South-Carolina
Court rules for South Carolina Republicans in dispute over congressional map – SCOTUSblog
OPINION ANALYSIS
on May 23, 2024
at 4:23 pm
The justices ruled in Alexander v. South Carolina State Conference of the NAACP on Thursday. (J Main via Shutterstock)
The Supreme Court on Thursday threw out a ruling by a federal district court holding that a congressional district on the South Carolina coast was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander – that is, it sorted voters based primarily on their race. In an opinion by Justice Samuel Alito, the justices cleared the way for the state to use the map going forward. The 6-3 decision, with the justices divided on ideological lines, means that the disputed district will remain a safe seat for Republicans, who hold a 6-1 advantage in the state’s congressional delegation. More broadly, Thursday’s decision creates a high bar for plaintiffs in future racial gerrymandering cases to meet.
The issue at the center of the case was how courts should distinguish between the roles played in redistricting by race and party affiliation, when there are often close correlations between the two. In South Carolina, for example, exit polls in the 2020 election indicated that at least 90% of Black voters supported Democrat Joe Biden.
A lower court in March ordered the map to be used for the 2024 elections, after the Supreme Court failed to rule in the case by a proposed Jan. 1 deadline.
In his opinion for the majority, Alito rejected the lower court’s conclusion that the state’s Republican-controlled legislature had improperly relied too heavily on race in drawing the challenged district. “[I]nferring bad faith based on the racial effects of a political gerrymander in a jurisdiction in which race and partisan preference are very closely correlated” would, Alito suggested, allow litigants and courts to circumvent the Supreme Court’s 2019 decision in Rucho v. Common Cause, holding that federal courts should not consider claims of partisan gerrymandering. Specifically, Alito posited, litigants could simply “repackage” their claims that legislatures relied too heavily on partisanship as contentions that the legislatures relied too much on race.
Joined by Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Ketanji Brown Jackson, Justice Elena Kagan dissented from the court’s decision. Kagan took a very different view of the effects of Thursday’s decision, writing that it told legislators who wanted to rely on race – either “as a proxy to achieve partisan ends” or to “straight-up suppress the electoral influence of minority voters” – to “[g]o right ahead.” Legislators and mapmakers, she complained, can evade scrutiny by explaining that they relied on factors other than race.
The case began in 2021, when the legislature drew the district at the center of the dispute, known as District 1. The South Carolina chapter of the NAACP and Taiwan Scott, a Black voter who lives in the district, went to federal court to challenge the district as the product of racial gerrymandering. The new map moved nearly two-thirds of the Black voters in Charleston County out of District 1, they noted, which is currently represented by Republican Nancy Mace, into District 6, represented by Democrat Jim Clyburn. The map also moved Republican areas in nearby Beaufort, Berkeley, and Dorchester Counties into District 1 from District 6.
Defending the plan, the state argued that the legislature’s goal in enacting the map was to ensure that the district remained a safe seat for Republicans: Although the district had historically elected Republicans since 1980, in 2018 a Democrat, Joe Cunningham, won in an upset. Mace defeated him in 2020 by less than 1%.
In Jan. 2023, a three-judge federal district court – which hears challenges to the constitutionality of a congressional map – agreed with the challengers that District 1 violated the Constitution because it was the product of racial gerrymandering. The court ordered the state to draw a new map, although that order had been on hold awaiting the Supreme Court’s decision.
In a 34-page opinion, Alito stressed the high bar that plaintiffs bringing a racial gerrymandering case must meet, observing that the court had “repeatedly emphasized that federal courts must ‘exercise extraordinary caution in adjudicating claims that a State has drawn district lines on the basis of race.” “Such caution,” he explained, “is necessary because “[f]ederal-court review of districting legislation represents a serious intrusion on the most vital of local functions.”
Thus, Alito continued, plaintiffs in racial gerrymandering cases must first “disentangle race and politics” – that is, to show that race was the primary factor behind the legislature’s decision to move voters into or out of a district. They can do so using direct evidence, Alito wrote, or circumstantial evidence, although relying solely on circumstantial evidence makes their task “much more difficult.” This is particularly true, Alito added, when the state counters that the moves were made for partisan reasons, rather than on the basis of race.
And nearly a quarter-century ago, Alito noted, the Supreme Court suggested that one way for plaintiffs to clear the “high bar” for racial gerrymandering cases would be to submit their own map, showing that a legislature could have drawn a different map that achieved the state’s political goals but without relying so heavily on race. If plaintiffs cannot provide such a map, Alito emphasized, “it is difficult for plaintiffs to defeat our starting presumption that the legislature acted in good faith.” Such a presumption, Alito wrote, “reflects the Federal Judiciary’s due respect for the judgment of state legislators” and avoids the declaration “that the legislature engaged in ‘offensive and demeaning conduct’” that would flow from a finding that “race drove a legislature’s districting decisions.”
Applying this standard to the case before him, Alito observed that the plaintiffs needed to show that the legislature put race before other traditional redistricting principles when drawing District 1. The lower court’s conclusion that they had met this “demanding” standard, he wrote, was “clearly” wrong: “They provided no direct evidence of a racial gerrymander, and their circumstantial evidence is very weak,” relying on “deeply flawed expert reports.” Moreover, he added, the plaintiffs’ experts did not provide a map that achieved the legislature’s goal of making the seat a safer one for Republicans while putting more Black voters in the district.
The court sent the case back for the lower court to take another look at the plaintiffs’ claim that the 2021 map also diluted the votes of Black voters – an issue on which the plaintiffs had also prevailed below.
In her 34-page dissent, Kagan characterized the majority opinion as “seriously wrong.” She first lamented that the majority should have been more deferential to the lower court’s findings about the facts of the case and the legislators’ motives. The Supreme Court, she said, is required to give such findings “significant deference” as long as they are “plausible.” But although the plaintiffs “introduced more than enough evidence of racial gerrymandering to support the District Court’s judgment,” she wrote, the majority substitutes its own judgment for that of the lower court, even on questions like the credibility of witnesses that are the quintessential purview of trial judges.
But to “justify its ruling on the facts,” Kagan continues, the majority must “rework[] the law” in two different ways that will make it harder for plaintiffs to prevail in future racial gerrymandering cases as well. First, Kagan challenged the majority’s reliance on a presumption that the legislature has acted in good faith. The majority’s “approach,” Kagan wrote, “conflicts with this Court’s precedent.” Although the presumption “tells a court not to assume a districting plan is flawed or to limit the State’s opportunities to defend it,” and “reminds a court that it is a serious matter to find a State in breach of the Constitution,” there is nothing in the Supreme Court’s decisions holding that “a trial court must resolve every plausibly disputed factual issue for the State.”
Second, Kagan accused the majority of “invent[ing] a new rule of evidence” – the submission of an alternative map – “to burden plaintiffs in racial-gerrymandering cases.” “Such micromanagement of a plaintiff’s case is elsewhere unheard of in constitutional litigation,” Kagan wrote.
But, Kagan concluded, “[p]erhaps most dispiriting is what lies behind the Court’s new approach — its special rules to specially disadvantage suits to remedy race-based redistricting.” In her view, instead of “throw[ing] up novel roadblocks enabling South Carolina to continue dividing citizens along racial lines,” the Supreme Court should instead have upheld the “more than plausible” conclusion of the lower court that District 1 was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander and should be redrawn.
Justice Clarence Thomas filed an opinion concurring in part with the majority. He contended that Alito’s “searching review” of the expert reports went beyond the kind of scrutiny normally used for factual findings by lower courts. But it ultimately didn’t matter, Thomas continued, because the lower court made legal errors – for example, failing to look at evidence regarding the correlation between race and politics “with the necessary presumption of legislative good faith” and failing to take into account the lack of an alternative map by the plaintiffs – that warranted reversal. But he wrote separately – in a 29-page opinion – to set out his view that federal courts should not have the power to weigh in on racial gerrymandering and vote dilution claims.
Both the challengers and the state had asked the Supreme Court to issue its decision by Jan. 1, 2024. When the court had not yet acted by mid-March, the Republican legislators returned to the court, seeking to be allowed to use the 2021 map for the 2024 elections even though the lower court had ruled that District 1 was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander.
Before the Supreme Court could act on the legislators’ request, however, the three-judge district court issued an order leaving the 2021 map in place for the 2024 elections. In an order on March 28, the district court concluded that, “with the primary election procedures rapidly approaching, the appeal before the Supreme Court still pending, and no remedial plan in place, the ideal must bend to the practical.”
This article was originally published at Howe on the Court.
South-Carolina
SC legislature considers legal sports betting – again
Will Jordan was introduced to sports betting through his coworkers during his sophomore year at the University of South Carolina.
Jordan, a senior, still makes bets today, including a losing wager on this year’s Superbowl. But his outlook on the practice changed after he saw the impact on his friends and others his age, he said. Jordan tends to keep his betting to simply the outcome of a game. But he sees his friends getting more and more into obscure proposition bets. Those are wagers on smaller, individual events or statistics connected to a game, including individual players’ performances.
The amount of advertising for gambling and the expansion of less-regulated alternatives disturb Jordan, he said.
“I’ve just really gotten turned off and a little bit frightened for the future on these sportsbooks,” Jordan said. “When I first got introduced to it, it was obviously a lot more novel for me. But now it’s starting to get a little concerning.”
Jordan uses traditional betting apps such as BetMGM and Bet365 in his home state of Virginia, where betting on a game is legal. In South Carolina he uses Fliff, the first app he was introduced to. Fliff uses an in-app currency, so players are betting with house money, and thus falls under sweepstakes regulations instead of gambling laws.
But legal sports betting and a casino may be in South Carolina’s future if state legislators pass two bills in the Statehouse. Casinos and sportsbooks came up in the 2025 legislative session but failed to make it into law.
Supporters say legalization will bring economic benefits and make gambling safer, but opponents point to the dangers of gambling addiction.
If South Carolina approves sports betting, it would join a growing number of states that allow online sportsbooks.
The impact of gambling
Only one state had a legal sportsbook in 2017, according to a study from researchers at the University of California at San Diego.
Seven years later, that number rose to 38.
USC Professor Stephen Shapiro broke sports bettors into a few categories, including fanatics, moderates and casuals, for research he has done on the industry. More casual gamblers tend to be older, while younger gamblers increasingly fall into the fanatic group, he said.
Shapiro began his studies around the time of the 2018 U.S. Supreme Court decision that opened the door for wide legalization of sports gambling.
Shapiro’s work doesn’t focus on gambling addiction, but he takes it into account. Online sports betting has a higher risk for problem gambling as result of its greater accessibility and the ability to place in-game bets. Traditionally, a gambler would bet on which team wins. But now bettors can gamble on what actions certain players make or the exact score at the end of a quarter.
“The fact that you can do almost an infinite amount of bets within a game just sets up a landscape for problem betting,” Shapiro said.
The betting market is new and unsaturated, leading companies to spend billions on marketing. Ads pop up everywhere – on phones, computers and televisions. Each time a state legalizes betting, a new market appears. And where sports wagering is already legal, there are millions of sports fans who could be potential gamblers, Shapiro said.
Counselor Laura Nicklin treats patients with gambling disorders at LRADAC, a Columbia nonprofit agency that runs a treatment center for substance abuse and other addictions.
There are various criteria used to define gambling addiction, Nicklin said. They include whether someone’s gambling causes them distress or interferes with their employment or relationships.
The legality of any potentially addictive activity has an effect on the risk of addiction, Nicklin said.
“When something’s legal, people are more likely to engage in it … whether that’s substances or gambling,” Nicklin said. “When you’re more likely to engage, you’re more likely to become addicted to it.”
The accessibility of gambling on the phone presents another problem. It can be used to pass the time just like other addictive activities such as social media use, Nicklin said.
“It can be something you do just to numb out when you’re feeling stressed,” Nicklin said. “Pull out your phone, numb out doing any of those activities, including gambling on an app.”
Access to apps and digital programs can usually be blocked, and accounts can be deleted. But that access can just as easily be restored.
Nicklin and other counselors work with patients to develop coping skills to combat these challenges.
Inability to cope with past issues is a common lead-up to addictive disorders, Nicklin said.
“Almost everybody I see coming in with some sort of addiction has some old wounds, like trauma wounds, grief, unmet needs that they’ve been unable to address,” Nicklin said.
Unlike substance abusers, gamblers are not directly ingesting chemicals that affect the brain’s chemistry. But the dopamine rush brought on by betting can act in a similar fashion and fulfill the same role in addressing unmet needs.
Getting to the bottom of those past experiences is one of the first steps in treatment.
What counts as gambling?
Another area Shapiro wants to explore are prediction markets.
Users can put money down on the outcome of future events with these services, but they are regulated as financial instruments such as stocks instead of betting services.
Kalshi and Polymarket are two major players in this field, but financial apps like Robinhood and Webull have also expanded into these services.
“It acts very much like gambling,” Shapiro said.
Using Robinhood, a South Carolina resident can buy a contract on whether a Gamecock team wins its next basketball game. Sports betting is illegal in South Carolina, but the legal status of prediction markets allows this bet to be made.
Kalshi and Polymarket “are the two biggest culprits right now for people my age in regards to sports betting,” Jordan said.
An ongoing lawsuit might change that.
South Carolina Gambling Recovery LLC filed the lawsuit against Kalshi, Robinhood, Webull and the international trading and technology firm Susquehanna last year. The LLC, which incorporated in Delaware, asserts that these markets violate South Carolina’s existing gambling regulations.
The legal challenge was filed in Oconee County, South Carolina, before the federal court system took it up.
Shapiro wonders why consumers would choose between traditional sports betting and prediction markets in states where the former is legal. He also wants to research how the prediction markets influence how sports fans consume games.
Traditional casinos and sportsbooks are split on this new formula.
Some lobby against the practice. Others, such as FanDuel, are starting their own prediction markets to offer alongside existing betting mechanisms.
The industry addresses the state
Representatives from Caesars Entertainment, FanDuel and PrizePicks advocated for legal sportsbetting in front of a Senate subcommittee last month.
Legal sportsbooks would provide a regulated, taxable avenue for an activity many South Carolinians already take part in by going across state lines or using illegal services, they said.
FanDuel has “cutting-edge, responsible gaming tools, ” said Louis Trombetta, director of government relations for the sportsbook and former executive director for Florida’s gaming commission.
The programs track user activity and can slow things down if odd behavior emerges, he said. If a gambler usually places small bets and suddenly makes a $1,000 wager, the system flags it for the company to check in on.
Gambling companies want to make money, but unhealthy habits among customers can be a problem for bookmakers in the long term, he said.
“We want our customers to be enjoying our product without becoming problem gamblers,” Trombetta said. “That is the goal.”
Opponents to legalization showed up as well. President Steve Pettit of the conservative Palmetto Family Alliance told the committee that betting systems rely on those who struggle with gambling, particularly young men.
“Recreational gambling is like a campfire,” Pettit said. “Problem gambling is when the fire escapes the ring or the pit. And pathological gambling is like a wildfire. Legalized, phone-based betting does not contain the fire. It places an ignition in every pocket.”
The Palmetto Family Alliance has made this argument before. The organization began as the Legacy Alliance Foundation, which formed to fight video poker decades ago.
South-Carolina
South Carolina Lottery Powerball, Pick 3 results for March 4, 2026
Powerball, Mega Millions jackpots: What to know in case you win
Here’s what to know in case you win the Powerball or Mega Millions jackpot.
Just the FAQs, USA TODAY
The South Carolina Education Lottery offers several draw games for those aiming to win big.
Here’s a look at March 4, 2026, results for each game:
Winning Powerball numbers from March 4 drawing
07-14-42-47-56, Powerball: 06, Power Play: 4
Check Powerball payouts and previous drawings here.
Winning Pick 3 Plus FIREBALL numbers from March 4 drawing
Midday: 4-6-9, FB: 3
Evening: 1-2-4, FB: 3
Check Pick 3 Plus FIREBALL payouts and previous drawings here.
Winning Pick 4 Plus FIREBALL numbers from March 4 drawing
Midday: 1-3-2-3, FB: 3
Evening: 4-6-4-8, FB: 3
Check Pick 4 Plus FIREBALL payouts and previous drawings here.
Winning Cash Pop numbers from March 4 drawing
Midday: 09
Evening: 12
Check Cash Pop payouts and previous drawings here.
Winning Palmetto Cash 5 numbers from March 4 drawing
03-29-30-35-38
Check Palmetto Cash 5 payouts and previous drawings here.
Winning Powerball Double Play numbers from March 4 drawing
05-10-26-53-59, Powerball: 06
Check Powerball Double Play payouts and previous drawings here.
Feeling lucky? Explore the latest lottery news & results
Are you a winner? Here’s how to claim your lottery prize
The South Carolina Education Lottery provides multiple ways to claim prizes, depending on the amount won:
For prizes up to $500, you can redeem your winnings directly at any authorized South Carolina Education Lottery retailer. Simply present your signed winning ticket at the retailer for an immediate payout.
Winnings $501 to $100,000, may be redeemed by mailing your signed winning ticket along with a completed claim form and a copy of a government-issued photo ID to the South Carolina Education Lottery Claims Center. For security, keep copies of your documents and use registered mail to ensure the safe arrival of your ticket.
SC Education Lottery
P.O. Box 11039
Columbia, SC 29211-1039
For large winnings above $100,000, claims must be made in person at the South Carolina Education Lottery Headquarters in Columbia. To claim, bring your signed winning ticket, a completed claim form, a government-issued photo ID, and your Social Security card for identity verification. Winners of large prizes may also set up an Electronic Funds Transfer (EFT) for convenient direct deposit of winnings.
Columbia Claims Center
1303 Assembly Street
Columbia, SC 29201
Claim Deadline: All prizes must be claimed within 180 days of the draw date for draw games.
For more details and to access the claim form, visit the South Carolina Lottery claim page.
When are the South Carolina Lottery drawings held?
- Powerball: 10:59 p.m. ET on Monday, Wednesday, and Saturday.
- Mega Millions: 11 p.m. ET on Tuesday and Friday.
- Pick 3: Daily at 12:59 p.m. (Midday) and 6:59 p.m. (Evening).
- Pick 4: Daily at 12:59 p.m. (Midday) and 6:59 p.m. (Evening).
- Cash Pop: Daily at 12:59 p.m. (Midday) and 6:59 p.m. (Evening).
- Palmetto Cash 5: 6:59 p.m. ET daily.
This results page was generated automatically using information from TinBu and a template written and reviewed by a South Carolina editor. You can send feedback using this form.
South-Carolina
House ethics committee investigating SC Republican for alleged overbilling
HUNT VALLEY, Md. (TNND) — The House ethics committee announced Monday it is investigating Representative Nancy Mace, the South Carolina Republican, for potentially improper reimbursement.
Mace may have sought and received reimbursements for Washington property expenses that were greater than the costs she actually incurred. The congresswoman has taken issue with the reliability of the committee’s evidence, however.
The committee began its investigation following a December referral from the House Office of Congressional Conduct (OCC), an independent body that reviews allegations of misconduct. The OCC recommended that the committee investigate Mace’s reimbursement activity since there is “substantial” reason to believe she acted unethically – potentially in violation of House rules, standards of conduct and federal law.
Bills and statements from early 2023 to mid-2024 show that Mace overbilled the House for over $9,000 during that period, the OCC said. She allegedly requested the maximum reimbursement each month, at times receiving over a thousand dollars more than what she was entitled to, although the details of her finances are murky. Mace owned the property with her fiancé, who may have helped pay for it, according to the OCC.
“Based on the information available to the OCC, it appears Rep. Mace was reimbursed amounts exceeding the actual costs incurred for the DC Property during several months in 2023 and 2024,” the office said in its report.
“Further, if Rep. Mace did not pay for 100% of expenses related to the DC property – a determination the OCC could neither reach nor reject due to the Congresswoman’s lack of cooperation – this would increase the disparity between the amounts Rep. Mace was reimbursed and her actual expenses incurred.”
Mace’s lawyer, William Sullivan, Jr., wrote in response to the report in December that the OCC’s conclusions were “fundamentally flawed.” The report appeared to include unverified assertions and materials from the congresswoman’s former fiancé, who has a history of abusive and retaliatory behavior toward her, Sullivan said. The couple’s relationship ended in late 2023 to protect Mace’s “safety and wellbeing,” he noted.
“The Referral Report’s reliance on material and information originating from [the former fiancé] is therefore deeply problematic,” Sullivan wrote. “[The fiancé’s] personal motives, documented misuse of legal process, and demonstrated willingness to advance distorted or incomplete narratives about the Congresswoman raise substantial concerns about the accuracy and fairness of any claims premised upon or aligned with his accounts.”
The ethics committee is in the initial stage of its investigation and is gathering more information before advancing.
Have questions, concerns or tips? Send them to Ray at rjlewis@sbgtv.com.
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