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Map shows where Chinese ships spotted off U.S. coast

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Map shows where Chinese ships spotted off U.S. coast


The United States Coast Guard spotted four Chinese naval ships near an archipelago in Alaska over the weekend, at least the fourth encounter between the two sides near the “Last Frontier” state in recent years.

China’s military ships were sailing in the Bering Sea on Saturday and Sunday, north of the Amchitka Pass and the Amukta Pass of the Aleutian Islands, according to the Coast Guard’s statement, which did not identify the types of Chinese naval vessels it detected.

The islands lie between the south of Bering Sea and the north of Pacific Ocean. The Amchitka Pass is a 50-mile wide strait while the Amukta Pass is 43 miles wide. The Bering Sea is the doorway to the strategic Arctic region, separating Russia’s Far East and Alaska.

China’s vessels were sailing in international waters but within the U.S. exclusive economic zone (EEZ), the Coast Guard said. They responded to radio communications and said they were conducting freedom of navigation operations (FONOPs), according to the agency.

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The U.S. EEZ extends 200 nautical miles offshore and is the largest in the world, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, spanning over 13,000 miles of coastline and containing 3.4 million square nautical miles of ocean. This zone extends beyond the seaward boundary of the 12-nautical mile territorial sea.

The 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea grants a coastal state the sovereign right to exploit natural resources within its EEZ, and it shall have due regard to the rights and duties of other states.

During a routine maritime patrol in the Bering Sea and Arctic region, the U.S. Coast Guard Cutter Bertholf spotted and established radio contact with a Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy task force in international waters…


Ensign Bridget Boyle/U.S. Coast Guard

The U.S Navy routinely conducts FONOPs in waters near China, including in the contested South China Sea. In a post on X (formerly Twitter), Tom Shugart, a defense analyst and former Navy submariner, noted differences between the two countries’ FONOPs.

“U.S. FONOPs are conducted to challenge excessive maritime claims made contrary to international law,” he wrote. But the U.S.—unlike China in the South China Sea—does not restrict operations within its EEZ.

U.S. Coast Guard cutter Kimball was tasked with shadowing the Chinese ships until they departed waters around the Aleutian Islands and transited into the North Pacific Ocean.

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The U.S. Coast Guard cutter Healy, bottom, steams alongside the cutter Kimball, top, near Unimak Pass in Alaska on July 3. Healy, a polar icebreaker, and Kimball, a national security cutter, patrol the waters around…


U.S. Coast Guard/Chief Warrant Officer Brian Williams

A Coast Guard photo released by the U.S. Defense Department showed the Kimball operating alongside the polar icebreaker Healy on July 3 near the Unimak Pass in the Aleutian Islands.

Both ships “patrol the waters around Alaska to maintain maritime safety, security, and stability in the region,” the Coast Guard said.

The Kimball is a multi-mission national security cutter operating from its homeport in Honolulu, Hawaii, according to the Coast Guard. It has a displacement of 4,500 tons and a range of 13,000 nautical miles—and is equipped with automated weapons systems.

A Chinese military observer on X noted that, based on bulletins released by the Japanese Defense Ministry’s Joint Staff Office, four Chinese naval ships transited near northern Japan and entered the North Pacific Ocean from June 30 to July 1.

It was not immediately clear whether they were the same ships spotted by the Coast Guard in the Bering Sea.

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China’s Defense Ministry did not immediately respond to a Newsweek email seeking comment.

It was not the first time China had sent an armada to the Alaska coast. In the third encounter last August, 11 Russian and Chinese ships sailed close to the Aleutian Islands, where they were monitored by four U.S. destroyers and maritime patrol aircraft.

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Opinion: A new energy project, new risks and new responsibilities for Alaska

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Opinion: A new energy project, new risks and new responsibilities for Alaska


Speaker Bryce Edgmon speaks with members of the Alaska House at the Alaska State Capitol on August 2, 2025. (Marc Lester / ADN)

Alaska may soon face major decisions about the future of the Alaska LNG project and, if so, the Legislature will need to ensure that every step serves the best interests of Alaskans.

It is essential to remember that Senate Bill 138, the blueprint for state involvement in Alaska LNG, was passed in 2014 for a very different project: one led by ExxonMobil, BP and ConocoPhillips, with a key role fulfilled by TransCanada. Today’s project is led by a private-equity developer, Glenfarne, pursuing a structure that diverges dramatically from what lawmakers contemplated more than a decade ago. When a project changes this much, the underlying statutes need to be revisited.

In June, the Alaska Gasline Development Corp.’s president told his board that AGDC would be coordinating with the developer, the administration and the Legislature regarding legislation needed to support project development. He also noted that AGDC would work with the administration and Legislature on policies required to exercise the corporation’s option to invest 5% to 25% equity at Final Investment Decision, or FID. When AGDC itself signals that legislation is necessary, we should look forward to their outreach.

SB 138 also assigned important responsibilities to the departments of revenue and natural resources that may require legislative action. One key responsibility is the Legislature’s authority to approve major gas project contracts negotiated by the DNR commissioner. The law clearly states that balancing, marketing and gas sale agreements for North Slope gas cannot take effect without explicit legislative authorization. That statutory requirement was intentional and recognizes a project of this scale demands legislative oversight.

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We also know that the pressure for speed on complex megaprojects often backfires, sometimes creating more problems than it solves. The Legislature must balance the legitimate need for progress with the responsibility to ensure Alaskans are not asked to assume unreasonable financial risk. As Speaker Bryce Edgmon recently observed, legislation of this magnitude “could dominate the session” and “take significant time.” Senate Finance Co-Chair Bert Stedman was even more direct: if we get this wrong, it could be “detrimental for generations.”

Last week, 4,000 miles away in Washington, D.C., Glenfarne and POSCO International announced a major strategic partnership. It is a meaningful milestone. But Alaska has seen similar announcements before, and it does not diminish the need for hard questions. If anything, it raises them.

Final Investment Decision is when investors and lenders commit billions based on the project’s economics and the state’s fiscal terms. Any legislation affecting property taxes, payments-in-lieu-of-taxes, aka PILTs, state equity, fiscal stability, or upstream royalties and production taxes must be decided before this takes place.

The Legislative Budget and Audit Committee has focused on providing lawmakers and the public with the information needed to understand the choices ahead. I revisited the Legislature’s 2014 “Alaska LNG: Key Issues” report, which helped lawmakers evaluate the original SB 138 framework. Building on that model, I directed our consultants, GaffneyCline, to prepare an updated “key issues” report; not to endorse or oppose the current project, but to provide a high-level overview of potential policy choices, which should be available to the public within the next few days.

The refreshed “key issues” report will be an important starting point. I ask Alaskans to approach it with an open mind and to read it as objectively as possible, free from assumptions shaped by past disappointments or early optimism. Keep asking tough questions of the Legislature, AGDC, Glenfarne and the administration. Don’t assume the project is a done deal or a doomed one. This is not about cheerleading or obstruction, but insisting on rigorous analysis, strong oversight and a fair deal for our children and grandchildren.

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Some Alaskans have raised questions about a potential conflict of interest: GaffneyCline is a subsidiary of Baker Hughes, which recently announced agreements with Glenfarne to help advance the Alaska LNG project. I share those concerns, which is why I have met with the Legislature’s director of Legal Services and with GaffneyCline’s North America director. I have been assured by GaffneyCline’s leadership that no one outside the GaffneyCline project team has influenced their analysis, and that their global reputation for independence and trust remains intact. Still, we also must fully vet this issue when we convene in Juneau next month. Transparency and independence are non-negotiable.

The recent ceremony in Washington, D.C., with Glenfarne and POSCO International underscores the project’s potential; however, the authority to determine how and when Alaska monetizes its resources rests here, not with dignitaries celebrating overseas commitments. Our future will be determined in Alaska, by Alaskans, based on the fullest and most honest understanding of the choices before us.

Sen. Elvi Gray-Jackson, D-Anchorage, represents Senate District G, which includes Midtown, Spenard and Taku Campbell in Anchorage. Sen. Gray-Jackson serves as the chair of the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee.

• • •

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Trump Repeals Biden Land Protections in Alaska, Other States

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Trump Repeals Biden Land Protections in Alaska, Other States


President Donald Trump on Thursday signed several congressional measures designed to undo Biden administration land conservation policies restricting energy development in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and federal lands in three Western states.



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Alaska Hosts US Bomber Exercise Against ‘Threats to the Homeland’

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Alaska Hosts US Bomber Exercise Against ‘Threats to the Homeland’


The United States deployed two bombers to simulate strikes against “maritime threats” to the homeland in response to a growing Russian and Chinese presence near Alaska.

Newsweek has contacted China’s Foreign Ministry for comment by email. Russia’s defense and foreign ministries did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Why It Matters

Russia and China have closely cooperated in military matters under their “partnership without limits,” including a joint naval maneuver in the north Pacific near Alaska’s Aleutian Islands involving 11 Russian and Chinese vessels in summer 2023.

Facing a growing Moscow-Beijing military partnership, along with increased Chinese activities in the Arctic, the U.S. has been reinforcing its military presence in Alaska by deploying warships and conducting war games with its northern neighbor, Canada.

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Bombers, capable of flying long distances and carrying large amounts of armaments, are a key instrument for the U.S. military to signal its strength. The American bomber force has recently conducted operations as a show of force aimed at Russia and China.

What To Know

According to a news release, the Alaskan Command executed simulated joint maritime strikes with Air Force B-52H bombers and the Coast Guard national security cutter USCGC Kimball in the Gulf of Alaska on Tuesday as part of Operation Tundra Merlin.

The bombers are assigned to the 2nd Bomb Wing out of Barksdale Air Force Base in Louisiana, while the Kimball is homeported in Honolulu. The 354th Fighter Wing at Eielson Air Force Base in Alaska also deployed four F-35A stealth fighters.

Other supporting units included two KC-135 aerial refueling aircraft and an HC-130 aircraft on standby to conduct personnel recovery missions, the news release said.

During the operation, the bombers received target information from the Kimball for standoff target acquisition and simulated weapons use, while the F-35A jets—tasked with escorting the bombers—enhanced mission security and operational effectiveness.

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According to an Air Force fact sheet, each B-52H bomber has a maximum payload of 70,000 pounds and is capable of carrying up to 20 standoff weapons—designed to be fired from outside enemy defenses—such as the Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile.

The simulated strikes “demonstrated the capability of the [U.S. Northern Command] and its mission partners to deter maritime threats to the homeland,” the news release said.

Homeland defense is the Alaskan Command’s top priority, said its commander, U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Robert Davis, adding that the ability to integrate with other commands and partners is key to safeguarding the U.S. northern approaches.

What People Are Saying

U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Robert Davis, the commander of the Alaskan Command, said: “Operations in the Alaskan Theater of Operations are critically important to North American Homeland Defense. Operation Tundra Merlin demonstrates the Joint Force’s ability to seamlessly integrate capabilities from multiple combatant commands and mission partners to deter and defeat potential threats in the region.”

The Alaskan Command said: “Operation Tundra Merlin is a Homeland Defense focused joint operation designed to ensure the defense of U.S. territory and waters within the Alaskan Theater of Operations (AKTO). The operation includes integration with partners in the region with the shared goal of North American defense in the Western Arctic.”

What Happens Next

It remains to be seen whether Russia and China will conduct another joint air patrol near Alaska following a similar operation over the western Pacific earlier this week.

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