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MIKE DAVIS: Driving a stake through 2020 election lawfare

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MIKE DAVIS: Driving a stake through 2020 election lawfare

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The 2020 election ended six years ago. Yet, two power-hungry Democrat attorneys general up for re-election next year, Kris Mayes of Arizona and Josh Kaul of Wisconsin, persist in their lawfare against Trump supporters who lawfully challenged the election. These disgraceful cases must end immediately.

President Trump and many supporters found numerous discrepancies with the 2020 election. They challenged the results in several closely-contested states. The First Amendment and the Electoral Count Act of 1887 permitted such challenges — just like Democrats challenged Republican presidential wins in 1968, 2000, 2004 and 2016. Leftists maliciously alleged that the challengers submitted “fake electors” as part of the effort to overturn certified results in these states.

Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes and Wisconsin Attorney General Josh Kaul weigh next steps in their 2020 fake elector prosecutions. (Mario Tama/Daniel Boczarski/Getty Images for Democratic Party of Wisconsin)

This is utter nonsense. No one was duped by the intent of these alternate electors. Rudy Giuliani didn’t have the “real” electors tied up in his trunk while sending in the “fake” electors.

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The slates of electors submitted were alternate electors in the event that, on Jan. 6, 2021, Congress sustained objections to the certification of electors in the contested states.

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In 2022, Democrat Mayes defeated Republican Abraham Hamadeh by less than 300 votes to become attorney general of Arizona. She immediately started pursuing illegal lawfare against Trump supporters. Mark Brnovich, the previous attorney general, took no action against those who had disputed the 2020 election, because he recognized that they had committed no crimes. Mayes didn’t care and sought indictments against the eleven Arizona alternate electors and seven other defendants, including Mike Roman, President Trump’s campaign head of operations on election day.

Former Mayor of New York Rudy Giuliani speaks during a news conference outside the federal courthouse in Washington, Dec. 15, 2023. (Jose Luis Magana, File/The Associated Press)

A Maricopa County trial court correctly threw out the indictment and ordered Mayes to seek a new one. Mayes had not provided the grand jury with the full text of the Electoral Count Act, a complicated and arcane statute that has direct bearing on the case. If the statute permitted the defendants’ actions, the state cannot sustain its case. Federal election law preempts state law with respect to federal elections. The statute was so complex that Congress amended it a few years ago through the Electoral Count Reform Act.

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Mayes scurried to the Arizona Court of Appeals. That court wisely declined to hear her appeal. Now, she has petitioned the Arizona Supreme Court for review. The justices should follow the sage lead of the appellate court and decline to hear Mayes’ appeal.

JONATHAN TURLEY: FANI WILLIS’ CASE AGAINST TRUMP COLLAPSES UNDER ITS OWN INSANITY

Mayes is the same prosecutor who threatened to investigate President Trump for a supposed death threat against former Rep. Liz Cheney — a Trump-deranged RINO — during a campaign rally in Phoenix. Trump, of course, made no such threat, and Mayes abandoned her stunt shortly after the president’s resounding victory last November.

Wisconsin also suffers from a partisan Democrat attorney general seeking re-election. In 2024, nearly four years after the conclusion of the 2020 election, Kaul, a radical leftist like Mayes, obtained indictments against three defendants, including Roman and two of Trump’s attorneys.

The facts were the same as in Arizona, except that Kaul did not charge the 10 Wisconsin alternate electors. The defendants are now facing a preliminary hearing in Dane County, a leftist bastion home to the state capital and the ultra-liberal University of Wisconsin-Madison, where they are hard-pressed to find a fair and impartial jury.

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MIKE DAVIS: AFTER TRUMP CASE COLLAPSES, TIME FOR FANI WILLIS TO LAWYER UP

A preliminary hearing is scheduled for Dec. 15. One defendant has sought to disqualify Judge John Hyland, alleging that a retired judge named Frank Remington wrote the opinion denying a defense motion to dismiss. The recusal motion included support from a Georgetown expert who concluded that, based on writing styles, Remington had written the opinion. Hyland denied the motion to recuse and asserted that he had written the opinion.

President Donald Trump speaks during a Cabinet meeting at the White House, Tuesday, Dec. 2, 2025, in Washington, with Secretary of State Marco Rubio, left, and War Secretary Pete Hegseth. (Julia Demaree Nikhinson/AP Photo)

Regardless of how the preliminary hearing goes, the case should end. Kaul brought the charges, after the facts were known for four years, in the middle of the 2024 election, in which Wisconsin was a pivotal swing state. We cannot criminalize politics.

There was another prosecutorial embarrassment who brought charges against a slew of defendants over the 2020 election in Georgia: Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis. Her case got derailed when it became public, thanks to Roman’s attorney Ashleigh Merchant, that Willis was having an affair with one of the special prosecutors she had hired, Nathan Wade, who received nearly $700,000 courtesy of the taxpayers of Fulton County. Wade spent much of it on Willis, treating her to lavish global trips. The lovers claimed Willis had reimbursed Wade, but there was no corroborating evidence. Georgia courts disqualified Willis, and a special prosecutor who replaced her dismissed the case earlier this month.

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Lawfare Democrats failed to lock up, bankrupt, or defeat Trump electorally. They are trying to get one last pound of flesh from some of the president’s former aides and supporters. If Mayes and Kaul do not follow the Georgia special prosecutor’s stellar example and drop their sham cases, the courts in Arizona and Wisconsin should.

The Justice Department also should pursue charges against these affronts to the legal profession for conspiracy to violate the civil rights of these lawfare victims under 18 U.S.C. § 241. After all, as we heard so much during the lawfare campaign against President Trump, no one is above the law.

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FAA restricts Texas airspace after Pentagon reportedly strikes down Customs and Border Protection drone

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FAA restricts Texas airspace after Pentagon reportedly strikes down Customs and Border Protection drone

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The Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) restricted flights Thursday near Fort Hancock, Texas, after a U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) drone was reportedly shot down by a laser sytem operated by the Pentagon.

While government agencies have not identified who the drone belonged to, top Democrats on the Transportation and Infrastructure Committee released a joint statement Thursday evening claiming the drone belonged to CBP.

U.S. Reps. Rick Larsen, Bennie Thompson and Andre Carson said their “heads are exploding over the news” that a CBP drone was shot down by the Pentagon with “a high risk counter-unmanned aircraft system.”

The legislators added that this incident is “the result of [the White House’s] incompetence” after a “short-sighted” decision to “sidestep a bipartisan, tri-committee bill to appropriately train C-UAS operators and address the lack of coordination between the Pentagon, DHS and the FAA.”

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The FAA expanded a temporary flight restriction near Fort Hancock, Texas, after lawmakers said a Pentagon-operated counter-drone system may have shot down a U.S. government drone. (iStock)

In a joint statement provided to Fox News Digital, the Department of War, CBP and the FAA said the DOW used counter-unmanned aircraft system to respond to a “seemingly threatening unmanned aerial system operating within military airspace.”

The departments said the engagement took place “far away from populated areas and there were no commercial aircraft in the vicinity,” adding they “will continue to work on increased cooperation and communication to prevent such incidents in the future.”

The departments said they are “working together in an unprecedented fashion to mitigate drone threats by Mexican cartels and foreign terrorist organizations at the U.S.-Mexico border.”

“The bottom line is the Trump Administration is doing more to secure the border and crack down on cartels than any administration in history,” the statement added.

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Congressional aides told Reuters that the Pentagon reportedly used the high-energy laser system to accidentally shoot down the CBP drone near the Mexican border, an area that frequently sees incursions from drones believed to be operated by Mexican drug cartels.

The FAA told Fox News Digital that a temporary flight restriction (TFR) was “already in place” around the Fort Hancock area and that the TFR “has been expanded to include a greater radius to ensure safety.” 

The restriction does not impact commercial flights, the agency said.

The FAA said in a Notice to Air Missions (NOTAM) that airspace around Fort Hancock was temporarily restricted for “special security reasons.”

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The restriction comes a couple of weeks after the FAA grounded flights to and from El Paso International Airport for 10 days before lifting the order roughly eight hours later.

Drones operated by Mexican drug cartels breached American airspace earlier this month near El Paso International Airport in Texas, leading the FAA to temporarily close the airport. (Kirby Lee/Getty Images)

A Trump administration official previously told Fox News that the initial lockdown came in response to “Mexican cartel drones” that breached U.S. airspace.

A U.S. official later confirmed that the U.S. military had shot down what was later determined to be a party balloon near El Paso.

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Fox News Digital reached out to the White House for comment and was directed to the joint statement provided by the Department of War, Customs and Border Patrol and Federal Aviation Administration.

Fox News Digital’s Anders Hagstrom and Reuters contributed to this report.

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Corporate America is on the move, and these red states are cashing in

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Corporate America is on the move, and these red states are cashing in

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A wave of corporate relocations is reshaping the U.S. economy, and Texas is emerging as the clear winner.

According to a report by CBRE, one of the nation’s largest commercial real estate brokerage firms, 561 companies have relocated their headquarters nationwide since 2018. The research shows many companies are reassessing tax climates, operating costs and growth prospects as they consider a move. 

That’s significant because these moves are often driven by long-term financial and growth strategies, not just geography — giving business-friendly states a competitive edge. 

From Texas to Tennessee, those states are racking up new headquarters, while blue strongholds like California and New York are losing companies at a notable clip.

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Dallas recorded the highest number of corporate headquarters relocations in the country. (Beata Zawrzel/NurPhoto/Getty Images)

The Lone Star State clearly dominates the relocation map. Dallas-Fort Worth captured 100 headquarters moves between 2018 and 2024 — the most of any metro in the country — while Austin secured another 81 and Houston added 31. Combined, those three markets accounted for more relocations than most entire states, cementing Texas’ outsized role in reshaping the corporate landscape.

Meanwhile, California metros saw the steepest net losses, led by the San Francisco Bay Area with a net loss of 156 headquarters over the same period. 

As blue states debate regulation and tax policy, Texas business leaders say the state’s approach is paying off. Megan Mauro, interim president and CEO of the Texas Association of Business, points to the state’s tax structure and lighter regulatory climate as key draws.

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“We have a light regulatory touch and no personal or corporate income tax,” Mauro said, citing Texas’ recent $25 billion surplus as evidence of what she calls a competitive tax environment.

Her argument aligns with research from CBRE, which found that companies most often cite lower taxes, reduced operating costs and stronger growth opportunities when relocating their headquarters.

The shift has intensified scrutiny of tax policy in high-cost states. Steve Moore, economist and co-founder of Unleash Prosperity, said those states risk driving away wealth and investment.

“It is common sense for business leaders to pick places for future financial success rather than economic suffocation,” Moore told Fox News Digital.

CALIFORNIA’S LOOMING CAPITAL FLIGHT PROBLEM COULD RESHAPE STATE IN 3 KEY AREAS

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California Gov. Gavin Newsom has previously said that he does not support the “billionaire tax” measure. (Sean Rayford/Getty Images)

He argued that proposals such as California’s 2026 Billionaire Tax Act are accelerating the outflow of the state’s ultra-wealthy residents to lower-tax states like Texas and Florida. 

“These business tycoons are running to states like Florida and Texas because of lower taxes, economic freedom and future economic prosperity,” he said, describing it as “voting with their feet.”

That shift is also reflected in population data.

From 2021 to 2024, Texas and Florida posted the largest net population gains, while California and several northeastern states recorded some of the steepest losses, according to IRS and U.S. Census Bureau data.

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Moore added that the broader economic implications extend beyond corporate balance sheets.

Growth in states like Texas can expand the tax base and provide additional funding flexibility for infrastructure, education and other priorities — often without raising tax rates.

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President Donald Trump pointed to job growth and other economic milestones during his State of the Union speech on Feb. 24, 2026. (Win McNamee/Getty Images)

Economic performance frequently shapes midterm messaging, and migration trends like these are poised to feature in debates over tax competitiveness.

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Whether those patterns endure remains to be seen. For now, though, population flows are reinforcing a broader argument: tax policy is no longer an abstract debate — it’s shaping where Americans choose to build their futures.

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RICK PERRY: Where’s the beef? Trump knows and he’s trying to make it affordable

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RICK PERRY: Where’s the beef? Trump knows and he’s trying to make it affordable

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“America First” has been more than a slogan for President Trump. It has become a governing framework and near-mandate for his administration. America First policy decisions have manifested across immigration strategy, energy regulation, and, perhaps most clearly, trade policy.

The beef market has been in desperate need of an America First recalibration after President Joe Biden’s failed policies. Ground beef prices have become astronomical, reaching an average of $6.69 per pound in December, the highest price since tracking began in the 1980s.

These price increases are outpacing those of other food categories due to structural problems within the domestic beef market. Analysis from the American Farm Bureau Federation shows the domestic herd has fallen to a 75-year low and is continuing to shrink as fewer calves are retained for breeding. As a result, the U.S. cattle herd is unlikely to expand until at least 2028.

From my time as governor of Texas and agriculture commissioner for the nation’s leading cattle-producing state, I understand both the gravity of this situation and the need for a deliberate policy response.

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Cattle are shown in pens at the Cattlemen’s Columbus Livestock Auction in Columbus on Wednesday, Oct. 8, 2025. (Melissa Phillip/Houston Chronicle/Getty Images)

In October, President Donald Trump addressed the need for beef affordability measures and signaled plans to increase imports, which he recently finalized through an executive order, opening the U.S. to an additional 80,000 metric tons of lean beef trimmings from Argentina this year.

This step is valuable because the U.S. does not produce enough beef to meet domestic demand, necessitating imports. Argentina is a strategic and well-suited partner to remedy our beef shortage because they specialize in lower-cost, lean beef. These trimmings from Argentina will be blended with fattier domestic beef to produce hamburgers and ground beef products – affordable staples in high demand.

Importing the specific type of affordable beef directly addresses supply and aligns with an America First approach. Expanding lean beef imports will reduce pressures on our beef supply, thus reducing costs for consumers while protecting cattle ranchers’ premium production.

THE SURPRISING REASON WHY AMERICANS COULD FACE HIGH BEEF PRICES FOR YEARS

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The impacts of these smart imports are complemented and multiplied by broader efforts to strengthen the cattle sector, including Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins’ October plan to fortify the American beef industry and President Trump’s directive for the Department of Justice to crack down on foreign-owned meat packing cartels.

Beyond these efforts, the administration should reassess the existing allocation of tariff-rate quotas (TRQs), which were configured in 1995. Reworking would acknowledge shifts in global production patterns and domestic market needs, putting U.S. ranchers in a better position.

Today, the overwhelming share of tariff-free beef imports are dedicated to Australia and New Zealand. Both countries focus heavily on premium, grass-fed exports – products that compete directly with higher-end U.S. beef in domestic and international markets.

By contrast, lean beef imports from South America primarily serve the lower-cost blended segment. Ranchers and their supporters criticizing the import increase from Argentina, but failing to push back about the near-unlimited market access Australia and New Zealand have are fighting the wrong battles.

The beef market has been in desperate need of an America First recalibration after President Joe Biden’s failed policies. 

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Some policymakers have raised concerns that imports would sideline American ranchers and that we should focus on cutting red tape, lowering production costs and supporting cattle herd growth. These priorities are valid – but they’re not mutually exclusive with strategic imports.

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The notion that imports should be avoided is misguided and ignores structural supply realities. Strategic imports like lean trimmings can stabilize prices while allowing U.S. producers to concentrate on premium markets, where profitability is strongest. This is how we pave the path for rancher success.

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If U.S. ranchers are forced to simultaneously try and dominate serving both low-margin ground products and high-margin premium markets with higher-end cuts, they may become overwhelmed. From a long-term market perspective, overextension can discourage heifer retention and delay necessary herd rebuilding.

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President Trump and his team are on the right path with the Argentina deal. This expansion should be defended unapologetically, incorporated beyond just 2026, and considered as part of a long-term strategy rather than a temporary measure.

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Permanently expanding Argentina’s tariff-free access to the U.S. market for lean beef trimmings is how we ensure prices stop rising. The administration should also consider opportunities for expanded imports from other South American nations, such as Paraguay and Uruguay, where production aligns with U.S. market gaps.

Building an American First beef market requires precision and long-term thinking. The current policy shifts are moving in the right direction, which will support ranchers, strengthen our market and deliver affordability for American consumers.

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