North Carolina
North Carolina Senate passes reactionary anti-masking bill
The passage of the North Carolina House Bill 237, also known as the “Unmasking Mobs and Criminals” Bill, in the state Senate on Wednesday brings the state one step closer to making it illegal to wear face masks in public, regardless of the threat posed by the COVID pandemic.
The legislation was voted on by a margin of 30 to 15 along party lines, with five abstentions. Revisions to the bill will mean the state House will vote on it again. But even if North Carolina Democratic Governor Roy Cooper vetoes the law, the Republican-majority state legislature will have sufficient votes to override him.
Although the bill leaves a number of exemptions in place, it specifically deleted the exemption, “Any person wearing a mask for the purpose of ensuring the physical health or safety of the wearer or others.” Meanwhile, masks can be worn as part of “traditional holiday costumes in season,” or if the person is “Engaged in trades and employment where a mask is worn for the purpose of ensuring the physical safety of the wearer, or because of the nature of the occupation, trade or profession.”
Public mask wearing has long been illegal in the state, but with many exemptions. The exemption for public health concerns was put into effect with the onset of the COVID pandemic. The measure to remove that exemption was introduced to the Senate Judiciary Committee by right-wing Republican Senator Buck Newton.
Newton told reporters that the action was being taken in part because of recent demonstrations by students on college campuses who were protesting the genocidal Israel onslaught against Palestinians, which has completely devastated the Gaza enclave and its more than 2 million inhabitants.
Newton’s claims that students are attempting to cover up their identities and that this represents some form of criminal enterprise are simply preposterous. “This isn’t just about protests,” Newton said. “I think it’s clear that people are seizing the opportunity to do things they’re not supposed to do, to break the law, or to intimidate people, and to keep their identities hidden, and it’s time for that to stop.”
Republican supporters of the legislation openly admit that the purpose of the measure is to help law enforcement crack down on protesters wearing masks, arguing that they were abusing pandemic practices to hide their identities.
In reality, students and protesters have, by all accounts, conducted themselves with considerable restraint. They have demonstrated exceptional courage in the face of attacks by the police and fascistic thugs. Police have carried out mass arrests of young people and faculty members who have come out in support. Many also take the ongoing pandemic as a serious reason to protect themselves and others from infection.
In that, they represent an important development of conscious social awakening in response to the actions of Biden and company in shutting down all public health measures in addition to the rampant US militarism. The students oppose the government’s and respective universities’ complicity and support for these war crimes, exercising their essential democratic rights laid down in the Constitution.
In fact, the assured passage of the law will only strengthen the hand of the state and will be seen as a landmark action that will be mirrored across the country. Challenges to the North Carolina bill will assuredly reach the Supreme Court and find legal expression for state repression while potentially placing the lives and well-being of people in danger. One can even assume that those wearing respirators or who cover their heads and faces for religious and cultural reasons will face hostility and repression from the local police and fascistic mobs.
Ohio’s Attorney General Dave Yost’s warnings made in a recent letter to the presidents of Ohio’s 14 universities underscores the gravity of these developments.
Yost wrote, “In our society, there are few more significant career-wreckers than a felony charge. I write to you today to inform your student bodies of an [1953] Ohio law that, in the context of some behavior during the recent pro-Palestinian protests, could have that effect.” That law states, “No person shall unite with two or more others to commit misdemeanor while wearing white caps, masks, or other disguise.” The breaking of the “anti-disguise” carries a fourth-degree felony charge and up to $5,000 fine and five years on community control, Yost reminded them. That the law has never been applied until now means it amounts to a state-sanctioned threat.
These anti-mask laws Yost references were enacted in the 1940s and 1950s by states in response to the activities of the Ku Klux Klan, whose members hid their identities to perpetrate violence and terror on their victims. However, as historians have noted, these laws weren’t intended to protect the victims, but were rather employed to curb the public displays of the Klan which were discrediting Democratic Party efforts to defend Jim Crow segregation. They remain in place in 18 states including North Carolina.
The COVID pandemic remains an ongoing public health concern. Despite the dismantling of all metrics that provide real-time information on the state of the pandemic, nearly 22,000 people died of COVID in the first four months of 2024. For the 2023/2024 influenza season, hospitalized COVID patients had a 35 percent higher rate of death than those admitted for the flu.
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Meanwhile, the Economist update on the impact of Long COVID estimates a prevalence of 2 to 7 percent or upwards of half a billion people worldwide with some level of ongoing impact from their infection.
For the US, the magazine estimates a loss of $152.6 billion in GDP in 2024 alone from COVID. For those who have left the workforce, 953.6 million hours of work were lost. Those with reduced hours account for another 366.3 million hours and those who continue to work with their condition cost more than 177 million hours. One needs only to extrapolate these figures to the rest of the globe to understand the magnitude of the COVID pandemic atop the nearly 30 million that needlessly died because of the greed of the ruling elites that have placed profits over life every step of the way.
A proposal to limit property tax increases is set to go before state lawmakers Tuesday — an effort that could culminate with North Carolinians voting on the issue as early as this year.
The state House of Representatives’ Finance Committee is scheduled to discuss a proposed state constitutional amendment restricting how much city and county governments could raise property taxes each year.
Amendments to the state Constitution must be approved by North Carolina voters. If the idea is approved by a supermajority of legislators, North Carolinians would be asked to decide the issue through a ballot vote, likely in November.
The legislation, House Bill 1089, doesn’t outline a limit for property tax increases. It calls on state lawmakers to come up with specific restrictions at a later date — if the referendum is approved by voters.
The bill is part of a broader push by legislators in the Republican-controlled General Assembly to address affordability issues ahead of the midterm elections.
Republicans in the state Senate last week approved a bill that would temporarily block county governments from applying appraisals conducted during this calendar year to property tax bills. Reappraisals often lead to higher property tax bills. Republican Senate leader Phil Berger has referred to that proposal as a “moratorium” that could bring temporary relief to taxpayers in a number of counties scheduled to reappraise properties this year — including Guilford and Harnett. Berger has framed the idea as simply buying time for the legislature to come up with more sweeping reforms.
The proposed constitutional amendment moving forward in the House could be that more sweeping idea, although it’s unclear if the Senate will go along if the idea passes the House.
Tax reduction has been a stated goal of Republican lawmakers for decades, but the proposed reappraisal moratorium and constitutional amendment are not guaranteed to pass. Neither Berger nor House Speaker Destin Hall has committed to supporting the other chamber’s idea for addressing rising property taxes.
Democrats have expressed skepticism over both plans. Senate Minority Leader Sydney Batch, D-Wake, chided Senate Republicans last week for failing to take up an amendment to Berger’s bill that would have lowered the state’s income threshold to qualify for property tax exceptions.
Rep. Lindsey Prather, D-Buncombe, said Monday — during a press conference calling for higher taxes on millionaires — that the property tax changes being proposed by GOP lawmakers seemed aimed more at gathering political credit than solving a problem.
“We can be the quote-unquote ‘good guys’ down here in Raleigh and say we’re going to lower your property taxes,” Prather said. “But all that means is that the local governments are going to have to be the ‘bad guys’ to raise revenue in other ways.”
Closing a loophole
The House Finance committee on Tuesday is expected to consider a proposal that could help municipal governments recoup more property tax revenue. The committee is expected to discuss House Bill 1042, which would tighten rules for nonprofit organizations that receive property tax exemptions.
The state currently allows certain organizations to avoid paying property taxes if they use their property entirely for charitable purposes and are not run for profit — a law that kept nearly $750 million worth of property out of Wake County’s tax base in 2025. The proposed change seeks to winnow down the list of who qualifies, especially nonprofits that provide affordable housing for low- or moderate-income people.
North Carolina
North Carolina (NCHSAA) High School Softball 2026 State Playoff Brackets, Matchups, Schedule – May 11
The 2026 North Carolina high school softball state playoff brackets are out, and High School On SI has all eight brackets with matchups and schedules for every team.
The first round begins on May 5, and the playoffs will culminate with the NCHSAA state championships being played May 27-30 at Duke University in Durham.
2026 North Carolina High School Baseball State Tournament Schedule
May 5: First Round
May 8: Second Round
May 12: Third Round
May 15: Fourth Round
May 19-23: Regionals
May 27-30: State Championships
North Carolina (NCHSAA) High School Softball 2026 State Playoff Brackets, Matchups, Schedule – May 11
CLASS 1A BRACKET (select to view full bracket details)
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Bear Grass Charter vs. No. 5 Vance Charter
No. 3 East Columbus vs. No. 2 Northside – Pinetown
No. 1 Robbinsville vs. No. 5 Falls Lake Academy
No. 6 Bethany Community vs. No. 2 Oxford Preperatory
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 North Duplin vs. No. 8 Camden County
No. 5 Rosewood vs. No. 4 East Carteret
No. 3 Perquimans vs. No. 11 Pamlico County
No. 10 Franklin Academy vs. No. 2 Manteo
No. 1 South Stanly vs. No. 9 East Wilkes
No. 5 South Stokes vs. No. 4 Starmount
No. 3 Swain County vs. No. 6 Murphy
No. 7 Highland Tech vs. No. 2 Roxboro Community
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Midway vs. No. 9 Providence
No. 12 Wallace-Rose Hill vs. No. 4 Heide Trask
No. 3 Farmville Central vs. No. 11 Ayden – Grifton
No. 10 Northwood vs. No. 2 McMichael
No. 1 West Lincoln vs. No. 8 Union Academy
No. 5 Draughn vs No. 4 Pine Lake Preperatory
No. 3 West Davidson vs. No. 11 East Surry
No. 7 Walkertown vs. No. 2 West Wilkes
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Randleman vs. No. 9 Nash Central
No. 5 Bunn vs. No. 4 East Duplin
No. 3 Southwest Onslow vs. No. 6 Roanoke Rapids
No. 7 Ledford Senior vs. No. 2 Central Davidson
No. 1 West Stokes vs. No. 8 Forbush
No. 5 Pisgah vs. No. 4 West Stanly
No. 19 North Surry vs. No. 11 Foard
No. 10 Mount Pleasant vs. No, 2 Bunker Hill
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Southeast Alamance vs. No. 8 C.B. Aycock
No. 5 Seaforth vs. No. 4 Rockingham County
No. 3 Eastern Alamance vs. No. 6 West Carteret
No. 7 South Brunswick vs. No. 2 Southern Nash
No. 1 Enka vs. No. 9 Oak Grove
No. 5 Crest vs. No. 13 West Rowan
No. 3 North Davidson vs. No. 6 Franklin
No. 10 East Rowan vs. No. 2 North Lincoln
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Union Pines vs. No. 9 South Johnston
No. 5 South View vs. No. 4 Gray’s Creek
No. 3 J.H. Rose vs. No. 6 Harnett Central
No. 7 Triton vs. No. 2 West Brunswick
No. 1 Kings Mountain vs. No. 8 Charlotte Catholic
No. 5 Alexander vs. No. 13 T.C. Roberson
No. 3 Piedmont vs. No. 6 Central Cabarrus
No. 10 A.C. Reynolds vs. No. 2 South Caldwell
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 D.H. Conley vs. No. 8 Wake Forest
No. 5 Purnell Sweet vs. No. 4 Cleveland
No. 3 Heritage vs. No. 6 Topsail
No. 7 South Central vs. No. 2 New Bern
No. 1 Weddington vs. No. 8 Mooresville
No. 5 A.L. Brown vs. No. 4 Hickory Ridge
No. 3 East Forsyth vs. No. 11 Porter Ridge
No. 7 Ronald Reagan vs. No. 2 South Iredell
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Willow Spring vs. No. 4 Hoggard
No. 3 E.A. Laney vs. No. 2 Cornith Holders
No. 1 Providence vs. No. 4 Hough
No. 3 West Forsyth vs. No. 2 Apex Friendship
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North Carolina
Perspective | What North Carolina gets right about workforce: Progress beyond politics
Across the country, workforce development is often framed as a policy challenge. In North Carolina, we’ve come to understand it as something more fundamental: a shared responsibility between educators and employers that works best when it rises above politics. It is a nonpartisan priority with bipartisan support — and a clear focus on outcomes.
North Carolina’s approach to workforce and talent development offers a different model — one grounded in collaboration, consistency, data, and a relentless focus on student and employer needs.
Over the past several years, our state has aligned around an ambitious goal: ensuring that 2 million North Carolinians ages 25-44 hold a high-quality credential or postsecondary degree by 2030. myFutureNC is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization, led by a bipartisan Board of Directors, that was created to champion this work.
This goal is not owned by a single administration or political party. It is the state’s attainment goal — codified in law with bipartisan support and signed by the governor — to ensure North Carolina remains economically competitive now and into the future. The work is guided by leaders across business, education, policymakers, and philanthropy.
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This kind of alignment doesn’t happen by accident. It requires trust, discipline, and a willingness to prioritize long-term impact over short-term wins — placing the needs of students and employers above the silos that often define education and workforce systems.
North Carolina’s leaders don’t agree on everything, and unanimity is not what makes this work. There is broad agreement on a set of essential truths: Talent is the top driver of economic development. Education fuels economic prosperity, public safety, and healthier communities. Having a robust educational system and an educated population is one of our state’s greatest assets. Economic mobility matters. And preparing people for meaningful work benefits everyone.
This alignment is delivering results. North Carolina has been named the No. 1 state for business three out of the past four years and ranks No. 1 for workforce — reinforcing what’s possible when leaders stay focused on shared priorities.
This strong foundation has enabled progress in areas that often stall in partisan debate. Through strategic policy and philanthropic investments, the state has expanded pathways into high-demand careers, strengthened connections between education and industry, and increased access to work-based learning opportunities, including apprenticeships and pre-apprenticeships.
That same foundation is shaping how policy is developed in real time. The proposed Workforce Act of 2026 reflects North Carolina’s cross-sector approach — bringing together business and education leaders, policymakers, and philanthropists to strengthen pathways into high-demand careers and expand access to work-based learning. Rather than introducing a new direction, this Act builds on what is already working, demonstrating how alignment can translate into coordinated action.
The bipartisan-led Governor’s Council on Workforce and Apprenticeships puts this approach into practice. Building on the state’s existing foundation, the council brings together leaders from industry, education, and government to strengthen coordination across the workforce system. Its value lies not in setting a new direction, but in reinforcing and accelerating a shared one.
This is what it looks like to build systems designed to last. Workforce development is not a one-year initiative or a single funding cycle — it is a long-term investment in people, communities, employers, and the educational infrastructure that supports them. North Carolina’s progress is rooted in structures that bring partners together consistently, align efforts across sectors, and create continuity beyond political cycles.
By embedding collaboration into how the work gets done — not just what gets prioritized — the state has created a model that can evolve over time while staying focused on its goals.
Work remains to be done. Gaps in attainment persist, and ensuring opportunity reaches every corner of the state will require continued focus and innovation. But North Carolina’s significant progress and continued success being No. 1 nationally in many related categories demonstrates what is possible when leaders choose partnership over partisanship.
At a time when it’s easy to focus on what divides us, North Carolina offers a reminder: Some of the most important work we do — preparing people for the future of work and ensuring employers have access to skilled talent — is our north star and unifying force.
And in our shared goal of 2 million by 2030, we are not just building a stronger workforce. We are building a stronger state — for today and for generations to come.
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