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Democrats and voting groups say a bid to toss out North Carolina ballots is an attack on democracy

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Democrats and voting groups say a bid to toss out North Carolina ballots is an attack on democracy


RALEIGH, N.C. (AP) — Copland Rudolph cast a ballot in the November election, just as she has for years, with her vote counting on a long list of North Carolina contests that were settled soon after.

Nearly three months later, she’s still not sure it will count for one of the higher-profile races — a seat on the state Supreme Court.

The Republican candidate, Jefferson Griffin, is still seeking to reverse the outcome, even after two recounts showed Democratic Associate Justice Allison Riggs narrowly winning the election. Riggs remains on the court while the legal battles play out.

Litigation in state and federal court should decide the outcome of Griffin’s efforts to have roughly 66,000 ballots thrown out. If the legal challenge succeeds, Griffin’s lawyers say it would probably result in him claiming the seat. That would expand the high court’s current 5-2 conservative majority.

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Rudolph is among the voters whose ballots are being challenged by Griffin and who could be disenfranchised, and she’s not happy about it. Her message to Griffin is clear: Stop the games and concede the race.

“It’s infuriating,” said Rudolph, 57, who leads an education foundation in Asheville. “These votes have been counted. They’ve been recounted. The math is not in doubt.”

Trying to undo a ‘free and fair’ election

Democrats, voting rights activists and good government groups say Griffin’s actions and support for them by the state GOP are an affront to democracy. The votes on the challenged ballots have otherwise been used to determine the outcome of every other top race in North Carolina last fall.

While The Associated Press has declared 4,436 winners in the November election, with four candidates headed to runoff elections, the North Carolina Supreme Court contest is just one of four races nationwide that remain undecided.

Griffin’s critics say his refusal to accept defeat is a blatant attempt to overturn the will of the voters and further partisan interests. His legal arguments, if successful, could serve as a road map for the GOP to reverse future election results in other states.

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“The eyes of the entire country are on this race because the implications of having free and fair elections that are being questioned and potentially overturned are devastating,” former North Carolina Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper told reporters this month.

The legal fight is taking place against the backdrop of another maneuver by state Republicans criticized s an undemocratic power grab. Last month, Republican lawmakers in the legislature used their then-supermajority to override Cooper’s veto of a bill to strip numerous powers from now-Gov. Josh Stein and other statewide Democratic officials.

The fight in the nation’s ninth most populous state over the Supreme Court seat is being considered in two court systems. The 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals will hear arguments Monday about whether federal or state courts should handle the case.

The state Supreme Court declined this week to grant Griffin’s request for the justices to fast-track a decision on whether the ballots should be counted or removed from the final tally. They said Griffin’s appeals of State Board of Elections decisions last month that dismissed his ballot protests must go through a trial court first.

Part of a broader GOP preelection legal strategy

Riggs leads Griffin by just 734 votes out of more than 5.5 million ballots cast. Her side says Griffin is trying to overturn an election after the fact by removing ballots and violating voters’ rights, and that he should have conceded long ago.

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“I am disappointed that the door has been opened to dragging this out for so long,” Riggs said in a news release this past week. “I will continue to make sure that the more than 65,000 voters who Griffin seeks to disenfranchise have their voices heard.”

Griffin has declined comment on the litigation, saying doing so would violate the state’s judicial conduct code.

On election night. Griffin led Riggs by about 10,000 votes, but that lead switched to Riggs as provisional and absentee ballots were added to the totals.

Republicans already had signaled they might pursue postelection challenges in close North Carolina races when they filed numerous preelection lawsuits, a tactic the GOP used in other states last year. Their North Carolina lawsuits focused in part on registration and residency issues that are now contained in Griffin’s protests.

“Elections boards don’t have the authority to ignore and overrule the state constitution or state law,” state GOP Chairman Jason Simmons said recently on the social platform X.

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No evidence that any of the voters are ineligible

A little over 60,000 of the challenged ballots were from voters whose registration records lack a driver’s license number or the last four digits of their Social Security number, which election officials have been required to collect since 2004. This group includes even Riggs’ parents.

Griffin’s attorneys say the registrations are incomplete and they blame the state board for having registration forms that for years didn’t specifically require one of these numbers. But lawyers for Riggs and the state board say there are many legitimate reasons why the numbers are missing. In any case, critics of the challenges say, it’s not the voters’ fault.

Griffin has offered no evidence that any of the registered voters are ineligible, according to legal briefs from Riggs and the state board. The briefs also said removing their ballots would run afoul of federal law.

Griffin’s legal strategy has recently focused more on 5,500 ballots from what his lawyers refer to as overseas voters who did not provide copies of photo identification, as other voters are required to do. Lawyers for Riggs and the elections board have told judges that many of the ballots that fall into this category were cast by military personnel, and that state and federal law doesn’t require any of these voters to provide an ID.

The State Board of Elections, in which three of the five members are Democrats, dismissed Griffin’s protests last month, mostly along partisan lines, but the state Supreme Court on Jan. 7 blocked certification of a Riggs victory, at least for now.

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All other races in the state have been certified and likely would not be affected by the result of Griffin’s challenges, even if courts sided with him and found that thousands of ballots should not have been counted. The ballots Griffin is challenging were absentee ballots or those cast during early in-person voting.

A fundamental right in jeopardy

As the cases play out, Democrats and voting-rights advocates are on a media offensive to preserve Riggs’ victory in a swing state where Republican Donald Trump won the presidental race but Democrats earned victories in the most prominent statewide offices. They’ve put up anti-Griffin billboards and held demonstrations.

On a recent day, a political group called the “Can’t Win Victory Fund” set up across from the state Supreme Court building and spent the day reading the names of voters whose ballots Griffin is trying to toss out.

Even a conservative group focused on improving voter confidence in elections has begun airing a television ad critical of the challenges.

Dawn Baldwin Gibson, an African American pastor and school administrator from rural Pamlico County, has been told her ballot is being challenged.

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A registered voter who is not affiliated with any party, Gibson recalls her grandfather telling her that “voting fundamentally made you American.” Now election officials have been unable to explain to her why someone would question her vote.

“It just doesn’t make any sense,” she said.





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North Carolina Rep. Valerie Foushee holds narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam

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North Carolina Rep. Valerie Foushee holds narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam


Nida Allam in 2022; Rep. Valerie Foushee (D-NC) in 2025.

Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images


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Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

Incumbent Rep. Valerie Foushee holds a narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam in the Democratic primary for North Carolina’s 4th Congressional district as ballots continue to be counted.

In a race seen as an early test of whether Democratic voters desire generational change within the party, Foushee holds a lead of just over 1,000 votes with 99% of results in so far, according to the Associated Press.

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Under state law, provisional votes will be counted in the coming days in a district that includes Durham and Chapel Hill. If the election results end up within a 1% margin, Allam could request a recount.

Successfully ousting an incumbent lawmaker is often extremely difficult and rare. However, there have been recent upsets in races as some voters are calling for new leaders and several sitting members of Congress face primary challengers this cycle.

Allam, a 32-year-old Durham County Commissioner, is running to the left of Foushee, 69, framing her candidacy as part of a broader rejection of longtime Democratic norms.

On the campaign trail, Allam ran on an anti-establishment message, pledging to be a stronger fighter than Foushee in Congress, both in standing up against President Trump’s agenda and when pushing for more ambitious policy.

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“North Carolina is a purple state that often gets labeled red, but we’re not a red state,” she told NPR in an interview last month, emphasizing the need to address affordability concerns. “We are a state of working-class folks who just want their elected officials to champion the issues that are impacting them.”

She drew a contrast with the congresswoman on immigration, voicing support for abolishing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Foushee has declined to go that far, advocating instead for ICE to be defunded and for broader reforms to the federal immigration system.

Allam also clashed with Foushee over U.S. policy towards Israel. As a vocal opponent of Israel’s war in Gaza, Allam swore off campaign donations from pro-Israel lobbying groups, such as AIPAC, and repeatedly criticized Foushee for previously accepting such funds.

Though Foushee announced last year that she would not accept AIPAC donations this cycle, she and Allam continued to spar over the broader role of outside spending in the race.

Their matchup comes four years after the candidates first squared off in 2022, when Allam lost to Foushee in what became the most expensive primary in the state’s history, with outside groups spending more than $3.8 million.

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However, this year is poised to break that record. Outside groups have reported spending more than $4.4 million on the primary matchup, according to Federal Election Commission filings.

WUNC’s Colin Campbell contributed to this report.



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Building for tomorrow’s storms: North Carolina updates flood strategy

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Building for tomorrow’s storms: North Carolina updates flood strategy


North Carolina is beginning to plan for floods that have not happened yet.

State officials this year advanced the next phase of the state’s Flood Resiliency Blueprint, incorporating updated modeling that factors in heavier rainfall, future development and sea-level rise — a shift away from relying solely on historic data and FEMA’s regulatory maps.

“We can make decisions and plan for that future, not just the exposure to flooding that we see now,” said Stuart Brown, who manages the Flood Resiliency Blueprint for the North Carolina Department of Environmental Quality.

For a state that has endured record-breaking rainfall from Hurricane Helene in the mountains to Tropical Storm Chantal in the Triangle, the move reflects a growing recognition: past standards no longer capture present risk.

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Beyond outdated flood lines

Multiple North Carolina studies have found that between 43% and 60% of flood damage occurs outside FEMA’s regulatory flood zones. Those maps shape insurance requirements and local zoning decisions, yet they are largely based on historical rainfall data.

“A lot of the regulatory floodplains really haven’t kept up with what we know is happening,” said Elizabeth Losos, executive in residence at Duke University’s Nicholas Institute for Energy, Environment and Sustainability.

Climate data show rainfall intensity in the Triangle has increased by about 21% since 1970. Warmer air holds more moisture, fueling heavier downpours that overwhelm drainage systems designed for a different climate.

“Fixing what we know is flooding right now is good,” Losos said. “It’s better than nothing, but it’s definitely not enough.”

Brown said the blueprint incorporates projections for future precipitation and development — a critical factor in one of the fastest-growing states in the country.

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“Development can be an issue for flooding in two categories,” Brown said. “One is when that development is occurring in areas that are flood prone. The other is when that development is done in ways that don’t account for the additional stormwater that will be produced.”

Thousands of projects, limited dollars

Unlike states that rely on massive levee systems, North Carolina’s flood risk is scattered across river basins, coastal plains and rapidly developing suburbs. Brown said resilience here will require thousands of localized projects.

“We were asked by the General Assembly to provide specific, actionable projects,” Brown said. “We want to know what specific geography and what specific action is proposed.”

That planning push comes as federal support for flood research and mitigation is shrinking.

The Trump administration has proposed a roughly 30% cut to NOAA’s 2026 budget, targeting climate research and ocean services that provide the rainfall and coastal data states use to model flood risk. At FEMA, the administration has cut staff by more than 6%, reduced funding for local hazard mitigation projects and added new approval layers for grants.

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For North Carolina, that means fewer dollars for buyouts, drainage upgrades and flood control projects — and less federal data to guide long-term planning — just as the state is trying to build a more forward-looking flood strategy.

Brown said North Carolina is trying to “leverage the limited dollars that we have in the state with any federal sources that are available” and embed resilience into routine investments in transportation, water treatment and conservation.

“Funding is always going to be an issue,” Brown said.

The policy gap

Researchers have long argued that resilience investments save money. Studies show every $1 spent on mitigation can yield $4 to $13 in avoided losses.

“The problem is that the policies don’t align the people who pay the cost with the people who get the benefit,” Losos said.

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A developer may not directly benefit from downstream flood reduction. A town may shoulder upfront infrastructure costs while insurers, neighboring communities or future taxpayers capture part of the savings.

Without policy changes that align costs and benefits, resilience can remain politically and financially difficult.

“In the most severe cases, there are some communities that will have to eventually abandon if they don’t begin to think about how they can adapt to these conditions,” Losos said.

North Carolina now has updated tools to better measure future flood risk. Whether the state can secure stable federal support — and align its own policies with the risks ahead — will determine how effectively communities prepare for the next storm rather than recover from the last one.

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North Carolina primary could mean Roy Cooper vs Michael Whatley in pivotal fall Senate race

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North Carolina primary could mean Roy Cooper vs Michael Whatley in pivotal fall Senate race


RALEIGH, N.C. — North Carolina’s primary will be the official starting gun for one of the country’s most closely watched U.S. Senate campaigns, likely pitting former Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper against former Republican National Committee Chairman Michael Whatley.

Each candidate is the most high-profile contender for their party’s nomination, which should be sealed on Tuesday. Scores of other races also are on the ballot, including for the U.S. House, state legislature and judicial seats.

North Carolina, a traditional battleground where Democrats have been able to hold the governor’s seat even as voters helped send President Donald Trump to the White House, is one of three states kicking off this year’s midterm elections, along with Texas and Arkansas. Tuesday’s slate of primaries comes against the backdrop of the U.S. and Israel attack on Iran.

The war, which began over the weekend, has killed at least six U.S. service members, spiraled into a regional confrontation as Iran retaliated and sent oil and natural gas prices soaring. The president, who campaigned on an isolationist “America First” agenda and went to war without authorization from Congress, faces mounting questions over its rationale and an exit strategy.

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North Carolina’s election this year could be crucial for determining which party controls the U.S. Senate, where Republicans currently have the majority. The seat is open because Sen. Thom Tillis decided to retire after clashing with President Donald Trump. Political experts say a typhoon of outside money could make the race the most expensive Senate campaigns in U.S. history, perhaps reaching $1 billion.

Many Democrats see Cooper, who served two terms as governor and has been successful in state politics for decades, as the party’s best shot at victory. Democrats need to pick up four seats to take back control of the Senate, and they view the most likely path as winning in North Carolina, Maine, Alaska and Ohio.

Cooper faces five lesser-known rivals on Tuesday. Other Republicans on the Senate ballot include Navy officer Don Brown and Michele Morrow, who was the party’s nominee for state schools chief in 2024.

Republican U.S. Senate candidate Michael Whatley, arrives to an early voting site to cast his vote on Thursday, Feb. 12, 2026, in Gastonia, N.C. Credit: AP/Erik Verduzco

Cooper formally entered the race weeks after Tillis announced last summer he wouldn’t seek a third term, as did Whatley, who was buoyed by Trump’s backing when the president’s daughter-in-law Lara Trump declined to enter. The two candidates have been campaigning for months against each other with little focus on intraparty opposition.

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Whatley promises to keep pushing Trump’s agenda if elected, one that he says has cut taxes and spending and restored U.S. military might.

“It’s very important for us to have a conservative champion and for President Trump to have an ally in the Senate,” he said while voting early in Gastonia. “We’re going to be fighting for every family and every community in North Carolina.”

Some primary voters say Congress needs Democratic control as a counterweight to Trump and what they consider disastrous policies.

President Donald Trump listens as Michael Whatley speaks to soldiers...

President Donald Trump listens as Michael Whatley speaks to soldiers and their families at Fort Bragg, N.C., Friday, Feb. 13, 2026. Credit: AP/Matt Rourke

“I think we need to send a message. And I think the more Democrats that show up, and the more independents that show up for this midterm election, and the more seats we can take from the Republicans, the more he might get the message,” said Lisa Frucht, 67, said as she cast a ballot for Cooper at an early voting site north of Raleigh.

Republican voter Gary Grimes, who chose Whatley, said Democratic control of Congress could lead to more impeachment efforts against Trump that ultimately won’t succeed.

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“It’ll be a repeat of what they did to Trump in the first term,” said Grimes, 71, “And they can’t see anything except getting Trump, at any cost.”

A Democrat hasn’t won a Senate race in North Carolina since 2008. Meanwhile, Cooper, 68, hasn’t lost a North Carolina election going back to first running for the state House in the mid-1980s, leading to 16 years as attorney general and eight as governor through 2024.

Whatley, 57, previously worked in President George W. Bush’s administration, for then-North Carolina Sen. Elizabeth Dole and as an energy lobbyist.

Cooper and his allies have centered campaign attacks on Whatley’s allegiance to the president and Trump policies, saying he backs higher tariffs and Medicaid spending reductions and must take blame for slow Hurricane Helene recovery aid.

Voting recently in Raleigh, Cooper said he wants to “make sure that I’m a strong, independent senator who can work with this president when I can, stand up to him when I need to and recognize that people are struggling right now.”

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Whatley, Trump and other Republicans have blistered Cooper on criminal justice matters, accusing him of promoting soft-on-crime policies while governor. They’ve repeatedly highlighted last August’s fatal stabbing of Ukrainian refugee Iryna Zarutska on a Charlotte light-rail train. Trump identified Zarutska’s mother in attendance at last week’s State of the Union address.

Cooper told reporters recently that his career is about “prosecuting violent criminals and keeping thousands of them behind bars.”

Tuesday’s election also includes primary elections in all but one of North Carolina’s U.S. House districts. They include a five-candidate GOP primary in the northeastern 1st Congressional District, which is currently represented by Democratic Rep. Don Davis, who faced no primary opposition.

The Republican-controlled General Assembly created last fall a more right-leaning 1st District to join Trump’s multistate redistricting campaign ahead of the 2026 elections to retain the House. Davis won in 2024 by less than 2 percentage points.



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