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Texas Democrats are starting to sound like the little boy who cried “battleground state,” after yet another election cycle where they shouted from the rooftops that Texas should be viewed as capable of going blue and then drastically underperformed expectations.
President-elect Donald Trump won Texas by 14 percentage points over Vice President Kamala Harris on Tuesday — a surprisingly wide margin that bested his 2020 and 2016 performances in the state. Texas has for decades reliably gone for the Republican presidential nominee, but Democrats have been heartened that for the past several election cycles, the margin had been steadily narrowing.
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The party’s Senate candidate, U.S. Rep. Colin Allred of Dallas, out performed Harris but still lost to Republican Sen. Ted Cruz by 9 percentage points, according to unofficial results published by The Associated Press. That’s more than three times the margin that Beto O’Rourke lost to Cruz six years ago, and a wider loss margin than a majority of polls put the race in recent months. It also came after Senate Democrats and other national party officials visited Texas and invested in Allred’s race, citing him as one of the best chances to flip a seat in the upper chamber to protect their majority — which they lost on Tuesday.
The minority party also lost ground in the Legislature where Republicans now control 88 seats in the House and 20 in the Senate. And in South Texas, Republicans made historic gains in the predominantly Hispanic region that has reliably supported Democrats, and they lost their challenge to retake a South Texas congressional seat the GOP had won in 2022.
“This to me is a complete disaster. They underperformed everywhere,” said Jon Taylor, a political science professor at the University of Texas San Antonio. “They are disorganized. They are a party in the wilderness.”
State Democrats have been especially hopeful since 2018 — after they rode a blue wave down the ballot off of O’Rourke’s history-making Senate run. That year they flipped Texas House districts, local government seats and state appellate courts. Republicans still controlled the Legislature and occupied every statewide office, but Democrats saw that year as the beginning of a new era.
It led to high hopes in 2020, when Democrats fell far short of their goal of flipping the Texas House blue. And then again in 2022, when O’Rourke ran for governor and lost by double-digit margins to Gov. Greg Abbott. That was a midterm election where Republicans underperformed nationwide — everywhere, that is, except for Texas and Florida.
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Republicans on Tuesday night relished running up the score against their political foes. Gov. Greg Abbott’s top political adviser pointed at a potentially larger problem for Democrats going forward: How will they get donors to continue funding their campaigns after losing again?
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“So do you think national Democratic donors will ever believe these Texas Democrat grifters again?” Dave Carney said on social media.
Soul searching
Democratic operatives were left licking their wounds Wednesday morning on numerous debriefing calls to figure out what had gone wrong Tuesday.
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Among the issues they identified: a national red wave that delivered massive wins for Trump as well as GOP control of the U.S. Senate; a lack of infrastructure and coordination between federal and local campaigns across the state that left Democrats underperforming at every level; and a refusal to acknowledge the increasing realignment of parts of the electorate that were previously the core of the Democratic base, namely working class voters and Latinos.
Ali Zaidi, a Democratic political operative who ran Mike Collier’s campaign for lieutenant governor in 2022 said many in the party are rooted in a “pre-2012” belief that an increasingly diverse Texas would lead automatically to Democratic gains. But many voters of color this cycle cast their ballots for Republicans, like Latinos in South Texas.
Zaidi said Democrats need to either adjust how they connect with Latino voters in the state or look for votes in other places.
“Campaigns are not magical things that change how people feel about the world,” he said, adding that campaigns need to meet people where they are. “If an electorate is no longer a reliable electorate for you the answer as a campaign is to find a new electorate that works for you.”
Several Democrats said the catastrophic election, not only in the state but around the country, should compel the party to do some serious soul searching on what their message should be. Matt Angle, a veteran Texas Democratic operative and director of the Lone Star Project, expressed frustration that the party focused more on what drove the base than kitchen-table issues that were actually on the minds of many voters, such as the economy.
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“One of the things that annoys me a lot of times about Democrats as progressives [is] that they say we need to decide what we stand for, and we need to then go push that on voters,” Angle said. But “we need to find out where voters are and meet them where they are.”
Chad Wilbanks, a Republican strategist and former Texas GOP executive director, said the Democratic party is out of touch with the state because they care more about “political correctness” than what voters are telling them.
“They have lost the battle of ideas,” he said. “In Texas, we want a secure border, we want to feel safe in our homes and in our schools. That’s important. [And] inflation plays a major role.”
But even if Democrats were to coalesce behind a persuasive message, the state party faces the challenge of not having the long-term infrastructure to support their candidates running for statewide office. Years of neglect in the decades since the party lost control has left much of its functions outsourced to outside groups, including activist organizations and super PACs, Angle said.
Without a leader Angle said there needed to be an “alpha” elected official to lead the effort as Democratic Sen. Lloyd Bentsen did when he was in office, to coordinate the disparate efforts working to elect Democrats. Allred began to fill that role during the campaign, heading the first Senate-led coordinated campaign in Texas in decades, which consolidated resources up and down the ticket.
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The Texas Majority PAC, which is backed by billionaire George Soros, was among the groups that also tried to fill in this cycle and help coordinate Democratic efforts. The group spent more than $600,000 in Cameron County and $700,000 in Hidalgo County – both of which are located in the Rio Grande Valley and were flipped by Trump at the top of the ticket in a stunning upset.
Katherine Fischer, the group’s deputy executive director, said Tuesday’s results were “devastating” and not the results Democrats had wanted. But she found a silver lining in the party’s ability to hold on to the seat of U.S. Rep. Vicente Gonzalez, D-McAllen, in Hidalgo County, through coordination with the congressman’s campaign and the local party operations.
Fischer said her group will pick apart the election and issue a report but given the margin of victory for Republicans, it’s hard to pinpoint what Democrats could have done to change the outcomes.
“You lose by 10 or 15 points or something shifts by 20 points, [and] there’s no amount of strategy that can combat that,” Fischer said. “There’s some major issues within the Democrat party writ large that we need to reckon with like how voters perceive the Democratic party and how that perception has come to differ so wildly from reality and what we do to recover that.”
Fischer said her group always envisioned its project being one dependent on multiple cycles. The PAC is focused on continuing to build out sorely needed Democratic infrastructure for years to come, she said, acknowledging there are no easy answers from this cycle.
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Democrats in Texas often bemoan the lack of investment from the top of the ticket in the state, which is largely written off as unwinnable by national groups. Tides changed this cycle, as the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee and Senate Majority PAC invested over $15 million in Allred’s Senate race as election day approached. National Democratic groups also invested over $1 million in protecting Vicente’s congressional seat.
U.S. Rep. Greg Casar, D-Austin, said it’s not enough to plead for a massive influx of cash at the last minute.
“Texas needs long-term paid organizing efforts like in other battleground states, where we communicate those everyday, working people issues to disaffected voters, and I think it gives us a lot to learn from this election,” Casar said. “Because a strategy where we’re just trying to persuade a small number of voters on television cannot compete with the kind of on-the-ground organizing efforts that Republicans have put in.”
Luke Warford, a former strategist for the Texas Democrats who now runs a fund to create party infrastructure, said the party needs to invest in candidate recruitment, staff training, communications and how to successfully target voters — all things the Texas GOP excel at.
“If we do that and still lose, then we need to go back to the drawing board,” he said.
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Fischer said Democrats needed to be honest with donors about the election’s results but also communicate a long-term plan.
“I hope donors who gave to the Allred campaign or to any other project in Texas understand their dollars were not wasted and most states don’t flip over night,” she said. “They don’t flip in one cycle or two cycles, it takes time.”
Texas Democrats aren’t counting themselves out yet. They plan to be back in the spotlight in 2026 when Sen. John Cornyn’s seat is up for reelection, along with statewide elected seats like governor. “If history is right, Trump will have done enough to upset enough people,” Angle said. “You know we shouldn’t look forward with dread. We need to have real clear eyes and really accurately assess what happened this election, but to be hopeful moving forward.”
Voting FAQ: 2024 Elections
When is the next election? What dates do I need to know?
Election Day for the general election is November 5, and early voting will run from Oct. 21 to Nov. 1. The deadline to register to vote and/or change your voter registration address is Oct. 7. Applications to vote by mail must be received by your county of residence – not postmarked – by Oct. 25.
What’s on the ballot for the general election?
In addition to the president, eligible Texans have the opportunity to cast their ballots for many Texas officials running for office at the federal, state and local levels.
This includes representatives in the U.S. and Texas houses and the following elected offices:
-1 U.S Senator (Ted Cruz)
– 1 of 3 Railroad Commissioners
– 15 State Senators
– 7 State Board of Education members
– 3 members of the Texas Supreme Court
– 3 members of the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals
– 5 Chief Justices and various justices for Texas Courts of Appeals
Lower-level judges and local county offices will also appear on the ballot:
– Various district judges, including on criminal and family courts
– County Courts at Law
– Justices of the Peace
– District Attorneys
– County Attorneys
– Sheriffs
– Constables
– Tax Assessor-Collectors
How do I make sure I’m registered to vote?
You can check to see if you’re registered and verify your information through the Texas Secretary of State’s website. You’ll need one of the following three combinations to log in:
Your Texas driver’s license number and date of birth.
Your first and last names, date of birth and county you reside in.
Your date of birth and Voter Unique Identifier, which appears on your voter registration certificate.
What if I missed the voter registration deadline?
You must be registered to vote in a Texas county by Oct. 7 to vote in the Nov. 5 presidential election. You can still register for other elections.
If you’re registered but didn’t update your address by the deadline, you may still be able to vote at your previous voting location or on a limited ballot. (Voters are typically assigned precincts based on where they live. In most major counties, voters can vote anywhere on Election Day, but some counties require you vote within your precinct. If that is the case, you may have to return to your previous precinct. See which counties allow countywide Election Day voting here. You can usually find your precinct listed on your voter registration certificate or on when checking your registration online.)
If you moved from one county to another, you may be able to vote on a ballot limited to the elections you would qualify to vote in at both locations, such as statewide races. However, limited ballots are only available during early voting. Find your county election official here and contact them to ask about or request a limited ballot.
What can I do if I have questions about voting?
You can contact your county elections official or call the Texas Secretary of State’s helpline at 1-800-252-VOTE (8683). A coalition of voting rights groups is also helping voters navigate election concerns through the 866-OUR-VOTE (687-8683) voter-protection helpline. The coalition also has hotlines available for voters who speaker other languages or have accessibility needs.
For help in Spanish, call 888-VE-Y-VOTA or 888-839-8682.
For help in Asian languages, call 888-API-VOTE or 888-274-8683.
For help in Arabic, call 888-YALLA-US or 888-925-5287.
For help in American Sign Language through a video, call 301-818-VOTE or 301-818-8683.
For help from Disability Rights Texas, call 888-796-VOTE or 888-796-8683.
In a three-way Republican primary race to represent parts of Denton County, state Rep. Jared Patterson gets our recommendation.
Patterson is now a well-established legislator, and he’s attuned to the concerns of his constituents in a district that has become symbolic of the economic boom in North Texas and the growing pains that come with it.
Texas House District 106 in eastern Denton County includes parts of Frisco and Denton as well as Aubrey, Celina and Little Elm. It is still growing fast, and the infrastructure can barely keep up with this fast change.
Patterson led the Legislature’s efforts to hold Big Tech accountable in 2025. He championed a bill that would have prohibited children from creating social media accounts and required tech companies to verify the age of new users. This editorial page supported the effort.
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House Bill 186 passed with bipartisan support but stalled in the Senate. Patterson, 42, wants to bring this legislation back if he gets reelected. Political momentum may be on his side as evidence grows about the real harm that social media inflicts on children.
We have disagreed with Patterson over the years and found that some of his legislation sowed divisiveness. Still, his advocacy for children’s online safety is undeniable, and through this important cause, he has used his voice to unite people. As he puts it, this isn’t a red vs. blue bill.
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While many candidates in the GOP are talking about getting rid of property taxes, Patterson took a more measured view and insisted on lowering taxes by looking at compression in school district tax rates as one approach to ease the tax burden.
Patterson voted against Senate Bill 840, a piece of legislation that this editorial page backed as an imperfect but necessary policy tool. The law allows residential construction in commercially zoned districts by right in large cities. Patterson told us that the legislation was not the right choice for cities like Frisco.
Another major issue in House District 106 is infrastructure. As massive construction work continues on U.S. Highway 380, Patterson, who serves on a committee on transportation funding, told us he wants to secure financing for farm-to-market roads that urgently need expansion.
Also running are Rick Abraham, a retired systems engineer, and Larry Brock, a retired Air Force officer who was convicted on charges related to the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol.
Abraham, 57, also shares Patterson’s concerns with rising property taxes and other challenges in his district. However, he was thin on specific policy ideas.
Texas’ primary is speeding closer, Sen. Ted Cruz says, the nation is watching and Republicans need to get off the sidelines to win in 2026.
Later come buttons to make a donation, a familiar step in fundraising emails. The pitch reassures your money will help both Cruz and the future Republican nominee for the U.S. Senate in Texas, a two-for-one play to counter Democrats.
If you stop to click on a small-type link for additional details, the math appears. With a $100 donation, $1 is dedicated to a new fund for whoever wins the GOP nomination.
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The rest, $99, goes to Cruz’s campaign account, unless donors change the allocation.
Cruz’s recent appeal to conservative donors is a staple of modern campaign fundraising emails, with preset donation amounts, flashing buttons and fine print dividing contributions.
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The approach is legal and reflects the growing prevalence of aggressive political email appeals that critics say are often manipulative.
Cruz’s effort has stirred questions in Washington, with early donations meant to fully help the nominee largely being steered to Cruz.
Some election law experts called it deceptive, trading on concerns about the Texas Senate race to benefit Cruz, who is not on the 2026 ballot but has been mentioned as a presidential contender in two years.
Attention over campaign money is even sharper this cycle because of the high-profile, high-spending Republican primary among Sen. John Cornyn, Attorney General Ken Paxton and U.S. Rep. Wesley Hunt of Houston.
“Cruz is basically diverting money away from the Cornyn-Paxton race for his own personal ambition,” said campaign finance lawyer Brett Kappel, a former legal counsel to three presidential campaigns.
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Cruz spokesperson Macarena Martinez dismissed that, saying his outreach is aimed at keeping Texas Republican and ensuring a GOP victory in November.
“No Republican in the country has devoted more time and spent more money to elect Republican senators and House members than Sen. Cruz,” she said.
She said any criticism of Cruz’s appeal “conveniently ignores the well-known fact that this standard split is routinely used by both Democrats and Republicans when a campaign pays the cost of a digital solicitation.”
The Cornyn, Paxton and Hunt campaigns declined to comment on Cruz’s fundraising approach.
U.S. Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, is seeking reelection to a fifth six-year term. He faces primary challenges from U.S. Rep. Wesley Hunt, R-Houston, and Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton.
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The Associated Press
GOP cash concerns
Cruz’s pitch doesn’t mention Cornyn, seeking a fifth six-year term, or his two prominent challengers in the March 3 matchup.
It does single out U.S. Rep. Jasmine Crockett of Dallas, who is competing with state Rep. James Talarico of Austin for the Democratic Senate nomination.
Cruz compares Crockett, known for her confrontational political style, to Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, a frequent conservative target often referred to by her initials.
“In fact, Jasmine Crockett — the Democrats’ AOC of Texas — has ALREADY crossed the 50% threshold for the Texas Democrat Senate Primary in a new poll just released,” Cruz says in the pitch. ”We desperately need to boost our numbers.”
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The Lone Star State is critical, Cruz tells prospective donors, because it is among the earliest in the country and Democrats are fired up.
“The nation will be watching to see if the Democrats CRUSH us in voter turnout like they did in every special election of 2025 – OR if Republicans finally got off the sidelines and came out on top on DAY ONE,” Cruz warns.
His pitch includes a survey asking about voting history, feelings toward the Trump administration and various policy positions.
Its final query is: “Given Texas’ first-in-the-nation primary standing for 2026, will you make a contribution to the NEWLY ESTABLISHED Texas Nominee Fund to fight for victory earlier than ever before?”
Recipients are presented with amounts ranging from $23 to $7,000, which is the combined primary-and-general maximum contribution allowed per election cycle from one individual to a campaign.
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For each, Cruz gets 99%, and the eventual Senate nominee gets 1%, unless the donor manually changes the automatic split.
The appeals are legal and Cruz could share donor contact information with the GOP nominee. Early cash is seen as important for advertising and organizing ahead of the general election.
Polling points to a likely May runoff, a prolonged fight that could leave the Republican winner short on funds and give Democrats a head start.
Cruz’s 99-1 split, though not unprecedented among fundraisers, has drawn notice in political circles. Every GOP dollar the national party puts into Texas for the general election is one that isn’t being spent in battleground states.
Other Cruz fundraising pleas have used different breakdowns. In one he sent on behalf of Alaska Sen. Dan Sullivan, a Republican, the default split is 50-50.
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Federal Election Commission records show the Texas nominee-to-be-named-later fund was created in mid-December and had collected $190.17 by the end of the year.
Fund scrutiny
Kappel, the campaign finance lawyer, said both parties commonly use such funds to raise general election money during primaries, but called Cruz’s pitch misleading.
”Potential donors will think that they are giving to the currently unknown eventual Republican Senate candidate when, in fact, almost all of the funds will go to Cruz,” he said.
Some of the money Cruz is collecting with his current fundraising appeals could be used for a presidential campaign, subject to other federal fundraising limitations.
Cruz, who ran for president in 2016 and lost the primary to Donald Trump, has not said whether he plans another bid, though some Republicans see him as a possible 2028 contender.
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Nancy Bocskor, a former GOP fundraiser and former director of what is now the Center for Women in Government at Texas Woman’s University, said manipulative fundraising pitches have become common.
Bocskor, who now teaches at George Washington University’s Graduate School of Political Management, said many donors will be motivated to help Republicans keep the Senate seat in Texas, without realizing 99% of their contribution is going to Cruz and not the 2026 nominee, she said.
She described Cruz’s pitch as legal – and distasteful.
“It’s a lack of transparency that preys upon primarily older donors,” she said.
Common tactics
Supporters of both parties now regularly receive urgent fundraising emails designed to draw in small-dollar donations, a significant part of how political candidates and parties pay for campaign operations and political advertising blitzes.
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A Princeton University study analyzing more than 300,000 political emails from Democrats and Republicans during the 2020 election identified subtle ways senders get recipients to open and engage.
“Manipulative tactics – techniques using some level of deception or clickbait – are the norm, not the exception,” researchers found.
Cruz is not the only one to use a model with a default 99-1 split.
An appeal by Sen. Tim Scott, R-S.C., shares proceeds with Cruz but directs 99% to Scott.
The National Republican Senatorial Committee has sent appeals that share proceeds with individual candidates, such as Cornyn, with default settings that give 99% to the NRSC.
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The committee is supporting Cornyn and money from the joint appeal could be spent on his behalf.
With the primary just weeks away, Texans can expect no letup in fundraising appeals from all sides in a race projected to top $300 million in spending by its end in November.
Fundraising fine print
HOW IT WORKS: Texas Sen. Ted Cruz’s fundraising appeal highlights the 2026 Senate race on behalf of the eventual GOP nominee but defaults donations so 99% goes to his campaign unless donors click through fine print.
HIGH STAKES: Campaign finance experts say early money that could help the Senate nominee mostly is being diverted to Cruz.
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THE PUSHBACK: Critics call the setup deceptive, saying preset amounts, fine print and urgency push quick donations that mask the uneven split.
Heated Rivalry has been heating up TV screens on HBO Max. And now it’s going to be heating up North Texas dance floors, with several themed raves and parties planned in the coming weeks.
The drama stars Hudson Williams and Connor Storrie as rival professional hockey players who compete fiercely on the ice while engaging in a passionate clandestine romance.
The Canadian series, which had a preview screening in November at the Image+Nation LGBTQ+ film festival in Montreal, has become a global sensation and a critically acclaimed hit. In December, it was renewed for a second season.
Here’s a look at some upcoming Heated Rivalry-themed events in Dallas-Fort Worth.
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Hudson Williams (left) and Connor Storrie star in “Heated Rivalry.”
sabrina lantos / HBO Max/Tribune News Service
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CLUB 90S PRESENTS HEATED RIVALRAVE
Club 90s is bringing its themed Heated RivalRave dance party to cities across the United States, with upcoming stops in North Texas. Many of the 18-and-up shows have been selling out early, so snag your tickets ASAP if you’re interested in going.
•Jan. 31 at 5:30 and 10:15 p.m. at Echo Lounge and Music Hall in Dallas. Verified resale tickets start at $44.12. ticketmaster.com.
•Feb. 13 at 9 p.m. at Tannahill’s Tavern and Music Hall in Fort Worth. $35.25-$120.35. ticketmaster.com.
•Feb. 15 at 9 p.m. at House of Blues Dallas. $42-$48.25. ticketmaster.com.
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Attendees dance at one of Club 90s’ “Heated Rivalry”-themed events in Santa Ana, California.
Heather Koepp
HEATED RIVALRY: JOCKSTAR RAVE
DJs Michael Medrano and Gregory Dillon will spin tunes at this all-ages event, which is described as “a night of party boy anthems.”
Feb. 13 at 9 p.m. at The Studio at The Bomb Factory in Deep Ellum. $34.06-$42.04. axs.com.
COTTAGE CHEMISTRY: A HEATED RIVALRY DANCE PARTY
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What the Dance is presenting this high-energy night of dancing to the Heated Rivalry soundtrack, queer pop anthems and nostalgic hits. The 18-and-up event is hitting cities across the U.S.
Feb. 14 at 8:30 p.m. at Tulips in Fort Worth. $26.34-$75.92. eventim.us.
HEATED RIVALRY DANCE PARTY
Costumes and jerseys are encouraged at this 21-and-up event, which will have DJs, live edits, vendors and themed drinks.
March 7 at 9 p.m. at RBC Deep Ellum. $14.15. etix.com.
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