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Opinion: Drain the swamp? More like overt, unapologetic swampy displays at Mar-a-Lago

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Opinion: Drain the swamp? More like overt, unapologetic swampy displays at Mar-a-Lago

Donald Trump doesn’t drain the swamp, despite his promises. He just puts his own brand on it, like everything else he touches, and sells. And he transports it: Wherever Trump is, the swamp creatures swarm to be near him.

Since he won the election Nov. 5, the habitat for hangers-on has been Mar-a-Lago, Trump’s waterfront Palm Beach playground in Florida, a state famously hospitable to swamps. Sycophants, billionaires, lobbyists and job seekers jostle amid the unswamplike gaudy gilt splendor, wearing golf attire by day and formal wear by night, in hopes of a chance to press their special interests before the Swamp King.

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Jackie Calmes

Jackie Calmes brings a critical eye to the national political scene. She has decades of experience covering the White House and Congress.

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Postelection headlines tell the tale. “Inside the Trump-Fueled Lobbying Frenzy from Mar-a-Lago” read one, followed by, “K Street lobbyists are flocking to Florida, as the nexus of power under Donald Trump shifts from Washington to Palm Beach.” Another: “A Spike in Demand, and Fees, for Lobbyists with Ties to Trump.” And from the BBC: “Power in the Palms: Inside the pilgrimage to Mar-a-Lago.”

Not in memory, possibly not ever, has the nation seen such overt, unapologetic and public displays of kowtowing to, and deal-making with, a U.S. president or president-elect by the nation’s rich and well-connected. Get used to it. Trump’s favorite historical period is the late 19th century Gilded Age; he’s re-creating it for the 21st century.

Yet another recent article on the Trump transition, headlined “Dinner at Mar-a-Lago Is for Power Games,” noted that when Trump enters the patio dining room nightly, the assembled guests give him a standing ovation. At a center table, circled by rope to keep lesser beings at bay, the president-elect doubles as DJ, queuing up songs on his iPad — including David Bowie’s “Space Oddity” when the world’s richest man, EV innovator, rocket entrepreneur and ubiquitous “First Buddy” Elon Musk, arrives to join Trump in the center ring.

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Trump “sits right out there with everybody,” a wealthy Pennsylvanian who’s a Mar-a-Lago member ($1 million upfront, $20,000 annually) told the Washington Post. “It’s a more sophisticated swamp, but it’s crazy,” another habitue said. “You go to the club and run into all these creatures.” A third member, however, griped that so many supplicants crowd the place these days that he sometimes can’t get a table.

But on Thursday evening the waters there parted for Trump’s special guest, the world’s second-richest man, Jeff Bezos, owner of Amazon, aerospace company Blue Origin (a Musk competitor) and the Washington Post — all enterprises that could be helped or hurt by Trump administration actions. Bezos is among the tech CEOs whose companies have donated $1 million for Trump’s inauguration festivities, having never done so for past inaugurals. Also at the center-stage table, natch, was Bezos frenemy Musk.

Besides Trump himself — with his cryptocurrency business, majority stake in the social media network Truth Social, real estate properties, books, licensing deals, stock holdings in multiple industries and new MAGA-branded merch by the day — Musk may be the person with the most to gain from the coming administration, and the most real and apparent conflicts of interest in mixing business and government work. Musk has already seen a hefty return on his quarter-billion-dollar investment in getting Trump elected, a jaw-dropping figure but one that represents just 0.05% of his fortune, which Bloomberg’s Billionaire Index puts at nearly a half-trillion dollars, $474 billion.

Musk hasn’t had to wait for Trump to take office to benefit. Flaunting his influence as co-chief of Trump’s not-really-a-department Department of Government Efficiency with Vivek Ramaswamy (another billionaire, barely, according to Forbes), Musk last week killed a bipartisan year-end spending package with a fusillade of more than 150 social media attacks on X — beating Trump to the punch. And down with the bill went its provisions to restrict investments in China that could have limited those that Musk is pursuing.

Just days before, on Monday, Democratic Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts had written to Trump calling for safeguards against Musk’s conflicts of interest as he exercises Trump’s mandate to recommend ways to slash both federal spending and regulations. For someone like Musk with many billions’ worth of federal contracts to proceed without guardrails, Warren said, was “an invitation for corruption on a scale not seen in our lifetimes.”

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That phrase could apply to the entire culture that Trump is building around himself for his second term. For years in Washington, influencepeddling almost to the point of bribery has in effect become legalized, thanks largely to a string of Supreme Court decisions making prosecutions more difficult and money-giving easier. Both parties take full advantage of the lax environment, but no one more brazenly than Trump.

Suffice it to say that in the Trump swamp, Warren’s pitch for protections against Musk’s personal aggrandizement wasn’t taken seriously. After all, the boss himself is resisting federal ethics constraints that bound other modern presidents; his team belatedly submitted an ethics code as required by the Presidential Transition Act, but didn’t apply the requirements to Trump, according to the nonpartisan Campaign Legal Center. Team Trump’s dismissive response to Warren came from Trump’s transition spokeswoman, who denigrated the senator as “Pocahontas,” echoing Trump’s schoolyard taunt.

The president-elect’s own take on the potential for Musk’s self-dealing wasn’t any more reassuring when Time raised the issue in its interview after it designated him the magazine’s “Person of the Year.”

One of the interviewers, noting that Musk will be overseeing federal agencies that regulate his companies, which include SpaceX, Tesla, X, Starlink, brain-implant company Neuralink and more, asked, “Isn’t that a conflict of interest?” Trump: “I don’t think so.” The questioner followed up, pointing out that Musk has been talking about cuts to NASA and SpaceX is a competitor. “Isn’t that the textbook definition of a conflict of interest?”

Trump deflected: “He puts the country before … his company.”

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As Trump likes to say, “We’ll see.”

@jackiekcalmes

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Video: Virginia Voters Approve New Map Favoring Democrats

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Video: Virginia Voters Approve New Map Favoring Democrats

new video loaded: Virginia Voters Approve New Map Favoring Democrats

Virginia voters approved a new map that could flip four House seats away from Republicans going into the 2026 midterm elections. It was the latest fight in the national redistricting war.

By Shawn Paik

April 22, 2026

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WATCH: Sen Warren unloads on Trump’s Fed nominee Kevin Warsh in explosive hearing showdown

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WATCH: Sen Warren unloads on Trump’s Fed nominee Kevin Warsh in explosive hearing showdown

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Sparks flew on Capitol Hill as Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., accused Federal Reserve nominee Kevin Warsh of being a potential “sock puppet” for President Donald Trump.

Warsh, tapped by Trump in January to lead the Federal Reserve, faced a two-and-a-half-hour confirmation hearing before the Senate Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee.

If confirmed, he would take the helm of the world’s most powerful central bank, shaping interest rates, borrowing costs and the financial outlook for millions of American households for the next four years.

WHO IS KEVIN WARSH, TRUMP’S PICK TO SUCCEED JEROME POWELL AS FED CHAIR?

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Kevin Warsh, nominee for chairman of the Federal Reserve, listens to ranking member Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., make an opening statement during his Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee confirmation hearing on Tuesday, April 21, 2026. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)

In her opening remarks, Warren sharply criticized Warsh’s record and questioned his independence, arguing he is “uniquely ill-suited for the job as Fed chair” and warning he could give Trump influence over the central bank.

She accused Warsh of enabling Wall Street during the 2008 financial crisis, which fell during his tenure as a Federal Reserve governor when he served from 2006 to 2011.

“In our meeting last week, we discussed the 2008 financial crash, where 8 million people lost their jobs, 10 million people lost their homes and millions more lost their life savings,” Warren said. “Giant banks, however, got hundreds of billions of dollars in bailouts… and he said to me that he has no regrets about anything he did.”

She added that Warsh “worked tirelessly to arrange multibillion-dollar bailouts” for Wall Street CEOs, with nothing for American families.

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The hearing grew more tense as Warren pivoted to ethics concerns, pressing Warsh over his undisclosed financial holdings and questioning him over links to business dealings connected to the late convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

The two spoke over each other and raised their voices in a heated exchange on Capitol Hill.

WARSH’S $226 MILLION FORTUNE UNDER SCRUTINY AS FED NOMINEE FACES SENATE CONFIRMATION

Sen. Elizabeth Warren: The Fed has been plagued by deeply disturbing ethics scandals in recent years. It’s critical that the next chair have no financial conflicts — none. You have more than $100 million in investments that you have refused to disclose. So let me ask: do the Juggernaut Fund or THSDFS LLC invest in companies affiliated with President Trump or his family, companies tied to money laundering, Chinese-controlled firms, or financing vehicles linked to Jeffrey Epstein?

Kevin Warsh: Senator, I’ve worked closely with the Office of Government Ethics and agreed to divest all of my financial assets.

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Warren: Could you answer my question, please? You have more than $100 million in undisclosed assets. Are any of those investments tied to the entities I just mentioned? It’s a yes-or-no question.

Warsh: I have worked tirelessly with ethics officials and agreed to sell all of my assets before taking the oath of office.

Warren: Are you refusing to tell us if you have investments in vehicles linked to Jeffrey Epstein? You just won’t say?

Warsh: What I’m telling you is those assets will be sold if I’m confirmed.

Warren: Will you disclose how you plan to divest these assets? The public might question your motives if, for example, someone who profits from predicting Fed policy cuts you a $100 million check as you take office.

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Sen. Elizabeth Warren questions Kevin Warsh during his Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee confirmation hearing on Tuesday, April 21, 2026. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)

Warsh: I’ve reached a full agreement with the Office of Government Ethics and will divest those assets before taking the oath.

Warren: I’m asking a very straightforward question. Will you disclose how you divest those assets?

Warsh: As I’ve said, I’ve worked with ethics officials.

Warren: I’ll take that as a no.

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In a separate exchange, Warren invoked Trump’s past statements about the Fed and challenged Warsh to prove his independence in real time.

She insisted that Warsh answer whether he believes Trump won the 2020 presidential election and if he would name policies of the president with which he disagrees. The hopeful future Fed chair dodged the question and said he would remain apolitical, if confirmed.

THE ONE LINE IN WARSH’S TESTIMONY SIGNALING A BREAK FROM THE FED’S STATUS QUO

Warren: Donald Trump has made clear he does not want an independent Fed. He has said, “Anybody that disagrees with me will never be Fed chairman.” He’s also said interest rates will drop “when Kevin gets in.” Let’s check out your independence and your courage. We’ll start easy. Mr. Warsh, did Donald Trump lose the 2020 election?

Warsh: Senator, we should keep politics out of the Federal Reserve.

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Warren: I’m asking a factual question.

Warsh: This body certified the election.

Warren: That’s not what I asked. Did Donald Trump lose in 2020?

Warsh: The Fed should stay out of politics.

Warren: In our meeting, you said you’re a “tough guy” who can stand up to President Trump. So name one aspect of his economic agenda you disagree with.

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Kevin Warsh listens to a question during a Senate Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee confirmation hearing on Tuesday, April 21, 2026. (Graeme Sloan/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

Warsh: That’s not something I’m prepared to do. The Fed should stay in its lane.

Warren: Just one place where you disagree.

Warsh: I do have one disagreement — he said I looked like I was out of central casting. I think I’d look older and grayer.

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Warren: That’s adorable. But we need a Fed chair who is independent. If you can’t answer these questions, you don’t have the courage or the independence.

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Commentary: He honked to support a ‘No Kings’ rally. A cop busted him

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Commentary: He honked to support a ‘No Kings’ rally. A cop busted him

On March 28, a sunny Saturday in southwestern Utah, Jack Hoopes and his wife, Lorna, brought their homemade signs to the local “No Kings” rally.

The couple joined a crowd of 1,500 or so marching through the main picnic area of a park in downtown St. George. Their signs — cut-out words on a black background — chided lawmakers for failing to stand up to President Trump and urged America to “make lying wrong again.”

After about an hour, the two were ready to go home. They got in their silver Volvo SUV, but before pulling away, Jack Hoopes decided to swing past the demonstration, which was still going strong. He tooted his horn, twice, in a show of solidarity.

That’s when things took a curious turn.

A police officer parked in the middle of the street warned Hoopes not to honk; at least that’s what he thinks the officer said as Hoopes drove past the chanting crowd. When he spotted two familiar faces, Hoopes hit the horn a third time — a friendly, howdy sort of honk. “It wasn’t like I was being obnoxious,” he said, “or laying on the horn.”

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Hoopes turned a corner and the cop, lights flashing, pulled him over. He asked Hoopes for his license and registration. He returned a few moments later. A passing car sounded its horn. “Are you going to stop him, too?” Hoopes asked.

That did not sit well. The officer said he’d planned to let Hoopes off with a warning. Instead, he charged the 71-year-old retired potato farmer with violating Utah’s law on horns and warning devices. He issued a citation, with a fine punishable up to $50.

Hoopes — a law school graduate and prosecutor in the days before he took up potato farming — is fighting back, even though he estimates the legal skirmishing could cost him considerably more than the maximum fine. The ticket might have resulted from pique on the officer’s part. But Hoopes doesn’t think so. He sees politics at play.

“I’ve beeped my horn for [the pro-law enforcement] Back the Blue. I’ve beeped my horn for Black Lives Matter,” Hoopes said. “I’ve seen a lot of people honk for Trump and for MAGA.”

He’s also seen plenty of times when people honked their horns to celebrate high school championships and the like.

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But Hoopes has never heard of anyone being pulled over, much less ticketed, for excessive or unlawful honking. “I think it’s freedom of expression,” he said.

Or should be.

Jack and Lorna Hoopes made their own protest signs to bring to the “No Kings” rally in St. George, Utah.

(Mikayla Whitmore / For The Times)

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St. George is a fast-growing community of about 100,000 residents set amid the jagged red-rock peaks of the Mojave Desert. It’s a jumping-off point for Zion National Park, about 40 miles east, and a mecca for golf, hiking and mountain-bike riding.

It’s also Trump Country.

Washington County, where St. George is located, gave Trump 75% of its vote in 2024, with Kamala Harris winning a scant 23%. That emphatic showing compares with Trump’s 59% performance statewide.

St. George is where Hoopes and his wife live most of the time. When summer and its 100-degree temperatures hit, they retreat to southeast Idaho. The couple get along well with their neighbors in both places, Hoopes said, even though they’re Democrats living in ruby-red country. It’s not as though they just tolerate folks, or hold their noses to get by.

“Most of my friends are conservative,” Hoopes said. “Some of the Trump people are very good people. We just have a difference of opinion where our country is going.”

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He was speaking from a hotel parking lot in Arizona near Lake Havasu while embarked on an annual motorcycle ride through the Southwest: four days, a dozen riders, 1,200 miles. Most of his companions are Trump supporters, Hoopes said, and, just like back home, everyone gets on fine.

“Right?” he called out.

“No!” a voice hollered back.

Actually, Hoopes joked, his charitable road mates let him ride along because they consider him handicapped — his disability being his political ideology.

Hoopes is not exactly a hellion. In 2014, he and his wife traveled to Africa to participate in humanitarian work and promote sustainable agriculture in Kenya and Uganda. In 2020, they worked as Red Cross volunteers helping wildfire victims in Northern California.

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Virtually his entire life has been spent on the right side of the law, though Hoopes allowed as how he has racked up a few speeding tickets over the years. (His career as a prosecutor lasted four years and involved three murder cases in the first 12 months before he left the legal profession behind and took up farming.)

He’s never had any problems with the police in St. George. “They seem to be decent,” Hoopes said.

A department spokesperson, Tiffany Mitchell, said illicit honking is not a widespread problem in the placid, retiree-heavy community, but there are some who have been cited for violations. She denied any political motivation in Hoopes’ case.

“He must’ve felt justified,” Mitchell said of the officer who issued the citation. “I can’t imagine that politics had anything to do with it.”

And yes, she said, honking a horn can be a political statement protected by the 1st Amendment. “But, just like anything else, it can turn criminal,” Mitchell said, and apparently that’s how the officer felt on March 28 “and that’s the direction he took it.”

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The matter now rests before a judge, residing in a legal system that has lately been tested and twisted in remarkable ways.

A pair of hands resting on a traffic citation given for alleged excessive honking

Jack Hoopes’ case is now before a judge in St. George, Utah.

(Mikayla Whitmore / For The Times)

As he left an initial hearing earlier this month, Hoopes said his phone pinged with a fresh headline out of Washington. Trump’s Justice Department, it was reported, was asking a federal appeals court to throw out the convictions of 12 people found guilty of seditious conspiracy for their roles in the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection.

“We have a president that pardons people that broke into the Capitol and defecated” in the hallways and congressional offices, Hoopes said. “Police officers died because of it, and yet I get picked up for honking my horn?”

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Hoopes’ next court appearance, a pretrial conference, is set for July 15.

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