results from that work weren’t promising, the New York Times said in 2019. 

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Seismic data could remove the veil of uncertainty, showing where — and how much — oil exists within the coastal plain. That could attract oil companies’ interest in the area. 

But regardless of how Gleason rules and who wins the upcoming decision, an appeal to the 9th Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals — and possibly to the U.S. Supreme Court — is expected, and the legal issues likely will take years to resolve.

In the meantime, the march toward a second lease sale will continue.

Second sale, required by federal law

When the Biden administration suspended the first ANWR leases, it began a new environmental study, a first step toward the second lease sale required by the 2017 law.

Initially, the Interior Department said that supplemental study would be done at the start of 2024. It’s now been delayed twice, with officials now saying in legal documents that it won’t be done until the “fourth quarter” of the year.

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As a result, the next two months are likely to be filled with a series of incremental steps: the final version of the environmental study, a 30-day waiting period, a final record of decision, then official notice of the sale and the sale itself.

The timelines for all of this put the federal government right up against the legal deadline for the second lease sale.

“My real fear is, they will, quote, follow the law, but they will have so fouled up this process toward the end, that they may technically be able to say they met the requirements of the law, but they’ve run out the clock,” Murkowski said.

“I’m not feeling optimistic about where we are despite the clear intent of the law. And that’s where I get so frustrated,” she said.

An Interior official told the Anchorage Daily News this week that it still intends to hold the second sale. Drilling proponents think the second sale will happen, but they expect rules that make development almost impossible.

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“We’re not really putting a lot past them, but we think there will be a sale. The conditions of the sale, we’ll have to keep a real close eye on,” Ruaro told AIDEA’s board on Wednesday.

“We’re hoping that it’ll be as restrictive as possible,” said Winsor of the Gwich’in Steering Committee.

As in the first sale, there’s a key unanswered question: Amid the restrictions and uncertainty, who will bid?

AIDEA is almost certain to make offers, but it isn’t clear whether anyone else will agree to shoulder the economic, legal and political unknowns that accompany a successful bid.

One of the biggest uncertainties is likely to be resolved by the time of the sale — this year’s presidential election.

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Presidential election’s consequences are big for ANWR

If Kamala Harris wins the presidential election next month, observers expect her to continue the Biden administration’s approach to ANWR.

“If Harris gets in there, I think we’ll be in position to do much more protection for the Arctic and work on things that we honestly need to work on, like tourism and the blue economy, and things that go away from not just oil and gas,” Winsor said. The “blue economy” is a term for the sustainable use of ocean resources.

Speaking to the AIDEA board on Wednesday, Ruaro said, “If it’s a continuation of the current administration, they oppose development in ANWR. They’ve made that very clear. … So that sets up a very, probably protracted litigation scenario.”

Donald Trump, conversely, has repeatedly said he wants to keep ANWR open for drilling. He’s made the issue one of the refrains of his campaign stump speech and reiterated his support this week in a phone call with Nick Begich, Alaska’s Republican candidate for U.S. House.

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“We’re gonna tap the liquid gold that’s under there, and we’re gonna drill, baby, drill. We’re going to make Alaska rich and prosperous with jobs all over the place,” Trump said.

Even if Trump wins and presses ahead with ANWR leasing, a successful oil development would take years, if not decades, to begin production.

And that’s only after a lot of “ifs”  are answered — if there’s oil to be drilled, if the cost of drilling is low enough to make it economically viable, if the legal issues can be resolved, if the state and federal governments stay supportive.

Given those uncertainties, will ANWR ever be developed?

“It is hard, but I can guarantee you that one way it will not ever be developed is if there are no leases that are made available,” Murkowski said.

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“No,” said Windsor. “(Oil companies are) not interested, and there are no banks or insurance companies left that will finance or insure anything in the refuge. They think it’s too risky. They don’t want to have bad publicity.”

Moriarty said it’s too soon to tell. During the Obama administration, it seemed far-fetched that there would be oil development in the National Petroleum Reserve, but work continued and it eventually happened, she said.

“I don’t know that you want to take what we believe to be, at a minimum, 10 billion barrels of recoverable oil off the table for discussion indefinitely,” she said, citing a figure that’s close to the average estimate in federal studies. 

“Do I think that ANWR is going to be developed overnight, when the companies are currently focused on state land and the Pikka project and the Willow project and things to the west? Probably not. But do we want to take the potential off the table indefinitely? I don’t think so.”

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Among butter clams, which pose toxin dangers to Alaska harvesters, size matters, study indicates • Alaska Beacon

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Among butter clams, which pose toxin dangers to Alaska harvesters, size matters, study indicates • Alaska Beacon


Butter clams, important to many Alaskans’ diets, are notorious for being sources of the toxin that causes sometimes-deadly paralytic shellfish poisoning.

Now a new study is providing information that might help people harvest the clams more safely and monitor the toxin levels more effectively.

The study, led by University of Alaska Southeast researchers, found that the meat in larger butter clams have higher concentrations of the algal toxin that causes PSP, than does the meat in smaller clams.

“If you take 5 grams of tissue from a small clam and then 5 grams of tissue from a larger clam, our study suggested that (in) that larger clam, those 5 grams would actually have more toxins — significantly more toxins — than the 5 grams from that smaller clam,” said lead author John Harley, a research assistant professor at UAS’ Alaska Coastal Rainforest Center.

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Partners in the study were the Sitka Tribe of Alaska, which operates one of only two laboratories in the state that test shellfish for algal toxins, and with other organizations.

It is one of the few studies to examine how toxin levels differ between individual clams, Harley said.

The findings came from tests of clams collected from beaches near Juneau on five specific days between mid-June and mid-August of 2022.

The 70 clams collected, which were of varying sizes, yielded a median level of saxitoxins of 83 micrograms per gram, just above the 80-microgram limit. Toxin concentrations differed from clam to clam, ranging from so low that they were at about the threshold for detection to close to 1,100 micrograms per gram.

And there was a decided pattern: Toxin concentrations “were significantly positively correlated with butter clam size,” the study said.

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A woman sorts though a pile of butter clams on a dock in Alaska in 1965. Butter clams have long been harvested for personal consumption in Alaska. (Photo provided by the Alaska Department of Fish and Game)

Among the tested clams in the top 25% size, 81% had concentrations above the regulatory threshold, while among the quartile with the smallest size, only 19% came in at above the threshold.

The typical butter clam has a shell that is about 3 inches wide and up to 5 inches in length; clams in the study ranged in shell width from less than 1.5 inches to more than 4 inches. The mass of meat inside the shells of tested clams ranged from 3.87 grams to 110 grams, the study said.

The detections of toxins were in spite of the lack of significant algal blooms in the summer of 2022 – making that year an anomaly in recent years.

In sharp contrast, the summer of 2019 — a record-warm summer for Alaska — was marked by several severe harmful algal blooms. Near Juneau, toxin concentrations in blue mussels, another commonly consumed shellfish, were documented at over 11,000 micrograms per gram, and the toxins killed numerous fish-eating Arctic terns in a nesting colony in the area.

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Just why the butter clams tested for the new study showed concentrations of toxins in a low-bloom year is a question for further review.

Butter clams are known to pose special risks because they retain their algal toxins much longer than do other toxin-affected shellfish. Like other species, butter clams do detoxify over time, but they do so much more slowly, Harley said. The clams in the study were all at least a few years old, and there are some possible explanations for why they still retained toxins in the summer of 2022, he said.

“Maybe these larger clams, because they’ve been consistently exposed to harmful algal blooms several years in a row, maybe they just haven’t had a chance to detoxify particularly well,” he said.

The unusual conditions in the summer of 2022 mean that the results of this study may not be the same as those that would happen in a summer with a more normal level of harmful algal blooms, he said. “It still remains to be seen if this relationship between size and toxin is consistent over different time periods and different sample sites and different bloom conditions,” he said.

Research is continuing, currently with clams collected in 2023, he said. That was a more typical year, with several summer algal blooms. 

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The algal toxin risks in Alaska are so widespread that experts have coined a slogan that reminds harvesters to send samples off for laboratory testing before eating freshly dug clams and similar shellfish: “Harvest and Hold.”

Harley said the fact that there are toxins in clams even when an active bloom is not present “is a very real concern” for those who have depended on harvest. The Southeast Alaska Tribal Ocean Research Network, known as SEATOR, has been monitoring shellfish in winter and other times beyond the usual months of algal blooms, he noted.

That monitoring has turned up cases of toxin-bearing shellfish well outside of the normal summer seasons. Just Tuesday, SEATOR issued an advisory about butter clams at Hydaburg, collected on Saturday, that tested above the regulatory limit for safe consumption.

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Volunteer team provides Alaska veteran with revamped home after major renovations

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Volunteer team provides Alaska veteran with revamped home after major renovations


ANCHORAGE, Alaska (KTUU) – David Honeycutt expected one of his appliances to be repaired — not a complete home renovation.

Members of the Home Depot Foundation’s Operation Surprise campaign have spent days working to improve Honeycutt’s home.

Honeycutt said he sustained a spinal injury during his Army service, resulting in a permanent disability that prevented him from navigating his home safely for years. A friend and fellow veteran reached out and nominated Honeycutt for some outside help.

“I was in getting in a bad place and they realized that,” Honeycutt said. “And they’d given me hope.”

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Visiting with the team before they began working in his home, it became clear Honeycutt’s house was inaccessible and inconvenient for its owner.

Eric Rangel, district captain for Team Depot — Home Depot’s volunteer force — said when they first met, they were mostly concerned about difficult-to-use appliances.

“Well, that very quickly grew, and we wanted to give him something a little bit more,” Rangel said.

Initial plans to deal with appliances then turned into a multiple-day project; team members built a 12-by-12 woodshed outside Honeycutt’s back door to give him access to firewood, repaired his deck to keep him safe getting in and out of his vehicle, added doggy doors for Honeycutt’s companion Misty, grab irons throughout the house, and installed new stairs for Honeycutt to exit his sunken living room without hurting himself.

Before the changes, Honeycutt said his life was heading in a dark direction. Even traversing the stairs in his home became impossible, preventing him from sleeping in his own bedroom for two years.

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Honeycutt said he ruined his own couch by sleeping on it rather than trying to get to bed.

“It became my pit, kind of hard to get in and out,” he said. “Kind of, ‘Do I bother hurting myself getting out again?’ … The house got worse. I got worse.”

Following the repairs, Rangel believes they’ve turned some things around.

“He can navigate his home, and be the independent veteran that he’s been his whole life.”

The improvements to Honeycutt’s home were made by employees at the Home Depot in Kenai, who said they’re motivated by knowing they’re helping those who served the country.

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“Just, like, ‘Wow, I helped this gentleman,’ I feel so happy,” one volunteer said as the large group huddled in the soon-to-be complete kitchen they were working on. “It makes me want to just keep driving forward and help out the community.”

The team installed an entirely new kitchen and accessible cabinets, which Rangel said will give Honeycutt the ability to cook for himself once again — a passion Honeycutt is looking to share once everything is complete.

“I won $1,000 for my chili in a chili cookoff in Oklahoma,” he said. “So I am gonna make them — the Home Depot Store — five gallons of my special chili.”

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Alaska Judge Scandal Whistleblower Settles Retaliation Claim (1)

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Alaska Judge Scandal Whistleblower Settles Retaliation Claim (1)


The Justice Department has reached a settlement with a former federal prosecutor who filed a whistleblower complaint alleging that she was retaliated against by leaders of the US attorney’s office in Alaska after she reported sexual misconduct by a federal judge.

The whistleblower, who clerked for US District Judge Joshua Kindred in Alaska before joining the US attorney’s office in Anchorage, had alleged in a complaint with the Office of Special Counsel that she was denied a permanent job as a federal prosecutor because she informed supervisors in the fall of 2022 of sexual misconduct by Kindred.

Details of the settlement weren’t made public in an OSC release posted Wednesday. Special Counsel Hampton Dellinger, who leads the agency, in a statement thanked the whistleblower “for her incredible courage in speaking up about sexual misconduct by her former boss.”

Dellinger also said he appreciated the work of the Justice Department to reach a settlement, which was over a separate Equal Employment Opportunity Commission complaint from the former prosecutor. That agreement led to OSC closing its investigation, according to the release.

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“No attorney, indeed no one, should have to deal with sexual misconduct in the workplace,” Dellinger said.

Kevin Owen, an attorney with Gilbert Employment Law representing the whistleblower, said in a statement that his client’s treatment at the US attorney’s office “underscores why survivors of workplace harassment and assault do not come forward.”

“Yet she continued to fight, at great personal risk, and it is thanks to her courage that the federal judiciary is a fairer and safer workplace today,” Owen said. “We are pleased to have reached an agreement with the Office of Special Counsel, and it is our hope that this can be a signal to all survivors that justice and accountability are possible.”

The whistleblower had also alleged that she was initially denied a detail to another office within the Justice Department, despite telling a supervisor she was afraid of Kindred and didn’t want to work in the same building as the judge.

The complaint didn’t seek specific relief, but asked that OSC — an independent federal agency that investigates federal sector whistleblower claims — open an inquiry into the alleged retaliation.

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The US attorney’s office in Anchorage has been under scrutiny as part of the fallout from the findings against Kindred. US Attorney S. Lane Tucker, appointed by President Joe Biden, is likely part of Justice Department reviews of that office, according to former DOJ officials.

Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R) said in September that DOJ’s Office of Professional Responsibility, which examines potential misconduct by government attorneys, has opened an investigation stemming from the Anchorage office’s conduct.

Dozens of cases have been flagged by prosecutors for potential conflicts with Kindred, spurring motions from defense lawyers to revisit some prosecutions. Alaska federal prosecutors last month asked to throw out a criminal conviction in a case where Kindred didn’t recuse himself, as the judge had received nude photographs from a senior prosecutor on the case.

Kindred resigned from the federal court in Alaska in July, days before a federal judiciary order said that he had subjected the former clerk-turned-prosecutor and others in his chambers to an abusive, sexualized, and hostile work environment. Bloomberg Law hasn’t been able to reach him for comment.

According to that order, Kindred defended his actions to the judiciary panel investigating his conduct, and contended that the sexual encounters with his former law clerk — which he initially denied entirely before admitting to them — were consensual. He hasn’t publicly commented on those findings.

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The federal judiciary has certified a referral to the House for Kindred’s potential impeachment, citing the former judge’s “reprehensible conduct, which has no doubt brought disrepute to the judiciary.”

The settlement was announced the same day as the federal judiciary published its first annual report into workplace misconduct issues. US District Judge Robert Conrad, director of the Administrative Office of the US Courts, said at a press briefing Wednesday that the handling of the internal judicial complaint against Kindred “is a pretty robust example” of how the judiciary’s procedures for handling such cases works.

—With assistance from Ben Penn and Suzanne Monyak



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