Louisiana
Who will run Louisiana’s prison system for Jeff Landry? The incoming governor hasn’t said – Louisiana Illuminator
Jeff Landry said fighting crime will be a top priority for his incoming administration, but on the day he is to be sworn in as governor, he still hasn’t announced who will run the state’s largest public safety agency.
The incoming governor has not picked a secretary to run the Department of Public Safety and Corrections yet. The person who gets the position will be in charge of Louisiana’s sprawling prison system and manage the state’s probation and parole operations. The position also has oversight of Louisiana State Police, although the tasks have largely been clerical in nature.
Louisiana sheriffs, who run the state’s local jails, have been pushing Landry to keep the current secretary, James “Jimmy” LeBlanc. He has had the position for the past 16 years.
Landry’s team did not respond to a question Friday about whether LeBlanc would be retained.
Having worked in the prison system for 50 years, LeBlanc expressed an interest in staying on at least until the new Louisiana Correctional Institute for Women facility opens in 2025, according to people who work closely with him. He declined to comment for this article.
The corrections department oversees over 71,000 people who have been convicted of crimes. This includes 28,300 state prisoners and 43,300 people on probation, parole or another type of criminal supervision in Louisiana.
The prison system alone has 2,100 employees, and the agency has an annual budget of over $1 billion when juvenile justice services are included. By any measure, it is one of the largest and most complex departments in all of state government.
But unlike many state agencies, turnover in prison system leadership is rare. There have been just two corrections secretaries over the past 30 years and five governors’ terms.
LeBlanc has served in the position for Govs. Bobby Jindal and John Bel Edwards. His predecessor, Richard Stalder, also had the job for 16 years under Govs. Edwin Edwards, Mike Foster and Kathleen Blanco.
The Louisiana Sheriffs Association – an important political constituency for any governor – has been pushing for LeBlanc because they find him easy to work with and straight-forward, according to law enforcement officials who didn’t want to comment on the record for fear of irritating Landry.
They described LeBlanc as dependable and direct about what he can and can’t do to accommodate the sheriffs’ needs. In Louisiana, the sheriffs worked closely with the corrections secretary because more than half of the state’s prisoners are housed in the local jails they run.
But LeBlanc was also a champion for John Bel Edwards’ criminal justice overhaul that shortened prison sentences, which Landry opposed and has vowed to undo. Specifically, LeBlanc advocated for the reconsideration of life-without-parole sentences and other very long prison terms.
His stance on this issue was driven, in part, over the amount of money the prison system devotes to keeping very old and sick inmates behind bars.
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Louisiana spends approximately $100 million on medical care for prisoners each year, a large chunk of which goes to taking care of inmates who are senior citizens after decades of incarceration or weakened by chronic illnesses. LeBlanc has suggested taxpayers’ money might be better spent on other services.
Landry hasn’t revealed the specifics of his criminal justice agenda but has generally expressed that Louisiana needs to be even tougher on people committing violent crimes, seemingly in contrast to suggestions LeBlanc has put forward in recent years.
But if Landry has another person in mind to run the prison system, it’s hard to know who he would pick.
Before Landry announced his new state police superintendent, his transition team’s public safety committee talked to several state police leaders about who might be a good fit for the position and met with potential candidates, according to people familiar with the committee’s work.
The same committee interviewed and discussed no other candidates, besides LeBlanc, to run the prison system.
LeBlanc isn’t the only person waiting for Landry’s phone call either. Two other gubernatorial cabinet positions – Louisiana Economic Development secretary and the head of the Coastal Protection and Restoration Authority – have not been filled yet.
The incoming governor also hasn’t picked a person to lead the Office of Juvenile Justice, which isn’t a cabinet position but still considered a crucial public safety job. The agency oversees juvenile secure care facilities, group homes and criminal supervision – the equivalent of prisons, probation and parole for people who are underage and in the juvenile justice system.
Like LeBlanc, Curtis Nelson, the current assistant secretary over juvenile justice, has expressed an interest in keeping his job.
Louisiana
Louisiana Gov. signs Caleb Wilson Hazing Prevention Act
BATON ROUGE, La. (Louisiana First) — The Caleb Wilson Hazing Prevention Act has been signed into law by Gov. Jeff Landry.
This comes after HB 636, authored by Rep. Vanessa LaFleur (D-Baton Rouge), was signed by the Speaker of the House and the President of the Senate on May 19.
The measure redefines hazing, mandates annual prevention training, and strengthens penalties for student organizations involved in hazing.
The legislation is named after a Southern University student who was killed in 2025 after being punched in the chest with boxing gloves during an unsanctioned, off-campus fraternity hazing ritual.
The law will go into effect on August 1.
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Louisiana
As Seas Rise, Louisiana Faces a Choice: Plan for Movement or Let Crisis Decide – Inside Climate News
The shoreline of Louisiana has never been still or fixed, though recent generations have treated it as such.
Since the last ice age roughly 20,000 years ago, around when people arrived in what is now the United States, sea levels have repeatedly reshaped aspects of the Gulf Coast. But today, human-caused warming is accelerating that ancient process, pushing Louisiana’s dynamic shoreline into conflict with cities, roads, ports and levees built to contain and stabilize nature.
A new study in Nature Sustainability argues that this history is a guide to what comes next. Coastal Louisiana, the authors write, is ground zero for coastal climate adaptation: a place where rising seas and sinking land are already reshaping where people live, and where planning for movement could offer more agency than crisis-driven displacement.
“We have got to remember that when people first came to North America 20,000 years ago, there had already been a lot of climate change,” said Jesse Keenan, a co-author of the paper and professor of sustainable real estate and urban planning at Tulane University. “There’s been a lot of sea level rise in the region, and Indigenous populations have always moved with that shoreline.”
In geologic time, he added, “New Orleans has been there for just a blip. We’ve got to get it out of our heads that this is terra firma.”
The physical stakes are still stark. Southern Louisiana is facing a convergence of rising seas, wetland erosion, stronger storms and land subsidence, much of it worsened by decades of oil and gas canals cut through the coast. The state contains what theIPCC has identified as the world’s most exposed coastal zone, where the shoreline is projected to move more than 30 miles inland of New Orleans.
By comparing today’s warming trajectory with the last interglacial period roughly 125,000 years ago, when global temperatures were similar and seas were much higher, the new study estimates that the region could eventually face three to seven meters of sea-level rise and lose as much as three-quarters of its remaining coastal wetlands.
Keenan emphasizes that the point is not to forecast a sudden disappearance, but to widen the planning lens: if the coast is already moving, Louisiana has a chance to decide how people, infrastructure and economies move with it.
The danger is assuming everyone has the same ability to act on that choice. Social mobility, he said, depends on financial mobility— which means adaptation cannot simply tell people to move to safer ground. It has to move opportunity, too: jobs, industries, schools and affordable housing beyond the form of voluntary buyouts, a common managed-retreat tool in which governments purchase flood-prone homes and return the land to open space.
“Outmigration is often framed as tragedy or failure, but in some cases it signals agency,” said Brianna Castro, a co-author of the paper, who highlights that this is a chance to plan around choices people are already making.
Nearly all of Louisiana’s coastal zone has lost residents since 2000, and since Hurricane Katrina in 2005, about a quarter of Orleans Parish’s population has left the area, while more than half of rural Cameron Parish has relocated.
“If you build jobs and you build homes, specifically affordable homes, [on] safer ground, people will come,” said Castro, who is a professor of urban sustainability at Yale University’s School of the Environment.
The opportunity, she argues, is to make those moves possible before crisis forces them on harsher terms—with schools, housing and work in places where communities can carry culture forward rather than be scattered by disaster. New Orleans at its core, she said, is not confined to its current footprint.
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“We’re not going to ‘lose’ New Orleans,” she said. “New Orleans has an incredibly rich local culture, and that will carry across the lake.” What must change, she argued, is the assumption that a moving coast can be met with immovable systems.
That idea resonates beyond Louisiana. Vivek Shandas, a professor of earth, environment and society at Portland State University who was not involved in the study, said the paper widens the frame from emergency response to long-term adaptation.
“We’ve been resettling for hundreds of thousands of years as a species,” Shandas said. “I think we’ve gotten really complacent with thinking that once we’ve set up a place and invested in it that it has to be like that forever. But the Earth is a very dynamic and incredibly fluid system.”
For that reason, he said, Louisiana is a “bellwether” for the rest of the country—a place where planners, policymakers and communities can study what adaptation strategies work before the same pressures intensify elsewhere.
“It’s super important for people to recognize that what we’re ultimately calling for in this paper is a public, private, and civic engagement with adaptation policy, planning and practice,” said Keenan.
The study points to immediate action projects, including reviving the canceled Mid-Barataria Sediment Diversion—a $3-billion coastal restoration project designed to reconnect the Mississippi River with the Barataria Basin, the rapidly disappearing wetland area on the west bank of the river south of New Orleans—and advancing the Breton diversion on the other side of the Mississippi River.
Unlike dredging, which moves sediment once and deposits it in place, river diversions are designed to restore a more continuous flow of sediment into wetlands, mimicking the processes that built the delta over thousands of years. Dredged material can create land, Keenan said, but it does not sustain the same root systems and ecological processes as a living riverine system.
“We’ve got a big challenge here, but this isn’t about the challenge. This is about the opportunity,” he said. “You catch more flies with honey than vinegar. There is so much economic opportunity to engage with people and to build things. Data centers won’t give people more jobs, but adapting to climate change just might.”
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Louisiana
How is U.S. immigration policy hurting a key Louisiana industry? : Consider This from NPR
Crawfish sit in a water bucket to get clean before they are boiled in New Orleans, Louisiana on Saturday, April 11, 2020.
Claire BANGSER/AFP via Getty Images
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Claire BANGSER/AFP via Getty Images
Louisiana leads the country in crawfish production, bringing more than $300 million to the state each year. What happens when there aren’t enough employees to get them to buyers?
Farmers, landscapers and the hospitality industry have long argued that the U.S. government doesn’t issue enough temporary visas to meet seasonal labor needs.
Current limits under Trump’s second term have worsened that problem.
And farmers in rural Louisiana are feeling that pinch.
NPR’s Debbie Elliott went to Louisiana to find out how.
For sponsor-free episodes of Consider This, sign up for Consider This+ via Apple Podcasts or at plus.npr.org. Email us at considerthis@npr.org.
This episode was produced by Christine Arrasmith and Alejandra Marquez Janse, with audio engineering by Tiffany Vera Castro.
It was edited by Russell Lewis and Courtney Dorning.
Our executive producer is Sami Yenigun.
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