Texas
A New Study Confirms Texas Abortion Ban “Is Responsible” for Rise in Infant Deaths
Texas leaders promised the ban, enacted ten months before Roe was overturned, would “save” newborn lives.
A protester at Trafalgar Square following the abortion ban in Texas, on October 2, 2021, in London, United Kingdom.
(Photo by Hasan Esen / Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)
Before thousands of anti-abortion protesters at the Texas Capitol in 2023, Republican Gov. Greg Abbott brazenly touted his party’s passage of draconian abortion laws as “life-saving.” “We promised we would protect the life of every child with a heartbeat, and we did. I signed a law doing exactly that,” Abbott told the crowd at the annual Texas Rally For Life event. “All of you are life savers, and thousands of newborn babies are the result of your heroic efforts.”
Abbott’s words now ring particularly hollow in light of a new study in the Journal of the American Medical Association Pediatrics that reveals infant deaths in Texas starkly increased following SB 8, which barred care at the first sign of embryonic cardiac activity, typically around six weeks of pregnancy, and carried a private enforcement provision that deterred the vast majority of care in the state. The 2021 law stood as the most restrictive abortion ban at the time.
Researchers with Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health found that infant deaths rose by nearly 13 percent in 2022. Comparatively, these deaths, defined in the study as occurring under 12 months old, increased less than 2 percent in the rest of the United States.
“We found that infant mortality increased pretty substantially in Texas but not in the rest of the country,” Alison Gemmill, assistant professor in the Bloomberg School’s Department of Population, Family and Reproductive Health and one of the study’s lead authors, tells The Nation. “It speaks to how these restrictive laws can have horrific and devastating effects on infant health, pregnant people, and on families overall—unintended or not.”
While many reproductive health studies (including ones that show a link among infant mortality and abortion bans) can only prove a correlation between factors, this one notably claims a direct causation, providing important evidence of the law’s dire impacts. “This study shows that the state policy is responsible for these deaths—there is a very, very strong causal link here,” says Gemmill.
The research is said to be one of the first large-scale studies to highlight the spillover effects of anti-abortion laws in the United States on maternal and infant health. By analyzing monthly death certificate data, researchers were able to isolate and examine outcomes of what would happen with and without the law.
Congenital anomalies—birth defects that can include fatal conditions of the heart, spine, and brain—lead the cause of death among infants, researchers found. These deaths spiked nearly 23 percent in Texas between 2021 and 2022, compared to a decrease of 3.1 percent in the rest of the U.S. during the same period. Glaringly, the Texas abortion law holds no exception for fatal fetal anomaly, which are typically diagnosed later than six weeks.
Those unable to access abortion care were forced to “experience the physical risks of continuing the pregnancy and the emotional and psychological hardships of losing a pregnancy in this way,” Dr. Gracia Sierra, a Texas-based data scientist who focuses on infant mortality and the impact of abortion bans at Resound Research for Reproductive Health (unaffiliated with the study) tells The Nation. “The process can be difficult and painful, and it ultimately takes away their freedom to make their own decisions about their reproductive life.”
In response to the study, Abbott’s office doubled down on its ostensible “pro-life” agenda, despite the findings. It applauded a study from the same Johns Hopkins researchers that found SB 8 may have resulted in nearly 10,000 additional births.“Texas is a pro-life state, and Governor Abbott will always fight for the most vulnerable among us,” Andrew Mahaleris, spokesperson for Abbott, told The Nation. “Texas passed a critical law to save the innocent unborn, and now thousands of children have been given a chance at life.”
While Abbott and anti-abortion advocates continue to laud the measure as life-saving, in reality this means perpetuating forced births—no matter the outcome of that birth.
“It’s never been clearer that the term ‘pro-life’ is a farce,” says Nicolas Kabat, staff attorney at the Center for Reproductive Rights. “Politicians are forcing women to carry doomed pregnancies and give birth to babies who will live only a few painful minutes or hours. This suffering is man-made – it’s being inflicted by Texas lawmakers.”
Women who recently fought the state of Texas in court after being denied abortion care despite severe pregnancy complications are all too familiar with the state’s forced birth policy. Zurawski v. Texas, a legal challenge filed by 22 women, sought to provide much needed clarity to the abortion laws’ vague medical exceptions.
Samantha Casiano, one of nearly a dozen women in the lawsuit who faced a non-viable pregnancy, was forced to watch her baby slowly die. Diagnosed with the lethal condition anencephaly, her child would be born without a skull. The mother of four lacked the resources to travel for abortion care, and had no choice but to carry her fatal pregnancy to term. In court, Casiano tearfully recounted how she watched her baby gasp for air for four hours before ultimately dying. “I told her, I am so sorry I couldn’t release you to heaven sooner. There was no mercy for her,” she said. The trauma will haunt her and her family forever, said Casiano.
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Last month, the all-Republican Texas Supreme Court failed to provide clarity on the laws or grant any relief for those who might suffer the same fate as Casiano, issuing a ruling that confirmed pregnant people cannot have abortions for fetal diagnoses of any kind, even lethal ones. The Center for Reproductive Rights’ Kabat, who represented the plaintiffs in Zurawski, says the recent study is a stark reminder that the state is uninterested in taking responsibility for deaths like the one Casiano and others were forced to painfully endure.
Gemmill says this is the first of many studies to come. Researchers are now working to assess the impact of abortion restrictions on the live births of different races, ethnicities, and socio-economic backgrounds. They’re also examining infant mortality in Texas from 2022 forward and taking a look at those rates across the country.
They predict what they’ve found in Texas foreshadows what is happening in more than a dozen states that have also barred abortion care, since Texas enacted its law ten months before Roe was overturned. At least 13 states similarly carry no exception for fatal fetal anomalies, which impact roughly 120,000 pregnancies a year.
“This will likely be a harbinger of what’s to come for other banned states, since Texas is nearly a year ahead of everyone else,” says Gemmill.
“Unless we get a flood of resources for patients to seek care across state lines, I really don’t see this increase in infant deaths changing. I don’t have any reason to think this wouldn’t persist into the future.”
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Texas
John Cornyn makes campaign stop at Texas-Mexico border
HIDALGO — During a visit to the border Friday, U.S. Sen. John Cornyn said changes in immigration laws should wait until the border is completely secure, a contrast from Republican lawmakers who are willing to explore legal status for immigrant workers to address labor shortages prompted by enforcement efforts at work sites.
Cornyn was part of a group of Republican U.S. senators and Senate hopefuls who flocked to the Rio Grande Valley to praise President Donald Trump’s border policies as they attempt to promote their achievements and shape political narratives ahead of November’s midterm elections.
Aggressive enforcement by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has prompted some unauthorized workers to stay clear of job sites, leading to labor shortages in construction and restaurants. The Valley has been among the areas hardest hit by the worker shortage, prompting a group of local builders to call for solutions to economic struggles in their industry.
U.S. Rep. Monica De La Cruz, an Edinburg Republican, met with the group and expressed support for a visa program for construction workers, akin to the H-2A visa program that allows foreign nationals to work in the agriculture sector.
Cornyn, though, said it was too early to consider such an option.
“The first thing we need to do is secure the border,” Coryn said during a news conference along the border in the city of Hidalgo. “There is no way that the American people, and certainly my constituents in Texas, would allow us to take another stab at reforming our immigration laws until we’ve got the border secure.”
After securing the border, he said, the next step would be to remove people who “never should have been here in the first place.” Only after that had been accomplished, Cornyn said, should lawmakers delve into changing immigration laws.
Much of Trump’s border policy has been set by executive action. The Republican Congress passed $170 billion in funding for immigration and border enforcement through 2029, making ICE the best-funded law enforcement agency in the country and giving the agency unprecedented recruitment, enforcement, deportation and detention powers. But the effort did not codify many of Trump’s changes to border practices.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune, who stood beside Cornyn during Friday’s news conference, said he was open to legislation that would address the need for qualified workers but also said the first priority was to secure the border.
“I think we can work in a constructive way on how we come up with a mechanism whereby people who come to this country legally can contribute and be members of our work force,” said Thune, R-South Dakota.
ICE activity at construction sites has intimidated workers — those unauthorized to live in the U.S. and those with legal authorization — from accepting work, builders say. This labor shortage has prompted construction delays that economists suggest will drive up housing costs.
Absent a change in immigration laws, Cornyn suggested job sectors would benefit from cuts to assistance like the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program and Medicaid, saying it would encourage people to work.
“If you are an able-bodied young adult, you can’t qualify for food stamps, you can’t qualify for welfare benefits like Medicaid and the like, in order to encourage more people to get off the couch,” Cornyn said. “That’s good for them, good for their families, good for their communities.”
For Cornyn, who is locked in an expensive primary race with Attorney General Ken Paxton and U.S. Rep. Wesley Hunt of Houston, the news conference was also an opportunity to tout a major provision from Republicans’ 2025 mega-bill — reimbursement for Operation Lone Star.
Cornyn publicly stated during spring negotiations that his vote in support of the package was contingent on reimbursing Texas for Gov. Greg Abbott’s border security initiative. Ultimately, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, passed in July with support from nearly all Republicans and no Democrats, included $13.5 billion in two funds to reimburse states for border security spending.
Abbott had requested $11.1 billion, and the vast majority of the bill’s money is expected to go to Texas. But six months after the bill’s passage, the Trump administration has yet to allocate funding. State Republicans, led by Cornyn, U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz and U.S. Rep. August Pfluger, sent a December letter asking the departments of Homeland Security and Justice to prioritize Texas in the disbursement.
“That money will now soon be flowing into the coffers of the state of Texas, to the tune of roughly $11 billion, to do justice — which is to reimburse Texas taxpayers for stepping up and filling the gap when the federal government simply refused to do so,” Cornyn said Friday. “That would not have happened without the leadership of the majority leader and the whip and the direction of the president of the United States, to whom I am very grateful.”
The Cornyn campaign and allied groups have spent more than $40 million in advertising, helping to close Paxton’s initial polling lead. Polls have shown no candidate close to the 50% threshold needed to avoid a runoff in the March 3 primary.
Cornyn has the backing of Thune and OneNation, a group aligned with the Senate Republican leader that organized Friday’s border trip after spending millions in pro-Cornyn advertising.
Thune on Friday praised Cornyn, whom he beat out to become majority leader in 2024.
“He has been such an advocate through the years on the issue of border security — foremost expert on it,” Thune said. “Most of us, what we know about the border, we know from him.”
Part of Cornyn’s campaign strategy has been to emphasize his support for Trump in ads and on social media. Thune, Cornyn, other Republican senators and Senate hopeful Michael Whatley, former chair of the Republican National Committee from North Carolina, praised Trump’s border actions, with Cornyn expressing his gratitude for Trump’s leadership in getting the One Big Beautiful Bill passed and for his Border Patrol leadership appointments.
The president’s endorsement — or lack of, thus far — has factored heavily into the state’s Senate primary. It is one of a handful of Republican contests for Senate where Trump has yet to put his thumb on the scale, and the president has said that he likes both Cornyn and Paxton.
Cornyn and Thune have appealed to Trump for his endorsement.
The border trip was also an opportunity for Cornyn’s opponents to press their cases.
Paxton preemptively criticized Cornyn’s visit in a Thursday statement that noted the senator said a border wall “makes no sense” in a February 2017 speech in Weslaco, among other instances of wall skepticism in early 2017. At the time, Cornyn said technology and personnel are more effective than physical barriers in some areas. On Friday, Cornyn praised the border wall and its outfitting with cameras, sensors and other technology.
“His 40-plus year career has been spent fighting for amnesty for illegals, cutting deals with Democrats, trying to stop President Trump, and standing in the way of building the wall,” Paxton said in the statement. “Texans aren’t going to forget how Cornyn’s betrayed our country, and no last minute trip to the border to try and act tough is going to change that.”
Hunt posted an ad on X criticizing Cornyn’s previous apprehension for a border wall.
“Now that Trump’s secured our border, John Cornyn wants to take the credit for the wall he tried to block,” the ad said.
Reporting in the Rio Grande Valley is supported in part by the Methodist Healthcare Ministries of South Texas, Inc.
Disclosure: Methodist Healthcare Ministries of South Texas, Inc. has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
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Texas
SMU secures commitment from Texas A&M transfer TE Theo Melin Öhrström
One of the biggest questions facing Rhett Lashlee and his SMU football program this offseason is how the Mustangs will replenish the tight end position.
Not only did SMU’s tight ends coach leave, but the Mustangs are losing their top four tight ends from the 2025 roster. RJ Maryland, Matthew Hibner and Stone Eby all graduated and redshirt sophomore Adam Moore entered the transfer portal.
SMU began its rebuild of the tight ends room with a commitment from Texas A&M transfer Theo Melin Öhrström.
Melin Öhrström entered the portal on Dec. 26 after four years with the Aggies. The Stockholm, Sweden native appeared in 40 games for Texas A&M, catching 29 balls for 352 yards and three touchdowns. In 2025, the 6-foot-6, 257-pound tight end made four starts and caught 19 passes for 168 yards and a touchdown.
Melin Öhrström redshirted in 2022, so he has one year of eligibility remaining and will have a chance to secure a bigger role during his final collegiate season. He chose the Mustangs over Houston, Kansas State and Auburn
Find more college sports coverage from The Dallas Morning News here.
Find more SMU coverage from The Dallas Morning News here.
Texas
Arizona State transfer RB Raleek Brown commits to Texas
Recruiting a running back out of the NCAA transfer portal wasn’t clean and simple after the winter window opened last week, but the Texas Longhorns were able to land a huge commitment from Arizona State transfer Raleek Brown on Thursday.
The 5’9, 196-pounder has one season of eligibility remaining.
Texas offered Brown out of Mater Dei High School in Santa Ana (Calif.) when he was a top-100 prospect in the 2022 recruiting class. A consensus four-star prospect ranked as the No. 3 running back nationally in the 247Sports Composite rankings, Brown committed to home-state USC without taking any other official visits.
Brown’s career with the Trojans didn’t go as planned, however — after flashing as a freshman with 227 yards on 42 carries (5.4 avg) with three touchdowns and 16 receptions for 175 yards (10.97 avg) and three touchdowns, Brown moved to wide receiver as a sophomore and only appeared in two games, recording three catches for 16 yards and a touchdown.
Wanting to play running back again, Brown transferred to Arizona State in 2024, but was limited by a hamstring injury to 48 yards of total offense.
In 2025, though, Brown finally had his breakout season with 186 carries for 1,141 yards and four touchdowns, adding 34 receptions for 239 yards and two touchdowns. Brown forced 53 missed tackles last season, 67 percent of the total missed tackles forced by Texas running backs, and more than half of his rushing yardage came after contact.
Brown ran a sub 4.5 40-yard dash and sub-11 100-meter dash in high school and flashed that explosiveness with runs of 75 yards and 88 yards in 2025, so Brown brings the speed that the Longhorns need with 31 yards over 10 yards, as well as proven route-running and pass-catching ability.
At Arizona State, the scheme leaned towards gap runs, but Brown has the skill set to be an excellent outsize zone back if Texas head coach Steve Sarksian decides that he wants to major in that scheme once again.
With one running back secured from the portal, the question becomes whether Sarkisian and new running backs coach Jabbar Juluke want to add a big-bodied back to the roster or are comfortable with rising redshirt sophomore Christian Clark and incoming freshman Derrek Cooper handling that role.
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