Alaska
Putin ally calls for Alaska’s return to Russia
Russian TV host Vladimir Solovyov, a close ally of Russian President Vladimir Putin, recently called for Alaska’s return to Russia during a recent Russian-state media program.
Newsweek has reached out to Russia’s foreign ministry and the U.S. State Department via email for comment.
Why It Matters
Alaska once belonged to Russia. In 1867, it was sold to the United States after then-President Andrew Johnson signed the Alaska Treaty. It gained the status of a state on January 3, 1959. Alaska and Russia are positioned about 53 miles apart at their closest point.
Tensions around Russia and Alaska intensified in January 2024 when reports surfaced that Putin was looking into reobtaining Alaska, reviving an effort pushed by Russian media throughout the ongoing war in Ukraine that Moscow could seize the state.
Tensions remain high between North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Russia amid the Russian-Ukraine war as NATO leaders have increasingly warned that direct conflict with Moscow is a realistic danger. This comes after Putin and senior Russian officials have repeatedly threatened nuclear escalation against Kyiv and its Western partners since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.
Last month, Putin upped Moscow’s nuclear rhetoric after the U.S. allowed Kyiv to use longer-range ATACMS to strike inside Russia, formalizing changes to his country’s nuclear doctrine that lowers the threshold for atomic weapons use.
Along with the nuclear threat, NATO members such as Germany and the Baltic states have accused Moscow of hybrid attacks and said after the Ukraine war, Moscow could then make a move on countries in the alliance.
What To Know
During the recent program, Solovyov said Finland, Warsaw, the Baltics, Moldova, and Alaska should be “returned to the Russian Empire.”
“Do you think I’m joking when I mention Finland, Warsaw, the Baltics, Moldova? Everything returned to the Russian Empire. And Alaska too, while you’re at it,” Solovyov said in a translated video.
The clip was posted on Saturday by Anton Gerashchenko, a former adviser to the Ukrainian Ministry of Internal Affairs.
“According to propagandist Solovyov, Finland, Warsaw, the Baltics, Moldova, and even Alaska should be ‘returned to the Russian Empire.’ They won’t stop at Ukraine. The Russian imperialists are insatiable,” Gerashchenko wrote on X, formerly Twitter.
Four Russian military aircraft entered international airspace close to Alaska on December 17, the U.S. and Canada’s joint command said.
The North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) announced that it detected and tracked the aircraft operating within the Alaska Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ).
The Russian planes did not enter sovereign U.S. or Canadian territory, and the incident was not perceived as a threat. However, such encounters are not uncommon, and NORAD announced that a number of Russian aircraft entered the Alaska ADIZ in September.
Four aircraft were spotted on September 23; two Russian Il-38 patrol aircraft were tracked on September 14 and 15; two Tu-142 maritime reconnaissance and anti-submarine warfare aircraft were seen on September 13; and two unspecified Russian aircraft were identified on September 11.
Olga MALTSEVA / AFP/Getty Images
What People Are Saying
State Department principal deputy spokesperson Vedant Patel said during a press briefing about Putin’s January comments: “I think I can speak for all of us in the U.S. government to say that certainly he’s not getting [Alaska] back.”
Deputy chairman of the Security Council of Russia Dmitry Medvedev joked about Alaska in January on X, teasing that “war is unavoidable,” since the State Department said Russia was not getting Alaska back. He added a laughing emoji to the post.
Keir Giles, a senior consulting fellow at Chatham House, previously told Newsweek: “Continued Russian approaches toward U.S. airspace are a reminder that while the bulk of Russia’s land forces are tied down in Ukraine, its air and naval forces continue to pose a global threat to its adversaries including the United States.
“It’s another indicator that Russia is readying itself for confrontation with the West beyond Ukraine, and any break in the fighting there – for instance through a ceasefire – will allow Russia to reconstitute its forces even faster without Ukraine destroying them almost as fast as they are rebuilt.”
What Happens Next
Although it remains unclear if Russia will make moves against Alaska. As the Russia-Ukraine war continues, tensions between Moscow and NATO are likely to increase, especially if the alliance’s European members bear more of the brunt of support for Ukraine.
The U.S. and other Western countries have been providing Ukraine with military aid to defend itself against Russia.
Alaska
Opinion: A new energy project, new risks and new responsibilities for Alaska
Alaska may soon face major decisions about the future of the Alaska LNG project and, if so, the Legislature will need to ensure that every step serves the best interests of Alaskans.
It is essential to remember that Senate Bill 138, the blueprint for state involvement in Alaska LNG, was passed in 2014 for a very different project: one led by ExxonMobil, BP and ConocoPhillips, with a key role fulfilled by TransCanada. Today’s project is led by a private-equity developer, Glenfarne, pursuing a structure that diverges dramatically from what lawmakers contemplated more than a decade ago. When a project changes this much, the underlying statutes need to be revisited.
In June, the Alaska Gasline Development Corp.’s president told his board that AGDC would be coordinating with the developer, the administration and the Legislature regarding legislation needed to support project development. He also noted that AGDC would work with the administration and Legislature on policies required to exercise the corporation’s option to invest 5% to 25% equity at Final Investment Decision, or FID. When AGDC itself signals that legislation is necessary, we should look forward to their outreach.
SB 138 also assigned important responsibilities to the departments of revenue and natural resources that may require legislative action. One key responsibility is the Legislature’s authority to approve major gas project contracts negotiated by the DNR commissioner. The law clearly states that balancing, marketing and gas sale agreements for North Slope gas cannot take effect without explicit legislative authorization. That statutory requirement was intentional and recognizes a project of this scale demands legislative oversight.
We also know that the pressure for speed on complex megaprojects often backfires, sometimes creating more problems than it solves. The Legislature must balance the legitimate need for progress with the responsibility to ensure Alaskans are not asked to assume unreasonable financial risk. As Speaker Bryce Edgmon recently observed, legislation of this magnitude “could dominate the session” and “take significant time.” Senate Finance Co-Chair Bert Stedman was even more direct: if we get this wrong, it could be “detrimental for generations.”
Last week, 4,000 miles away in Washington, D.C., Glenfarne and POSCO International announced a major strategic partnership. It is a meaningful milestone. But Alaska has seen similar announcements before, and it does not diminish the need for hard questions. If anything, it raises them.
Final Investment Decision is when investors and lenders commit billions based on the project’s economics and the state’s fiscal terms. Any legislation affecting property taxes, payments-in-lieu-of-taxes, aka PILTs, state equity, fiscal stability, or upstream royalties and production taxes must be decided before this takes place.
The Legislative Budget and Audit Committee has focused on providing lawmakers and the public with the information needed to understand the choices ahead. I revisited the Legislature’s 2014 “Alaska LNG: Key Issues” report, which helped lawmakers evaluate the original SB 138 framework. Building on that model, I directed our consultants, GaffneyCline, to prepare an updated “key issues” report; not to endorse or oppose the current project, but to provide a high-level overview of potential policy choices, which should be available to the public within the next few days.
The refreshed “key issues” report will be an important starting point. I ask Alaskans to approach it with an open mind and to read it as objectively as possible, free from assumptions shaped by past disappointments or early optimism. Keep asking tough questions of the Legislature, AGDC, Glenfarne and the administration. Don’t assume the project is a done deal or a doomed one. This is not about cheerleading or obstruction, but insisting on rigorous analysis, strong oversight and a fair deal for our children and grandchildren.
Some Alaskans have raised questions about a potential conflict of interest: GaffneyCline is a subsidiary of Baker Hughes, which recently announced agreements with Glenfarne to help advance the Alaska LNG project. I share those concerns, which is why I have met with the Legislature’s director of Legal Services and with GaffneyCline’s North America director. I have been assured by GaffneyCline’s leadership that no one outside the GaffneyCline project team has influenced their analysis, and that their global reputation for independence and trust remains intact. Still, we also must fully vet this issue when we convene in Juneau next month. Transparency and independence are non-negotiable.
The recent ceremony in Washington, D.C., with Glenfarne and POSCO International underscores the project’s potential; however, the authority to determine how and when Alaska monetizes its resources rests here, not with dignitaries celebrating overseas commitments. Our future will be determined in Alaska, by Alaskans, based on the fullest and most honest understanding of the choices before us.
Sen. Elvi Gray-Jackson, D-Anchorage, represents Senate District G, which includes Midtown, Spenard and Taku Campbell in Anchorage. Sen. Gray-Jackson serves as the chair of the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee.
• • •
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Alaska
Trump Repeals Biden Land Protections in Alaska, Other States
Alaska
Alaska Hosts US Bomber Exercise Against ‘Threats to the Homeland’
The United States deployed two bombers to simulate strikes against “maritime threats” to the homeland in response to a growing Russian and Chinese presence near Alaska.
Newsweek has contacted China’s Foreign Ministry for comment by email. Russia’s defense and foreign ministries did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Why It Matters
Russia and China have closely cooperated in military matters under their “partnership without limits,” including a joint naval maneuver in the north Pacific near Alaska’s Aleutian Islands involving 11 Russian and Chinese vessels in summer 2023.
Facing a growing Moscow-Beijing military partnership, along with increased Chinese activities in the Arctic, the U.S. has been reinforcing its military presence in Alaska by deploying warships and conducting war games with its northern neighbor, Canada.
Bombers, capable of flying long distances and carrying large amounts of armaments, are a key instrument for the U.S. military to signal its strength. The American bomber force has recently conducted operations as a show of force aimed at Russia and China.
What To Know
According to a news release, the Alaskan Command executed simulated joint maritime strikes with Air Force B-52H bombers and the Coast Guard national security cutter USCGC Kimball in the Gulf of Alaska on Tuesday as part of Operation Tundra Merlin.
The bombers are assigned to the 2nd Bomb Wing out of Barksdale Air Force Base in Louisiana, while the Kimball is homeported in Honolulu. The 354th Fighter Wing at Eielson Air Force Base in Alaska also deployed four F-35A stealth fighters.
Other supporting units included two KC-135 aerial refueling aircraft and an HC-130 aircraft on standby to conduct personnel recovery missions, the news release said.
During the operation, the bombers received target information from the Kimball for standoff target acquisition and simulated weapons use, while the F-35A jets—tasked with escorting the bombers—enhanced mission security and operational effectiveness.
According to an Air Force fact sheet, each B-52H bomber has a maximum payload of 70,000 pounds and is capable of carrying up to 20 standoff weapons—designed to be fired from outside enemy defenses—such as the Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile.
The simulated strikes “demonstrated the capability of the [U.S. Northern Command] and its mission partners to deter maritime threats to the homeland,” the news release said.
Homeland defense is the Alaskan Command’s top priority, said its commander, U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Robert Davis, adding that the ability to integrate with other commands and partners is key to safeguarding the U.S. northern approaches.

What People Are Saying
U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Robert Davis, the commander of the Alaskan Command, said: “Operations in the Alaskan Theater of Operations are critically important to North American Homeland Defense. Operation Tundra Merlin demonstrates the Joint Force’s ability to seamlessly integrate capabilities from multiple combatant commands and mission partners to deter and defeat potential threats in the region.”
The Alaskan Command said: “Operation Tundra Merlin is a Homeland Defense focused joint operation designed to ensure the defense of U.S. territory and waters within the Alaskan Theater of Operations (AKTO). The operation includes integration with partners in the region with the shared goal of North American defense in the Western Arctic.”
What Happens Next
It remains to be seen whether Russia and China will conduct another joint air patrol near Alaska following a similar operation over the western Pacific earlier this week.
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