North Carolina
Here’s what North Carolina needs to know ahead of the November election
Who says Republicans, Democrats, independent voters, progressives, conservatives, moderates and people from across the political spectrum cannot work together? It can happen.
North Carolina elections director blocked her dead mother’s vote
Her mother legally cast her absentee ballot, then died on Oct. 11. North Carolina election law requires all voters to be alive on Election Day.
USA TODAY
North Carolina is again expected to be a close battleground state in the race between President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump. Angry political divisions are at the forefront of the national conversation, as we barrel toward the November general election just four months away.
A statewide elections commission I am serving with, however, has been a welcome breath of fresh air. Its encouraging findings should help bring down the temperature, at least for us here in the Old North State.
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Who says Republicans, Democrats, independent voters, progressives, conservatives, moderates and others from across the political spectrum cannot work together? It can happen.
The Commission on the Future of North Carolina Elections is conducting a deep dive into how our state runs elections. It is a project of the NC Network for Fair, Safe & Secure Elections, in partnership with Catawba College in Salisbury and the international The Carter Center, headquartered in Atlanta.
At a time when the two major political parties are accusing each other of undermining democracy, our group is meant to find common ground on elections and help strengthen democracy close to home — and model it for other states. Election officials, professors, local and statewide politicians, nonprofit leaders and others formed 11 specialized committees that looked at everything from mail-in ballots to early voting, to ballot security and voter access and registration.
After the Trump rally shooting
Committee chairs presented our draft findings Monday inside at the rather stunning and eco-awesome Center for the Environment on the campus of Catawba College in Salisbury. The previously scheduled meeting was two days after Donald Trump was grazed by a bullet in an assassination attempt at a campaign rally in Pennsylvania. It was a stark reminder for me that we have to come together as a country or we’ll fall apart, and the incident, where one attendee was killed and two others injured, imbued our commission’s work with a sense of urgency.
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Chris Cooper, a political science and public affairs professor at Western Carolina University and author of the soon-to-be published “Anatomy of a Purple State” summed it up, during his remarks Monday.
“This really has worked remarkably well,” he said. “And what really made me think tha, is I have no idea of the party affiliation of folks, at least on the committees that I was on. If they told me to guess the party IDs of these people, I wouldn’t do very well.”
I can say the same.
Consensus opinion: We do alright in NC
The draft findings represent months of work, and we will not finish until early next year. Any recommendations we make would be advisory: State lawmakers decide the election laws, and state and local boards of elections make the decisions about the mechanics of executing those laws.
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The consensus opinion on the commission appears to be that North Carolina runs secure elections and runs them extremely well, and most of the committees’ suggestions were tweaks versus a radical overhaul. If you want to hear more about it, a 2024 Trusted Elections Tour will stop at more than two dozen locations across the state over the summer and fall, with a final, virtual tour scheduled for Oct. 15.
Meanwhile, I heard some interesting findings on Monday from my fellow commission members — and thought I’d share.
NC Republicans used to cast lots of mail-in ballots. That changed.
Mail-in ballots, also called absentee mail-in ballots, have become a bone of contention nationally, as some politicians, especially Republicans, have questioned their potential for voter fraud.
From 2004 to 2016, Republicans were the largest block of voters in North Carolina who cast mail-in ballots, with their share ranging from 40% to 54%. This, according to findings from the Counting Votes Committee, and presented Monday by Shawnee Seese, secretary of the Orange County Board of Elections.
That voting pattern however, changed. From 2018 to 2022, Democrats moved into the plurality with the share ranging from 41% to 44%.
White voters by far cast more mail-in ballots
In North Carolina, mail-in ballots are cast by white, non-Hispanic voters in much larger proportions than other races combined, according to Seese, citing analysis from party registration data. In 2020, 68% of mail-in ballots were cast by white voters. The number has been higher in the past: 89% of mail-ins were cast by white voters in 2008. By comparison, just 3% of absentee mail-in ballots were cast by minority voters, looking at data over the last 30 years.
NC voted heavy in 2020
The 2020 November presidential election drew 7.5 million registered voters to the poll — and remember, that was during the heart of the COVID-19 pandemic. This number translates to 75% of registered voters who cast ballots, according to Michael Bitzer, a Catawba politics and history professor, and a leader on the commission, who crunched state election figures.
North Carolina had one of the closest races in the country that year, with Donald Trump defeating Joe Biden by 1.34%.
NC runs very secure elections
North Carolina elections are “very secure” both in terms of protecting the election from hackers and how ballots are handled, said Col. (retired) James Hardaway, with the Ballot Security, Cybersecurity and List Maintenance Committee. Hardaway served in Army intelligence for 27 years and after retirement moved into cybersecurity and modernizing systems.
“I’m trained to see the bad things that can happen in technology,” he said. “I’m very secure in how I feel about our elections. The public is not.”
He said there was a need for more voter education.
North Carolina voters use paper ballots and its voting systems are relatively simple, which Hardaway said was an advantage in terms of security.
“One ballot per voter really helps when technology fails,” he said. “You need something a voter touched to really prove that their vote was there.”
And he added in North Carolina, “No system that touches a ballot can touch the internet.”
Threats to NC election workers — up
Like elsewhere, threats to our state’s elections workers have been rising: 25% of N.C. election workers have reported threats over the last two years, said Leslie Garvin, executive director of North Carolina Campus Engagement and chair of the Election Infrastructure and Administration Committee.
Eighteen states have specific legal protections for election workers, Garvin said, but North Carolina is not one.
‘Brain drain’ of elections veterans
The state is facing a “brain drain” of leadership on its local elections boards, Garvin reported. Her comments were probably the most concerning for me as the state prepares for the political equivalent of the Super Bowl.
Sixty-one of the state’s 100 elections directors have turned over in the last five years, and 10 counties lost directors in 2023, Garvin said. Many election staffers have also retired or burned out, in part related to increased anger and scrutiny from the public. County elections boards statewide face recruiting challenges, she said.
The rise of the unaffiliated voter
In March of 2022, North Carolina voters who registered as unaffiliated became the largest block of voters in the state, followed by Democrats and then Republicans. In some respects, this seismic development establishes the state’s purple status as much as anything else — a lot of Tar Heels are looking at the two parties on the menu and deciding, “none of the above.”
That does not mean unaffiliated voters, and most especially, unaffiliated candidates, have more power at the ballot box. Just the opposite.
Candidates who do not claim one of the state’s eight recognized parties, even in local races, have to collect an often intimidating amount of signatures just to get their name on the ballot. (Whereas people who claim a party affiliation can be added at the cost of a fee.)
The bigger the race, the more steep the signature requirement. Shelane Etchison, an Army Special Forces veteran who lives in Moore County, became the first unaffiliated congressional candidate in state history after collecting more than 7,500 signatures from registered voters in her district.
“I feel like our country is thirsty and hungry for different candidate options, and the numbers show it,” she told WUNC in an interview earlier this month. “I’ve been unaffiliated for quite some years now, and 35% of the people in this district are unaffiliated as well.”
In the race for the 9th Congressional District, which represents part of Fayetteville, Etchison faces incumbent Republican Rep. Richard Hudson; and Democratic challenger Nigel Bristow.
Legislators could pick a winner in statewide races
A vaguely worded statute in the state Constitution (Article 6, Section 5) could allow the N.C. General Assembly, the state legislature, to choose a winner if the results of a runoff election are challenged, according to Bob Orr, retired N.C. Supreme Court justice, in his report from the Committee on Challenges and Lawsuits. The action would apply to races that include the governor’s race and statewide races for the Council of State, such as treasurer and secretary of state, which are roughly equivalent to cabinet positions.
That the state legislature could pick a winner was shocking to learn for many of us on the elections commission.
“This has only been done once in the history of North Carolina,” Orr said, “That was back in 2004 in a race for superintendent of public instruction.”
Under the process, the House and Senate would form a five-person committee with three from one party, two from the other.
“At the end of it, the General Assembly will determine who won that election,” Orr said. “And we’re coming up in an election cycle in which it is not inconceivable there will be very close races for Council of State elections; the public needs to be informed.”
Opinion Editor Myron B. Pitts can be reached at mpitts@fayobserver.com or 910-486-3559.
North Carolina
North Carolina Rep. Valerie Foushee holds narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam
Nida Allam in 2022; Rep. Valerie Foushee (D-NC) in 2025.
Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images
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Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images
Incumbent Rep. Valerie Foushee holds a narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam in the Democratic primary for North Carolina’s 4th Congressional district as ballots continue to be counted.
In a race seen as an early test of whether Democratic voters desire generational change within the party, Foushee holds a lead of just over 1,000 votes with 99% of results in so far, according to the Associated Press.
Under state law, provisional votes will be counted in the coming days in a district that includes Durham and Chapel Hill. If the election results end up within a 1% margin, Allam could request a recount.
Successfully ousting an incumbent lawmaker is often extremely difficult and rare. However, there have been recent upsets in races as some voters are calling for new leaders and several sitting members of Congress face primary challengers this cycle.
Allam, a 32-year-old Durham County Commissioner, is running to the left of Foushee, 69, framing her candidacy as part of a broader rejection of longtime Democratic norms.
On the campaign trail, Allam ran on an anti-establishment message, pledging to be a stronger fighter than Foushee in Congress, both in standing up against President Trump’s agenda and when pushing for more ambitious policy.
“North Carolina is a purple state that often gets labeled red, but we’re not a red state,” she told NPR in an interview last month, emphasizing the need to address affordability concerns. “We are a state of working-class folks who just want their elected officials to champion the issues that are impacting them.”
She drew a contrast with the congresswoman on immigration, voicing support for abolishing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Foushee has declined to go that far, advocating instead for ICE to be defunded and for broader reforms to the federal immigration system.
Allam also clashed with Foushee over U.S. policy towards Israel. As a vocal opponent of Israel’s war in Gaza, Allam swore off campaign donations from pro-Israel lobbying groups, such as AIPAC, and repeatedly criticized Foushee for previously accepting such funds.
Though Foushee announced last year that she would not accept AIPAC donations this cycle, she and Allam continued to spar over the broader role of outside spending in the race.
Their matchup comes four years after the candidates first squared off in 2022, when Allam lost to Foushee in what became the most expensive primary in the state’s history, with outside groups spending more than $3.8 million.
However, this year is poised to break that record. Outside groups have reported spending more than $4.4 million on the primary matchup, according to Federal Election Commission filings.
WUNC’s Colin Campbell contributed to this report.
North Carolina
Building for tomorrow’s storms: North Carolina updates flood strategy
North Carolina is beginning to plan for floods that have not happened yet.
State officials this year advanced the next phase of the state’s Flood Resiliency Blueprint, incorporating updated modeling that factors in heavier rainfall, future development and sea-level rise — a shift away from relying solely on historic data and FEMA’s regulatory maps.
“We can make decisions and plan for that future, not just the exposure to flooding that we see now,” said Stuart Brown, who manages the Flood Resiliency Blueprint for the North Carolina Department of Environmental Quality.
For a state that has endured record-breaking rainfall from Hurricane Helene in the mountains to Tropical Storm Chantal in the Triangle, the move reflects a growing recognition: past standards no longer capture present risk.
Beyond outdated flood lines
Multiple North Carolina studies have found that between 43% and 60% of flood damage occurs outside FEMA’s regulatory flood zones. Those maps shape insurance requirements and local zoning decisions, yet they are largely based on historical rainfall data.
“A lot of the regulatory floodplains really haven’t kept up with what we know is happening,” said Elizabeth Losos, executive in residence at Duke University’s Nicholas Institute for Energy, Environment and Sustainability.
Climate data show rainfall intensity in the Triangle has increased by about 21% since 1970. Warmer air holds more moisture, fueling heavier downpours that overwhelm drainage systems designed for a different climate.
“Fixing what we know is flooding right now is good,” Losos said. “It’s better than nothing, but it’s definitely not enough.”
Brown said the blueprint incorporates projections for future precipitation and development — a critical factor in one of the fastest-growing states in the country.
“Development can be an issue for flooding in two categories,” Brown said. “One is when that development is occurring in areas that are flood prone. The other is when that development is done in ways that don’t account for the additional stormwater that will be produced.”
Thousands of projects, limited dollars
Unlike states that rely on massive levee systems, North Carolina’s flood risk is scattered across river basins, coastal plains and rapidly developing suburbs. Brown said resilience here will require thousands of localized projects.
“We were asked by the General Assembly to provide specific, actionable projects,” Brown said. “We want to know what specific geography and what specific action is proposed.”
That planning push comes as federal support for flood research and mitigation is shrinking.
The Trump administration has proposed a roughly 30% cut to NOAA’s 2026 budget, targeting climate research and ocean services that provide the rainfall and coastal data states use to model flood risk. At FEMA, the administration has cut staff by more than 6%, reduced funding for local hazard mitigation projects and added new approval layers for grants.
For North Carolina, that means fewer dollars for buyouts, drainage upgrades and flood control projects — and less federal data to guide long-term planning — just as the state is trying to build a more forward-looking flood strategy.
Brown said North Carolina is trying to “leverage the limited dollars that we have in the state with any federal sources that are available” and embed resilience into routine investments in transportation, water treatment and conservation.
“Funding is always going to be an issue,” Brown said.
The policy gap
Researchers have long argued that resilience investments save money. Studies show every $1 spent on mitigation can yield $4 to $13 in avoided losses.
“The problem is that the policies don’t align the people who pay the cost with the people who get the benefit,” Losos said.
A developer may not directly benefit from downstream flood reduction. A town may shoulder upfront infrastructure costs while insurers, neighboring communities or future taxpayers capture part of the savings.
Without policy changes that align costs and benefits, resilience can remain politically and financially difficult.
“In the most severe cases, there are some communities that will have to eventually abandon if they don’t begin to think about how they can adapt to these conditions,” Losos said.
North Carolina now has updated tools to better measure future flood risk. Whether the state can secure stable federal support — and align its own policies with the risks ahead — will determine how effectively communities prepare for the next storm rather than recover from the last one.
North Carolina
North Carolina primary could mean Roy Cooper vs Michael Whatley in pivotal fall Senate race
RALEIGH, N.C. — North Carolina’s primary will be the official starting gun for one of the country’s most closely watched U.S. Senate campaigns, likely pitting former Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper against former Republican National Committee Chairman Michael Whatley.
Each candidate is the most high-profile contender for their party’s nomination, which should be sealed on Tuesday. Scores of other races also are on the ballot, including for the U.S. House, state legislature and judicial seats.
North Carolina, a traditional battleground where Democrats have been able to hold the governor’s seat even as voters helped send President Donald Trump to the White House, is one of three states kicking off this year’s midterm elections, along with Texas and Arkansas. Tuesday’s slate of primaries comes against the backdrop of the U.S. and Israel attack on Iran.
The war, which began over the weekend, has killed at least six U.S. service members, spiraled into a regional confrontation as Iran retaliated and sent oil and natural gas prices soaring. The president, who campaigned on an isolationist “America First” agenda and went to war without authorization from Congress, faces mounting questions over its rationale and an exit strategy.
North Carolina’s election this year could be crucial for determining which party controls the U.S. Senate, where Republicans currently have the majority. The seat is open because Sen. Thom Tillis decided to retire after clashing with President Donald Trump. Political experts say a typhoon of outside money could make the race the most expensive Senate campaigns in U.S. history, perhaps reaching $1 billion.
Many Democrats see Cooper, who served two terms as governor and has been successful in state politics for decades, as the party’s best shot at victory. Democrats need to pick up four seats to take back control of the Senate, and they view the most likely path as winning in North Carolina, Maine, Alaska and Ohio.
Cooper faces five lesser-known rivals on Tuesday. Other Republicans on the Senate ballot include Navy officer Don Brown and Michele Morrow, who was the party’s nominee for state schools chief in 2024.
Republican U.S. Senate candidate Michael Whatley, arrives to an early voting site to cast his vote on Thursday, Feb. 12, 2026, in Gastonia, N.C. Credit: AP/Erik Verduzco
Cooper formally entered the race weeks after Tillis announced last summer he wouldn’t seek a third term, as did Whatley, who was buoyed by Trump’s backing when the president’s daughter-in-law Lara Trump declined to enter. The two candidates have been campaigning for months against each other with little focus on intraparty opposition.
Whatley promises to keep pushing Trump’s agenda if elected, one that he says has cut taxes and spending and restored U.S. military might.
“It’s very important for us to have a conservative champion and for President Trump to have an ally in the Senate,” he said while voting early in Gastonia. “We’re going to be fighting for every family and every community in North Carolina.”
Some primary voters say Congress needs Democratic control as a counterweight to Trump and what they consider disastrous policies.
President Donald Trump listens as Michael Whatley speaks to soldiers and their families at Fort Bragg, N.C., Friday, Feb. 13, 2026. Credit: AP/Matt Rourke
“I think we need to send a message. And I think the more Democrats that show up, and the more independents that show up for this midterm election, and the more seats we can take from the Republicans, the more he might get the message,” said Lisa Frucht, 67, said as she cast a ballot for Cooper at an early voting site north of Raleigh.
Republican voter Gary Grimes, who chose Whatley, said Democratic control of Congress could lead to more impeachment efforts against Trump that ultimately won’t succeed.
“It’ll be a repeat of what they did to Trump in the first term,” said Grimes, 71, “And they can’t see anything except getting Trump, at any cost.”
A Democrat hasn’t won a Senate race in North Carolina since 2008. Meanwhile, Cooper, 68, hasn’t lost a North Carolina election going back to first running for the state House in the mid-1980s, leading to 16 years as attorney general and eight as governor through 2024.
Whatley, 57, previously worked in President George W. Bush’s administration, for then-North Carolina Sen. Elizabeth Dole and as an energy lobbyist.
Cooper and his allies have centered campaign attacks on Whatley’s allegiance to the president and Trump policies, saying he backs higher tariffs and Medicaid spending reductions and must take blame for slow Hurricane Helene recovery aid.
Voting recently in Raleigh, Cooper said he wants to “make sure that I’m a strong, independent senator who can work with this president when I can, stand up to him when I need to and recognize that people are struggling right now.”
Whatley, Trump and other Republicans have blistered Cooper on criminal justice matters, accusing him of promoting soft-on-crime policies while governor. They’ve repeatedly highlighted last August’s fatal stabbing of Ukrainian refugee Iryna Zarutska on a Charlotte light-rail train. Trump identified Zarutska’s mother in attendance at last week’s State of the Union address.
Cooper told reporters recently that his career is about “prosecuting violent criminals and keeping thousands of them behind bars.”
Tuesday’s election also includes primary elections in all but one of North Carolina’s U.S. House districts. They include a five-candidate GOP primary in the northeastern 1st Congressional District, which is currently represented by Democratic Rep. Don Davis, who faced no primary opposition.
The Republican-controlled General Assembly created last fall a more right-leaning 1st District to join Trump’s multistate redistricting campaign ahead of the 2026 elections to retain the House. Davis won in 2024 by less than 2 percentage points.
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