West Virginia
Housing: Where do Trump and Harris stand? • West Virginia Watch

This is one in a series of States Newsroom reports on the major policy issues in the presidential race.
WASHINGTON — As the cost and supply of housing remain top issues for voters, both presidential candidates have put forth plans to tackle the crisis, in hopes of courting voters ahead of the Nov. 5 election.
The coronavirus pandemic that began in 2020 exacerbated problems in the housing market, with supply chain disruptions, record-low interest rates and increased demand contributing to a rise in housing prices, according to a study by the Journal of Housing Economics.
While housing is typically handled on the local level, the housing supply is tight and rents continue to skyrocket, putting increased pressure on the federal government to help. Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris and Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump agree that it’s an issue that needs to be solved, but their solutions diverge.
The Harris and Trump campaigns did not respond to States Newsroom’s requests for details on the general housing proposals the nominees have discussed.
Promise: millions of new homes
Harris’ plan calls for the construction of 3 million homes in four years.
The United States has a shortage of about 3.8 million homes for sale and rent, according to 2021 estimates from Freddie Mac that are still relied upon.
Additionally, homelessness has hit a record-high of 653,100 people since January of last year, and a “record-high 22.4 million renter households spent more than 30 percent of their income on rent and utilities,” up from 2 million households since 2019, according to a study by the Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University.
“This is obviously a multi-prong approach, because the factors contributing to high rents and housing affordability are many, and my plan is to attempt to address many of them at once, so we can actually have the net effect of bringing down the cost and making homeownership, renting more affordable,” Harris said during a September interview with Wisconsin Public Radio.
Promise: single-family zoning
Trump has long opposed building multi-family housing and has instead thrown his support behind single-family zoning, which would exclude other types of housing. Such land-use regulation is conducted by local government bodies, not the federal government, though the federal government could influence it.
“There will be no low-income housing developments built in areas that are right next to your house,” Trump said during an August rally in Montana. “I’m gonna keep criminals out of your neighborhood.”
Promise: getting Congress to agree
Election forecasters have predicted that Democrats will regain control of the U.S. House, but Republicans are poised to win the Senate, meaning any housing proposals will have to be overwhelmingly bipartisan.
“How much money is going to really be available without substantial increases in revenue to be able to do all these things that both Trump and Harris are proposing?” Ted Tozer, a non-resident fellow at the Urban Institute’s Housing Finance Policy Center, said in an interview with States Newsroom. “All the money comes from Congress.”
Many of Harris’ policies rely on cooperation from Congress, as historically the federal government has limited tools to address housing shortages.
“On the Democratic side, there’s a hunger for more action, for more direct government intervention in the housing market than we’ve seen in a long time,” said Francis Torres, the associate director of housing and infrastructure at the Bipartisan Policy Center.
Nearly all proposals that Harris has put forth would require Congress to pass legislation and appropriate funds. The first is S.2224, introduced by Sen. Sherrod Brown, Democrat of Ohio, which would amend U.S. tax code to bar private equity firms from buying homes in bulk by denying “interest and depreciation deductions for taxpayers owning 50 or more single family properties,” according to the bill.
The second bill, S. 3692, introduced by Sen. Ron Wyden, Democrat of Oregon and chair of the Senate Finance Committee, would bar using algorithms to artificially inflate the cost of rents.
Both bills would need to reach the 60-vote threshold in order to advance in the Senate, whichever party is in control.
Promise: $25,000 down payment assistance
Harris has pledged to support first-time homebuyers, but Congress would need to appropriate funds for the $25,000 down payment assistance program she has proposed that would benefit an estimated 4 million first-time homebuyers over four years.
It’s a proposal that’s been met with skepticism.
“I’m really concerned that down payment assistance will actually put more pressure on home prices, because basically, you’re giving people additional cash to pay more for the house that they’re going to bid on,” Tozer said. “So by definition, they get in a bidding war, they’re going to spend more.”
Harris has also proposed a $40 billion innovation fund for local governments to build and create solutions for housing, which would also need congressional approval.
Promise: opening up federal lands
Both candidates support opening some federal lands for housing, which would mean selling the land for construction purposes with the commitment for a certain percentage of the units to be kept for affordable housing.
The federal government owns about 650 million acres of land, or roughly 30% of all land.
Neither candidate has gone into detail on this proposal.
“I think it’s a sign that at least the Harris campaign and the people in her orbit are thinking about addressing this housing affordability problem really through stronger government action than has happened in several decades,” Torres said.
Promise: expand tax credits
The biggest tool the federal government has used to address housing is through the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s Low-Income Housing Tax Credit, known as LIHTC. Harris has promised to expand this tax credit, but has not gone into detail about how much she wants it expanded.
This program awards tax credits to offset construction costs in exchange for a certain number of rent-restricted units for low-income households. But the restriction is temporary, lasting about 30 years.
There is no similar program for housing meant to be owned.
“It’s an interesting moment, because then on the other side, on the Trump side, even though they diagnosed a lot of the similar problems, there’s not as much of a desire to leverage the strength of the federal government to ensure affordability,” Torres said.
Trump’s record on housing
The Trump campaign does not have a housing proposal, but various interviews, rallies and a review of Trump’s first four years in office provide a roadmap.
During Trump’s first administration, many of his HUD budget proposals were not approved by Congress.
In all four of his presidential budget requests, he laid out proposals that would increase rent by 40% for about 4 million low-income households using rental vouchers or for those who lived in public housing, according to an analysis by the left-leaning think tank the Brookings Institution.
All four of Trump’s budgets also called for the elimination of housing programs such as the Community Development Block Grant, which directs funding to local and state governments to rehabilitate and build affordable housing. Trump’s budgets also would have slashed the Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program, known as LIHEAP, which is a home energy assistance program for low-income families.
Additionally, Trump’s Opportunity Zones authorized through the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, which are tax incentives to businesses and real estate to invest in low-income communities, have had mixed results.
Promise: cut regulations and add tariffs
In an interview with Bloomberg, Trump said he wanted to focus on reducing regulations in the permitting process.
“Your permits, your permitting process. Your zoning, if — and I went through years of zoning. Zoning is like… it’s a killer,” he said. “But we’ll be doing that, and we’ll be bringing the price of housing down.”
During campaign rallies, Trump has often said he would impose a 10% tariff across the board on all goods entering the U.S. He’s also proposed 60% tariffs on China.
Trump said at a rally in Georgia that tariff is “one of the most beautiful words I’ve ever heard.”
Tozer said adding trade policies, such as tariffs on construction materials like lumber, would drive up the cost of homes.
Promise: deport immigrants
Trump has argued that his plan for mass deportations will help free up the supply of housing. Karoline Leavitt, the Trump national press secretary, told the New York Times that deporting immigrants would lower the cost of housing because migration “is driving up housing costs.”
The former president has made a core campaign promise to deport millions of immigrants.
Tozer said housing and immigration are tied, because the ability to build houses comes down to workers, and roughly 30% of construction workers are immigrants.
“By shutting down the border, you’re possibly shutting down your capacity to build these houses,” he said, adding that all those policies are intertwined.
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West Virginia
What Kansas football coach Lance Leipold saw on targeting calls during win against WVU

The Topeka Capital-Journal’s Jordan Guskey talks Kansas football win
Check out what The Topeka Capital-Journal reporter Jordan Guskey had to say following Kansas football’s Big 12 Conference win against West Virginia.
LAWRENCE — Kansas football’s 41-10 victory against West Virginia this past weekend saw a pair of players ejected due to targeting calls, one on each side.
In the second quarter, WVU nickel/safety Fred Perry was disqualified because of a hit he made on KU quarterback Jalon Daniels. In the third quarter, Jayhawks safety Devin Dye was disqualified for a hit he made on a Mountaineers running back Cyncir Bowers. Holistically, Kansas football coach Lance Leipold acknowledged Saturday the calls were made in the interest of player safety.
But while Leipold thought Dye’s ejection was unfortunate, Perry’s led to a little longer of a conversation postgame. That’s because after the hit, some pushing and shoving ensued until players from both teams were separated. Kansas offensive lineman Kobe Baynes, who appeared to shove Perry right after the hit on Daniels, would eventually be called for a late hit.
Leipold, at one moment concerned the situation would get out of hand, was glad to see it get settled as quickly as it did. Although he understands a player’s desire to defend their teammate, he called for composure in all situations. He called it a tough situation for officials to handle.
Here are a few more takeaways from the Big 12 Conference matchup between the Jayhawks (3-1, 1-0 in Big 12) and Mountaineers (2-2, 0-1).
Why Trey Lathan was selected to be Kansas’ 4th captain for game
Kansas has three lead captains this season in Daniels, offensive lineman Bryce Foster and defensive end Justice Finkley, but each game there’s a fourth “rotational” captain who is honored as well. Against West Virginia, that individual was linebacker Trey Lathan. Lathan, who finished the game with three tackles, a sack, a tackle for loss and an interception, transferred to KU during the offseason from WVU.
Leipold acknowledged Lathan’s past stop in his college career with the Mountaineers did play a factor in the decision. However, Lathan’s also someone he felt has been playing well and become more confident. Lathan is also someone he felt had become a more vocal leader within the defense and is well respected.
Kansas’ offensive line doesn’t allow any sacks
West Virginia’s defense collected six sacks against Pittsburgh just the week before this matchup. But by game’s end against the Jayhawks, the Mountaineers didn’t have a single sack. So, it shouldn’t come as much of a surprise that Leipold was pleased with the protection Kansas’ offensive line gave Daniels and for how Daniels at times escaped pressure.
On film, Leipold had seen an impressive defense that was athletic up front. It could use multiple looks and was aggressive. But KU proved capable of stymying that aspect of WVU’s defense.
West Virginia’s tempo offensively doesn’t prove to be much of a factor
Leipold thinks Kansas’ defense can get better at playing against tempo, based on what he saw against West Virginia. However, considering how well the Jayhawks played and what he heard as the game unfolded, he thought they did well. Physical play and quality tackling helped force numerous punts and stops as KU took control of the game.
Jordan Guskey covers University of Kansas Athletics at The Topeka Capital-Journal. He was the 2022 National Sports Media Association’s sportswriter of the year for the state of Kansas. Contact him at jmguskey@gannett.com or on Twitter at @JordanGuskey.
West Virginia
Between The Eers: Serious Issues Mounting for West Virginia’s Rushing Attack

Injuries are piling up for the West Virginia Mountaineers early in the season, particularly in the running back room. To everyone’s surprise, Tye Edwards was unable to play this past weekend against Kansas, and despite being a game-time decision for that game, his status for this week’s matchup versus Utah remains in question.
“Hopeful might be too much,” Rodriguez responded when asked about Edwards’ status. “I’m more… he’s probably still doubtful right now with his hip pointer. He’s trying to. It’s not where he’s wanting to sit out. He’s a kid that really wants to play.”
Rodriguez also noted that Cyncir Bowers is in the concussion protocol and is also questionable for Saturday’s game.
So, what in the heck do the Mountaineers manufacture a rushing attack against a Utah defense that allows just over 110 yards on the ground per game? It’s a great question, especially given the Mountaineers’ offensive line struggles.
As far as available backs, WVU will have Clay Ash, Diore Hubbard, Tyler Jacklich, and Andre Devine. Those four have combined to rush for 127 yards on 38 carries, averaging 3.3 yards per tote. Ferris State transfer Kannon Katzer is still working his way back from injury, but his status as of this morning is unknown. If it is just those four aforementioned backs, WVU may have to get creative with Rodney Gallagher III and maybe go as far as starting Jaylen Henderson at quarterback to make Utah respect the threat of him pulling it and keeping it.
On today’s episode of Between The Eers, I discuss this huge problem the Mountaineers may have in the run game.
If you haven’t yet, please go over to our YouTube page, West Virginia On SI (@SI_WVU), and subscribe. You’ll get a notification the second a new episode of Between The Eers, The Walk Thru GameDay Show, or Mountaineer Postgame drops.
Recent Between The Eers episodes:
WVU’s Painfully Bad Offense Needs to Make Some Changes
Did One Game Flip the Narrative on WVU Entering Big 12 Play?
A Night West Virginia Needed
West Virginia Found Its Identity in Backyard Brawl Win
MORE STORIES FROM WEST VIRGINIA ON SI
Rodriguez Candid on Why WVU’s Offense is Struggling and What Must Change
Why Scotty Fox Didn’t Play vs. Kansas and What He Needs to Do to Take the Next Step
Rich Rodriguez Shares His Message to the Team Following Embarrassing Loss to Kansas
Offensive Line Shakeup Could Be Coming Soon for West Virginia Football
Everything Rich Rodriguez Said on His Radio Show Monday Night Following Kansas Loss
West Virginia
Pat Narduzzi Complains About ‘Lopsided’ Penalties in Loss to West Virginia

West Virginia sent Pitt home with an overtime loss and will have bragging rights in the Backyard Brawl for the next four years. Following the game, Pitt head coach Pat Narduzzi met with reporters, discussing several different topics such as quarterback play, the lack of a run game, officiating, WVU’s offense, and more.
The one thing that stood out most, though, was his take on the officiating.
“Whew. You guys watched the game, I don’t know. There was some stuff out there, but we’ll look at the videotape. Not happy with that at all. 14 penalties, a little lopsided there. Eli got punched, got his helmet ripped off, punched in the face; no call there. We had somebody get spit in the face, too, but things didn’t go our way.”
To be honest, I truly don’t understand how Narduzzi can be upset with the officiating. Many of those 14 penalties were clear and preventable penalties, whether it was a false start, a hold, defensive pass interference, or offside. There were only maybe two that were 50/50.
But let’s not forget how Pitt caught a break at the end of the first half. Nicco Marchiol ran the ball up the middle for a first down, slid, and was hit late. The flag was dropped, but the officials said that because there was no time left on the clock, the half was over. I’ll need a better description from a rules analyst to explain this one because I don’t understand how the half can just end on that. I assumed there would either be one untimed down or Pitt would have to be penalized on the kickoff to start the second half. Neither happened.
What about the MarShon Oxley sack in the third quarter that was flagged for unsportsmanlike conduct when all he did was stand up and walk away? That not only bailed Pitt out, but they would score a touchdown on that drive just a few plays later.
How about the first half when linebacker Ashton Woods was ejected for targeting on what appeared (by every angle shown) to be a clean shot?
There were also multiple times where Pitt defenders arrived way too early on a pass and should have been flagged for defensive pass interference. Instead, the flag remained tucked into the official’s waist pocket.
The penalties West Virginia had were way more costly and timely than those Pitt was guilty of.
MORE STORIES FROM WEST VIRGINIA ON SI
Sunday Morning Thoughts: Grit, Guts, and Glory
Stock Up, Stock Down: Major Movement Following West Virginia’s Win Over Pitt
Quick Hits: Rich Rodriguez Discusses Final Scoring Drives, Tye Edwards Big Night and More
Three Rapid Takeaways from West Virginia’s Backyard Brawl Win
Mountaineer Mantrip: Backyard Brawl Edition
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