North Carolina
The question of master’s pay for North Carolina teachers
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When Diana Chapman was applying to UNC-Chapel Hill’s Master of Arts in Teaching (MAT) program earlier this year, she knew she eventually wanted to teach in the Wake County Public School System — or leave North Carolina entirely.
The convenience of being close to her family in Raleigh was one factor, but a more important one was pay. Last year, Wake County Schools re-implemented a master’s pay program for teachers in the district: a 10% pay bump for teachers with a master’s degree.
This pay raise was an initiative funded statewide in North Carolina until 2013. Teachers who already had a master’s degree retained their raises, as did any teachers who had already started a master’s program in education or a related field before August 1, 2013 — but anyone who began their program after that date did not receive the higher pay.
The program was discontinued at the state level that year because of studies demonstrating that teachers with master’s degrees aren’t more effective at raising student test scores than teachers without them.
But to future teachers like Chapman, test scores aren’t the only way she sees herself measuring student success — and her own skills in the classroom — after she graduates with her MAT.
“I think there’s a lot more merit to be said about getting a master’s degree than teacher effectiveness via student test scores in the classroom,” Chapman said.
Education funding in North Carolina
Last March, Wake County’s school board voted to reinstate the 10% pay bump for teachers with master’s degrees using local recurring funds.
Elena Ashburn, the central area superintendent at Wake County Schools, didn’t work directly on the proposal, but fully supports it. She said master’s pay compensates qualified teachers for an increased level of professionalism they bring to the classroom.
“We have a lot of staff who have committed to this work that have their master’s degree — that are, quite frankly, going to do this work, even if they didn’t get this 10% raise,” Ashburn said. “So on the one hand, it rewards, it helps retain, it helps professionalize the people that we already have that are doing such incredible work in our schools.”
The other reason for the salary bump was to help recruit new teachers, Ashburn said.
For teachers in Wake County already grandfathered into the program, there weren’t any salary changes. But with the pay bump, a new teacher with a master’s degree would be making almost $400 a month more, according to North Carolina’s 2023-2024 State Salary Schedules.
In North Carolina, public school teachers are paid a base salary from the state dependent on years of experience. In the 2023-2024 school year, a first-year teacher earned $39,000 annually, while a teacher with 15 years of classroom experience earned $52,060 as their base pay.
That number can increase based on bonuses for classroom achievement and local supplements that range widely between districts. The average supplement is just over $5,000, but some counties don’t have a local supplement at all.
Before reintroducing the master’s pay program, Wake County’s average teacher supplement was $8,670 — the second-highest in the state in 2021-22, according to a BEST NC report on teacher pay.
Because these extra funds come from local dollars, lower-wealth counties typically aren’t able to offer as high of a supplement. The state legislature created the Teacher Supplement Assistance allotment in 2021 to try to address this problem.
If other districts wanted to re-implement a master’s pay program, they wouldn’t necessarily have the money to, unless the funds came from the state.
“Our rural counties can’t do that kind of supplemental pay program that our urban counties are doing,” said Susan Book, one of the co-founders of Save Our Schools NC. “And so we see great inequities in teacher pay across the state, which I find concerning.”
Paths to teaching with a master’s
The master’s degree in history Katie Bollinger received from American Military University in 2010 meant she was eligible for North Carolina’s master’s pay program when she started teaching middle school in Wake County in 2011.
She taught primarily social studies and science classes, and also a few in language arts, during her 12 years in Wake County. But because her degree was in history — and not a master’s in education or a master’s in teaching — she was more constrained in how that pay was applied.
“I actually had to teach my subject matter to get that pay,” Bollinger, who now teaches in Onslow County Schools, said. “Because if I were to teach anything less than 50% social studies, I would not get that master’s pay.”
Master’s pay programs offering raises to teachers with advanced degrees are popular throughout the rest of the country — North Carolina was the first state to eliminate the program in 2013. About 90% of the largest districts in the country have some kind of incentive for teachers with master’s degrees, according to the National Council on Teacher Quality’s Teacher Contract Database.
Critics of master’s pay programs claim that master’s pay only incentivizes getting a degree, not being a better teacher.
When the statewide program was in place, the master’s degree received had to be content-specific to a teacher’s subject area — like Bollinger’s — or in education.
That meant a teacher could get an advanced degree in School Administration, for example, for the sake of the master’s pay bump, but then go straight back to the classroom — where the skills they built during the graduate degree weren’t necessarily being applied to make them more effective educators.
In other cases, a master’s degree is how a future teacher gets their teaching license after an undergraduate degree in another subject — like Chapman, the future MAT student, who will graduate from UNC-CH in May with a degree in English and a minor in education.
UNC-CH does not have an undergraduate education major where students graduate with a teaching license. For UNC-CH students, a master’s degree — or an external program like Teach for America — is a natural next step toward a career in teaching.
While Chapman has both content-specific and teaching knowledge from her minor going into the MAT, Frank Forcino — the director of the science education program at Western Carolina University — said that’s not always the case.
“Folks that are trying to get in [Western’s] MAT program don’t have that content knowledge as often as they used to,” Forcino said. “And that is typically not as good for the students because in order to, you know, explain content, teach content, you really do need to have a deep understanding of it.”
Students who come into the MAT from other disciplines or careers don’t always have the opportunity to develop a pedagogical background — and because so much of the MAT structure is in the classroom, it can feel like they’re just being thrown in the deep end, Forcino said.
“They are learning how to be a teacher by being a teacher,” Forcino said. “They don’t have any training when they start and they’re getting this training as they go, while they’re being overwhelmed with being a first-time teacher.”
He said it’s hard to generalize which route leads to “better” teachers because there are so many factors affecting teacher effectiveness and student success in the classroom.
Forcino, though, almost always recommends a four-year education degree over just a MAT to the students he advises at Western. Even if it takes an extra semester of a student’s undergraduate career, there is much more time for a future teacher to develop both content-specific knowledge and learn teaching methods, he said.
But that’s the route that wouldn’t get a teacher a pay bump with a master’s pay system in place.
Read more about teacher pay
Beyond master’s pay
Since accepting admission to UNC-CH’s MAT program, Chapman has changed her mind about Wake County Schools. As someone who eventually wants to teach future teachers in a higher education setting, she thinks the experience of teaching in different districts in North Carolina will be valuable for her future career.
And the scholarships she’s gotten from UNC-CH mean she now knows she won’t have to worry about student loans going into her teaching career.
“But I think that for a while, I was definitely looking around, like, ‘Where can I live comfortably, and not have to eat ramen every day?’” Chapman said.
Bollinger now teaches at a middle school in Onslow County. She makes less there than she did during her years in the Wake County Public School System, but the rapidly rising cost of living in the Triangle area was too much for her to sustain on a teacher’s salary, she said.
The base pay for a new teacher will increase to $41,000 for 2024-2025 school year, due to raises approved in the North Carolina General Assembly’s most recent budget.
But, according to Forbes, the average two-year master’s program in the United States costs almost $40,000. UNC-CH’s MAT costs roughly $13,000 in tuition for the yearlong program, with Duke University’s MAT running closer to $50,000 — more than the starting teacher base salary.
Tara Wojciechowski, a chemistry teacher at Wake County High School, has reached the top of the North Carolina teacher pay scale — which caps at 25 years — with her 27 years in Wake County classrooms. Even so, for her, it’s never been about the dollar figure she brings home.
“It’s not about the pay, necessarily — I mean, if you have a partner that makes a decent amount of money, anyway,” Wojciechowski said. “I feel bad for all the single teachers out there.”
Wojciechowski said she has never felt the need to get her master’s degree — partially because of her financial situation, but also because she has her National Board Certification — which comes with a 12% pay bump paid out at the state level.
To be National Board-certified, teachers who have been in the classroom for at least three years to “demonstrate standards-based evidence of the positive effect they have on student learning,” according to the National Board website.
Research has demonstrated National Board certification is correlated with student achievement, but high-poverty districts have a much lower percentage of certified teachers.
According to a 2023 BEST NC report on teacher pay, just 5% of teachers at the highest-poverty schools are National Board-certified, compared with nearly triple that in the most well-off districts — presumably, at least in part, because of temptingly higher salaries in those districts.
Forcino said in his eight years teaching at Western, there have been only a few students who have stayed in the area to teach after graduating. Most of them, he said, have headed back to where they’re from, or to Raleigh and Charlotte for those more competitive salaries. Others have left to go to Georgia, South Carolina or even further away.
Keeping salaries competitive, by whatever means, is essential for ensuring there are qualified teachers in North Carolina classrooms, he said, but there’s more to it. Forcino said if parents and administrators are making teachers’ lives more difficult, that hardly incentivizes them to remain in a classroom, much less advance their professionalism with a degree.
“We need to pay teachers more — that’s the definitive fact. We need to pay them a competitive salary,” Forcino said. “But aside from that, the other key factor that goes into ensuring teachers stay in the field is giving them support, making them feel valued in their career.”
North Carolina
‘Bonsai in the Blue Ridge’ exhibit brings dozens of displays to North Carolina Arboretum
ASHEVILLE, N.C. (WLOS) — The North Carolina Arboretum will host a bonanza of bonsai this week with “Bonsai in the Blue Ridge,” a limited-time exhibition of more than 50 living sculptures as part of the American Bonsai Society’s Learning Seminar 2026.
Between June 4-7, arboretum visitors can explore the exhibits for a $5 admission fee, along with the arboretum’s regular parking fee. A press release from the arboretum said there will also be opportunities to register for seminars, workshops and tours led by bonsai artists for an additional cost.
GROWING YOUR GARDEN? PLENTY OF PLANTS FOR PURCHASE AT THE ARBORETUM’S SPRING SALE
“The American Bonsai Society brings together people who share a passion for bonsai. Through world-class publications and events such as the Learning Seminars, ABS promotes and educates, sharing techniques that showcase North American artistic expression and encouraging the use of plant species that grow well in the United States, Canada, and Mexico,” ABS Convention Chair Scott Barboza said in a written statement.
FILE IMAGE of a bonsai plant that is part of the North Carolina Arboretum’s Bonsai Exhibition Garden. (Photo: North Carolina Arboretum)
Bonsai is the ancient art of shaping trees over time to create miniature living sculptures. The North Carolina Arboretum is no stranger to the art, having established the Bonsai Exhibition Garden in 2005, which showcases up to 50 specimens of traditional Asian bonsai subjects, tropical plants, American species and plants native to the Blue Ridge region.
IKEBANA INTERNATIONAL ASHEVILLE STAGES FLORAL DESIGN EXHIBITION AT NC ARBORETUM
“Bonsai in the Blue Ridge” takes place 5 to 7 p.m. Thursday, June 4, 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. Friday and Saturday, June 5 and 6, and 9 a.m. to noon Sunday, June 7.
BE THE FIRST TO COMMENT
See a full schedule of events for this week’s seminar at americanbonsaisociety.org.
North Carolina
Greenville Police Department Join Effort Promoting Safe Firearm Storage
The Greenville Police Department joined community leaders in Pitt County this week to promote safe firearm storage as part of North Carolina’s annual NC S.A.F.E. Week of Action, the Greenville Police Department said.
In a statement, the Greenville Police Department thanked NC S.A.F.E. and the North Carolina Department of Public Safety for the opportunity to help educate residents about responsible firearm storage practices.
We want to thank NC S.A.F.E. and the North Carolina Department of Public Safety for allowing us to help relay to the community the importance of safely securing firearms so that we can avoid tragedies in the future!
The local event follows Gov. Josh Stein’s proclamation recognizing June 1-7 as NC S.A.F.E. Week of Action.
According to Gov. Stein’s office, the campaign aims to encourage gun owners to securely store firearms and make safety resources more widely available across North Carolina.
An unlocked gun is a tragedy waiting to happen, and too often, it does,” said Governor Josh Stein. “NC S.A.F.E Week is a reminder to all of us about the measures we can all take to keep ourselves and the people we love safe.
Safe firearm storage is one of the simplest steps we can take to prevent tragedies before they happen,” said North Carolina Department of Public Safety Deputy Secretary William Lassiter Lassiter. “NC S.A.F.E. is increasing awareness around secure firearm storage and making safety resources more accessible to help reduce preventable injuries and build safer communities throughout our state.
North Carolina
The Real Reason North Carolina’s GOP Is Proposing the Most Radical Anti-Abortion Bill Yet
Another anti-abortion abolitionist proposal has been in the news. This time, conservative lawmakers in North Carolina have asked voters to approve a state constitutional amendment recognizing the personhood of embryos and establishing that anyone who ends an embryonic life is guilty of first-degree murder. Those penalties might also apply to people pursuing in vitro fertilization or using some contraceptives, given that abortion foes sometimes view either as requiring the taking of unborn life. And that’s the most ordinary part of the proposal: The bill also provides that private individuals have a right to use deadly force to prevent “the willful destruction of life.” House Bill 1232 isn’t clear about exactly who could exercise this constitutional right to vigilante violence. Would it just be available to those seeking to kill abortion providers and patients? Or might it apply even more broadly to those seen to aid them?
The bill has been greeted with bafflement and disbelief. One of its co-sponsors was embarrassed enough to remove his name from the proposal. But the idea of licensing private violence did not come out of thin air. There have been decades of debate about the use of force within the anti-abortion movement. And as conservatives embrace an increasingly punitive agenda, old justifications for violence have reemerged.
Since the 1960s, abortion foes have rallied around the idea that constitutional rights begin the moment an egg is fertilized. That meant that liberal abortion laws would violate the federal Constitution. Because that claim didn’t gain traction in the federal courts, abortion opponents didn’t have to settle what it would mean in practice to enforce this idea of personhood. Did it require that abortion be punished as murder, or that women be punished? Might it instead require more support for women during pregnancy?
By the 1980s, as the anti-abortion movement aligned with the Republican Party, the movement’s leaders increasingly retooled their ideas of justice for the unborn to fit the GOP’s tough-on-crime agenda. They endorsed fetal homicide laws and backed prosecutions based on conduct during pregnancy. But these moves didn’t lead to the reversal of Roe, much less a decline in the abortion rate.
Frustration led to a wave of lawbreaking. Operation Rescue, a clinic blockade group, invited supporters to use civil disobedience and break the law if necessary to stop people from entering abortion clinics. Operation Rescue disrupted the Democratic National Convention in 1992 and recorded thousands of arrests. Blockaders even developed a legal argument to justify their actions, drawing on the common law defense of necessity, which allows someone to break a law to achieve a greater moral good.
Some advocates went further. If abortion really were the murder of an equal person, they asked, why wasn’t it justified to use deadly force to protect that equal person?
Prominent figures in the late 1980s and early 1990s elaborated on that argument in books and talk-show appearances. The claim justified kidnappings, firebombings, and a series of murders of doctors, clinic staff, and security. Powerful anti-abortion groups denounced the violence, but the question of deadly force struck others as surprisingly complex. If a fertilized egg was an equal person, and if the way to protect that person involved violence, why was deadly force off limits?
While violence against abortion clinics and providers never went away, it receded from the peak of the 1980s and early 1990s. The federal Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act, which heightened penalties for threats, violence, and obstruction of people entering facilities, radically undercut the clinic blockade movement when Congress passed it in 1994. So did the conviction of high-profile murder defendants like Michael Griffin and Paul Hill. The clinic blockade movement was consumed by internal divides, with multiple organizations even claiming the name Operation Rescue. Anti-abortion leaders mostly focused on change through the courts and politics.
Now that Roe is gone, the movement is at an inflection point. Personhood has become the movement’s new North Star. And while success in the federal courts isn’t imminent, there is now no reason a state couldn’t enforce any vision of personhood. That means that conservatives have to decide what they mean by enforcing the rights of the unborn. This bill is a sign that even punishing women doesn’t strike some as harsh enough.
This bill won’t pass. For starters, North Carolina is not the most likely state to pass any abortion abolitionist bill; at the moment, it doesn’t even ban abortion from the moment of fertilization. And no state has yet passed any kind of abolitionist proposal, much less one allowing people to gun one another down in the name of protecting life.
But this bill has a different resonance now that Donald Trump has pledged not to enforce the FACE Act in the abortion context except in the most extreme circumstances. It is also a reminder of how the Overton window on personhood is shifting. Abolitionists who call for the punishment of women are gaining influence in state legislatures and movement debates. They have developed their own incremental approach: In South Carolina, for example, Richard Cash, a powerful lawmaker, tried this session to advance a bill punishing women for abortion, but only for a misdemeanor, rather than a felony. The bill became the second abolitionist proposal to pass through a committee this spring before time ran out to pass it this session.
Leading anti-abortion groups still speak out against abolitionists, but their strategy is clear: normalizing the idea of punishing women. The more extreme proposals conservatives advance, the more previously unthinkable ideas become politically realistic.
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