Connect with us

Louisiana

Nearly three years after Ida, housing issues persist in coastal Louisiana's bayou region • Louisiana Illuminator

Published

on

Nearly three years after Ida, housing issues persist in coastal Louisiana's bayou region • Louisiana Illuminator


CUT OFF — It’s a mad scramble Heidi Summers has grown accustomed to in recent years. Until just recently, she and her two children were living out of suitcases and storage containers after they were forced out of their rental home, which had been their most stable residence since Hurricane Katrina.

The reason: Summers, her 15-year-old daughter and 4-year-old son had been diagnosed with lead poisoning, a result of the outdated paint inside their house. The family spent two nights in a motel room before returning to the house, where they isolated themselves in rooms where the paint wasn’t problematic. 

“I just moved there. I just was unpacking a tote the other day, and now I have to do it all by myself,” Summers said. “Then, you know what’s the worst part? I have invisible diseases that people don’t see. So it’s hard for me, and nobody knows.”

Summers, 37, has been diagnosed with multiple sclerosis and fibromyalgia and is in remission from thyroid cancer that required surgery when she was a teenager. Flare-ups, which have become exacerbated through her post-storm living conditions, make it difficult for her to maintain steady employment.  

Advertisement

Her family is among those who haven’t found stable housing since Hurricane Ida plowed through the bayou region in August 2021. Official numbers on storm-related homelessness are either outdated or too fluid to calculate accurately. 

The most recent census of the unhoused from a coalition of groups that assists the homeless in Louisiana was in January 2023. It counted the unsheltered as well as people in transitional housing and showed 60 people without homes in the Houma region, which includes Lafourche, Terrebonne, St. Charles, St. James and Assumption parishes. 

It includes people still living in government-provided travel trailers almost three years after the hurricane. Lafourche Parish President Archie Chaisson said there were 104 families still in them as of mid-May, down from a high of 1,200.

Demand for public housing and government rental vouchers also reflects housing instability in Lafourche, which Chaisson said is more acute on the coastal southern end of the parish. Summers’ family was forced out of their public housing unit in Galliano when Hurricane Ida made it unlivable. 

Her struggle to find and keep a dependable home offers a glimpse at the fragility of the social safety net in rural coastal areas, where increasingly severe hurricanes test the capacity of local governments and nonprofits to meet basic needs. 

Advertisement
Heidi Summers displays the paper trail she has kept since being homeless three times since Hurricane Ida in August 2021. She and her children had to leave this home because they suffered lead poisoning from its old paint. (Greg LaRose/Louisiana Illuminator)

Summers’ housing options are limited in Cut Off, a community surrounded by swamp and shrinking marshland along lower Bayou Lafourche where Louisiana Highway 1 is the only way in or out. It’s roughly 45 minutes away from Houma and Thibodaux — both bigger cities, relatively speaking, but with few affordable rentals available themselves.      

The Housing Authority of Lafourche reports a waitlist of 400 for rental vouchers, even after putting back online all but four of the 276 units it offered before the storm, executive director Erial Branch said in an email. Before Hurricane Ida, the agency served 226 voucher holders.

Chiasson said people who legitimately need to remain in temporary travel trailers in Lafourche Parish would be accommodated, even though the state’s Ida Sheltering program officially ended April 30 — after an 11-month extension of the original deadline. As of the end of April, 557 travel trailers were still in use in Louisiana, according to the Governor’s Office of Homeland Security and Emergency Preparedness.

Next door in Terrebonne Parish, renovations have yet to begin on two public housing developments that have been offline since Hurricane Ida. The Houma-Terrebonne Housing Agency did not respond to questions about how many units that entails or why repair work hasn’t commenced. 

“We have a lack of affordable housing,” Chaisson said. “We have a lack of a couple of large apartment complexes, one of that being a public housing complex that the parish housing authority owns and operates that they still haven’t rebuilt because they’re dealing with their own issues with insurance … So it’s been a struggle. 

Advertisement

“It’s been really heartbreaking to see the deadline come, knowing there wasn’t much we could do to stop it.”

GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX

Advertisement

Homeless again after false arrest 

Summers’ family was among those who lived out of a travel trailer until being forced out under questionable circumstances. She was arrested and locked out of her camper, even though the district attorney would later refuse to prosecute her case. She and her children had to sleep in their SUV until a nonprofit organization found the rental house they would later have to leave because of lead poisoning.

In March 2022, an acquaintance of Summers asked her for a ride and to accompany him to a nearby casino. She described him as “a friend of a friend” she had met two weeks prior. 

Summers obliged, not knowing that Robert “Robbie” Morningstar was the target of a Lafourche Parish Sheriff Office sting operation. 

According to a sheriff’s office  report, a confidential informant had set up a drug deal at the casino with Morningstar, who allegedly sold 2 grams of methamphetamine to the informant for $80. Sheriff’s investigators had set up surveillance to capture the encounter and sent the purchased drugs to a Louisiana State Police lab for confirmation.

Advertisement

Court records show Morningstar was charged with two counts of methamphetamine distribution and one count of distributing synthetic opioids and naloxone. He pleaded guilty to the meth charge in January 2023 and was sentenced to 90 days in the parish prison with a $1,000 fine. 

A sheriff’s task force arrested Summers five months later. It happened a day after she had made an appointment with the governor’s office to inspect her travel trailer for a growing mold problem — and hours after she had threatened to sue the state-contracted crew that was tearing its insides apart, spreading the mold. 

Summers said state officials left her with the impression she would receive a replacement trailer. But moments after their departure, sheriff’s deputies arrived to arrest Summers and charged her with being a principal to distribution of a controlled dangerous substance. She was taken to a sheriff’s substation, photographed and fingerprinted but never booked into jail. After posting $600 bail, she returned to her camper within a few hours to find its entrance padlocked.

Casey Tingle, GOSHEP director under former Gov. John Bel Edwards, said in a December interview that contractors were under the impression that Summers was not living in her camper at the time of her arrest and didn’t intend to move back into it. 

“From our perspective, the arrest … did not play into the issue with her being allowed to stay in the unit if she had wanted to keep that unit and allowed the repairs to happen,” Tingle said. “My sense is that the situation would have never evolved in the way that it did.”

Advertisement

Summers insists she was told her camper would be replaced and said she gave no indication she was backing out of the state sheltering program.  

Asked whether GOSHEP had any paperwork that would confirm Summers backed out of her lease agreement, Tingle said he couldn’t answer the question.   

“She certainly would have done something when she first occupied the unit,” he said “… But it’s my perception that it’s generally pretty vague.”

Photos show storage bins inside the bedrooms and a cleared living room at the Summers' home, where they were exposed to lead poisoning.
After being diagnosed with lead poisoning from the house where they lived, the Summers family isolated in their bedrooms to avoid further contamination. (Photos courtesy Heidi Summers)

Lead poison concerns linger

Summers just moved her family into a rental home near Galliano, after two more months of living in the Cut Off house with lead paint problems. She continues to receive rental assistance and in-home health care through Start Corp., a Houma-based nonprofit that provides housing and medical services. 

“I had to fight for it, honestly … to get rude with them,” Summers said. “Let them know that, ‘Y’all, I’m homeless, and y’all got me in a program.’ I’m like, ‘I’m in a program to not be homeless, and I’m homeless.’” 

Start Corp. declined to respond to questions about Summers’ experience.

Advertisement

A doctor has attributed the family’s health issues earlier this year to lead paint exposure.

Summers’ teen daughter suffered with headaches and was uncharacteristically lethargic. Now that she’s in a different house, she’s back to normal and will return to the school sports teams that kept her busy before her symptoms slowed her down.

Summers is also concerned about her son, whose school told her he had been acting up frequently around the same time her daughter’s health worsened. Even low lead levels in children’s blood have been linked to behavioral issues and learning difficulties, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Such effects could be permanent. Summers won’t know for certain until he’s back at school, and she fears any lead exposure damage she and her children suffered could be long-lasting after spending roughly two years in the home.

It still bothers Summers that her current situation was triggered through a false arrest, one that she fears could haunt her once she looks for work again, applies for a passport or does anything that requires a background check. She doesn’t feel it should fall on her to have the arrest expunged from her record.

Then there’s what she describes as the emotional damage her family endured. Both children have lived with separate relatives while Summers ironed out their housing situation. For a while, she said her daughter stopped talking to her.

Advertisement

“My kids shouldn’t have had to go through that at all,” she said. 

Charitable effort reaches capacity 

One effort has addressed the post-Hurricane Ida demand for permanent housing in lower Bayou Lafourche one family at a time, though its leader acknowledges the need far outweighs their capacity.   

The Bayou Community Foundation put its resources behind a hurricane recovery project of a Mennonite group from Pennsylvania. With their free labor and construction expertise, the volunteers who started work in January 2022 will have built 53 new homes and made repairs to 450 homes in lower Lafourche and on Grand Isle by the end of August.

A stipulation of the Bayou Community Foundation rebuilding program is that the recipients hold clear title to the land where their homes are built. They represent a separate offshoot of homeless: property owners who cannot afford to rebuild their homes.

Michelle Dubois is one of the recipients of a new home, the first “tiny house” among the BCF projects. Finishing touches awaited in early June when she gave a reporter a tour of her new dwelling in Cut Off. It’s built right next to the lot where the trailer home she owned before Ida was destroyed.

Advertisement

For Dubois, a new home couldn’t be constructed soon enough. She described her temporary living situation as a shared home with five “strangers,” some of whom invade her privacy, eat her food and root through her belongings. Dubois has also found herself taking care of seven dogs that also live inside the home.

“It’s very, very rough,” she said. “Lately I’ve been crying so much because it’s overwhelming.”

 

A stroke left Dubois partially disabled and forced her to quit what she said was a good-paying job as a lab scientist. Standing for extended periods is difficult, forcing her to rely on a wheelchair at times. That lack of mobility removed a temporary travel trailer as an option for her, forcing her to endure the strained living conditions until she connected with the Bayou Community Foundation.

The foundation has reached its capacity for new homes, BCF executive director Jennifer Armand said. Her organization’s members feel good about the work that’s been done, but she acknowledged there’s more demand than resources.

Advertisement

Armand expects the need to increase further when people who are still in temporary trailers the Federal Emergency Management Agency have to exit them by an Aug. 31 deadline — a date that’s already been pushed back multiple times.

“The need is definitely still there,” Armand said, referencing a waitlist of 49 applicants and 25 more requests from outside of South Lafourche. 

“And that’s just applications that we received, not even the more people out there that we have not even been able to reach out to and get an application from,” she said. “But we know that the need still exists.”



Source link

Advertisement

Louisiana

After Texas anti-ICE terror conviction, Louisiana can’t afford to stay silent | The Lens

Published

on

After Texas anti-ICE terror conviction, Louisiana can’t afford to stay silent | The Lens


Less than two months after ICE deployed in large numbers to Louisiana, nine protesters in Texas were convicted of federal charges including “terror” for a noise demonstration in support of immigrants held at the Prairieland Detention Center in Alvarado last July. 

Just a state away in Louisiana, the silence is as deafening as it is dangerous. Texas and Louisiana operate as a unit to help the Trump administration execute mass deportation and the criminalization of those who resist it.

The Prairieland Detention Center in Alvarado, Texas, which has an average daily population of 895 people, 146 facing criminal charges and 749 who are considered non-criminals, according to Detention Reports. (Photo by crimethinc)

It’s past time to speak up: about the central role our two states play in the brutal federal deportation campaign, our state governors’ eagerness to create their own state-run immigration empire, and the Prairieland protest of July 4, 2025, which ended with anti-ICE protesters convicted as terrorists. 

As Texas’s partners in crime, Louisiana is actively participating in the federal system that these defendants are fighting. And as the repression that stems from Prairieland spreads, the path leads next to Louisiana.

Advertisement

In December, the widespread organizing in Louisiana in response to Catahoula Crunch brought a glimpse of what local resistance to ICE and DHS could look like. The agencies left Louisiana early, relocating their show of force from New Orleans to Minneapolis. But their attack on immigrants and the people who support them across the Gulf South continues. We cannot afford to lose focus or momentum.

At this moment in Louisiana, that means keeping all eyes on the Prairieland defendants and the ways our fate will be tied to theirs.

Since the beginning of the second Trump administration, the highly visible brutality of ICE and resulting demonstrations like the one in Prairieland have brought increased attention to what is designed to be an invisible matrix for the disappearance, detention, and deportation of people living in the US. 

Together, Texas and Louisiana make up the center of ICE activity, working as a logistical and political unit to maintain the world’s largest immigration incarceration regime. Nearly half of the nation’s detainees are held in these two states.

Though Southern states have long housed the majority of ICE detainees, over the last year the agency has increasingly transported people arrested in other regions to Texas and Louisiana, where private facilities profit from filling beds and people can be detained indefinitely without bond due to a decision this February from the conservative Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals in New Orleans. 

Advertisement

Texas, where the Prairieland defendants staged their protest, leads the nation in detainees and deaths. Louisiana is second and frequently receives transfers from Texas and other states as home to the Alexandria Staging Facility, the only ICE facility in the U.S. with its own airport that serves as the nation’s busiest hub for deportations.

The entry gate outside the Prairieland Detention Center. (Photo by crimethinc)

Gov. Jeff Landry has also formalized partnerships with Gov. Greg Abbott of Texas for joint immigration investigation and enforcement, including an interstate compact to share intelligence and surveillance and the funding and authority, approved by the Louisiana legislature, to dispatch the Louisiana National Guard to Texas to secure its southern border that divides the U.S. and Mexico. 

In 2021, in response to the lifting of Trump-era federal immigration, Abbott declared a “state of emergency,” which he has since renewed monthly. This tactic is part of a broader strategy to claim immigration as a state responsibility, alongside or instead of federal authorities. Both Texas and Louisiana have passed laws that would shift these powers from emergency allowances into permanent statutes. Louisiana’s SB 388 is explicitly tied to the Texas law on which it was modeled, with both paused as they await a decision from the Fifth Circuit this spring.

As Louisiana and Texas power our national mass deportation machine, the Prairieland case is a warning and test case for how the two states are expanding their attack on immigrants to include the people who stand up for and support them. In the U.S. Department of Justice’s first successful prosecution of alleged “anti-fa” members on charges related to terrorism, the federal government has also succeeded in marginalizing nine people who oppose the escalation of state violence. These are not extremists. 

Noise demonstrations like the one these defendants joined outside of Prairieland Detention Center in Texas are an established tradition in New Orleans. Every year on New Year’s Eve, a crowd of people gather and make noise outside Orleans Parish Prison. During noise demonstrations, the point is for people locked inside to hear voices, music, and noise, to remind them that they are not alone. The Prairieland defendants used a megaphone to chant words of support and solidarity to detainees. 

Some inside were fellow protesters. ICE detention has become an increasingly common tactic to silence and punish  people born outside the U.S. for using their freedom of speech to criticize the U.S. government. At the time of the noise demonstration, Leqaa Kordia was detained inside Prairieland because of an arrest at Columbia University, where she had been protesting the genocide in Palestine. Months later, she was detained, flown to Prairieland Detention Center, and held for a year in conditions she described as “filthy” and “inhumane.” 

Advertisement

Four hours from New Orleans, another Columbia protester, Mahmoud Khalil, was held for over one hundred days at a detention center in Jena, Louisiana, where a federal judge issued a deportation order that remains in legal limbo.

The nine protesters convicted of federal charges including “terror.” (Images from PrairielandDefendants.com)

Every witness who participated in the Prairieland noise demonstration testified that they had no expectation of violence. They wore black, carried a “Resist Facism” flag, blew soap bubbles into the air, and carried sparklers and a few small fireworks. Prosecutors  took the use of fireworks out of context to charge defendants with the use of “explosives,” then used these counts to substantiate charges of “riot” and “terror.”

In trial and in the court of public opinion, the prosecution has likewise catastrophized a nonfatal shooting into a conviction for “attempted murder,” while both failing to disclose that the Alvarado Police Department officer who was allegedly shot in the shoulder got out of his car with his gun drawn, barring the alleged shooter from claiming self-defense or defense of others. 

We have seen across the nation that people largely support the right to protest, especially in the face of ICE’s mounting brutality. But in the Prairieland case, the prosecution’s strategy to put the shooting front and center has distracted and divided a movement just as it was gaining momentum. 

The Prairieland demonstration was not an isolated event. It came a month after the mass protests against ICE in Los Angeles and the Trump administration’s first deployment of the National Guard to what would be a series of American cities. As public outrage reaches a turning point, the Prairieland case gives federal officials a timely opportunity to demobilize a growing national movement against ICE by spreading misinformation and fear.

Our reporting has more urgency than ever.

Sign up to get the latest news on New Orleans and the Gulf South sent directly to your inbox.

Advertisement

This playbook has already been in use. After Renee Good and Alex Pretti were murdered by federal immigration agents in Minneapolis less than three weeks apart, Department of Homeland Security leaders labeled both of them “domestic terrorists.”

The attempts to discredit Good and Pretti largely failed. But in the Prairieland case, defendants have been convicted of “terror.” For this federal administration, that makes Prairieland a success, and a model to follow to stifle future opposition. 

At a time when the state is flexing overt and fatal forms of repression, we are still defending the humanity of the people they kill, lock up, or disappear. The Prairieland defendants met the fate of the people who defend the victims of U.S. state violence the loudest and most insistently, which is to join them, caged and dismissed as criminals (even as nearly 75% of detainees have not been convicted of a crime). 

On Monday, lawyers for the nine Prairieland defendants filed motions to overturn their convictions. As they go through their appeals, it’s likely that the case will unfold in the Fifth Circuit in New Orleans, where the defendants will fight for the right to resist a crisis of humanity as rooted in Louisiana as it is in Texas. 

Advertisement

The verdict will have a bearing not only on our ability to support immigrants and resist ICE, but to carry out any form of political dissent. 

This type of repression can easily happen in Louisiana. A law passed this year made it a state crime to interfere with ICE, language that the bill’s own sponsor acknowledged is expansive enough to charge someone for providing aid to an “unauthorized” immigrant. 

This has been a long time coming. Trump first announced his intent to designate “anti-fa” as a terrorist organization on social media six days after the murder of George Floyd, a promise he followed through on this past September in response to another mass movement against law enforcement brutality. 

The idea did not come out of nowhere. In 2019, Sen. Ted Cruz and Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana jointly introduced a resolution proposing the designation. 

A banner at a support action.

Though “anti-fa” stands for “anti-facism,” Trump and his backers in Texas and Louisiana have mangled its origins and purpose, invoking the abbreviation to discredit demonstrators as marginal and extreme. As Pam Bondi has already assured, Prairieland will not be the last time that Trump and his backers twist the term to propose that people who speak out against fascism are somehow more threatening than fascism itself.  

As mass deportation and the criminalization of dissent crosses state lines, so too must our solidarity. Where Texas goes, Louisiana follows. We are all the Prairieland defendants, whether we choose to see it now or once it’s too late. 

Advertisement

While Leqaa Kordia was still being held in the Prairieland Detention Center, Mahmoud Khalil wrote to her: “It will end…Not because the system will suddenly discover its conscience. Not because those who put you there will wake up one morning and realize the cruelty of what they have done. It will end because people will force it to end.” 

The Prairieland defendants were some of these people. We say to them and to everyone in ICE custody what Khalil said to Kordia in closing: “I will carry you until you are free.”




Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Louisiana

Louisiana DOTD starts final pass for storm debris cleanup

Published

on

Louisiana DOTD starts final pass for storm debris cleanup


MONROE, La. (KNOE) – The winter storm took a toll on North Louisiana, leaving debris scattered across roadways and yards.

Contracted debris removal for the storm began on Feb. 9, 2026, and has been mostly completed.

To ensure all hazards on the rights-of-way are picked up, crews will be doing one final pass to remove any final debris.

Crews will be going along state routes in the following parishes:

Advertisement
  • East Carroll
  • West Carroll
  • Richland
  • Morehouse
  • Jackson
  • Madison

Louisiana DOTD stresses that this pass is only for naturally occurring debris from the winter storm.

“We really don’t want people going into their backyards and finding debris to put out there. That’s not really the purpose of this, really is supposed to be naturally occurring storm debris. So, you know, don’t put your household debris and waste and things out on the right of way” said Erin Buchanan, Public Information Officer, Louisiana DOTD.

Crews will not be passing through local or parish-owned roads.

If you are unsure what the rights-of-way is on a state route, the best rule of thumb is to place it on the roadside of the utility pole.

Buchanan says she hopes the final pass will be finished by the end of April.

Any debris placed on state roadways after the completion of final pass will have to be removed through normal waste management means or by the property owner.

Advertisement

If you want to find out if your route is part of the final pass, Louisiana DOTD asks you to call their hotline at 850-849-6726.



Source link

Continue Reading

Louisiana

La. Tech professor from Clnton receives award

Published

on

La. Tech professor from Clnton receives award


V. Elaine Thompson, associate professor of history and undergraduate coordinator for the School of Human Inquiry at Louisiana Tech University, has received the Garnie W. McGinty Lifetime Meritorious Service Award from the Louisiana Historical Association.

The prize honors Garnie McGinty, a longtime professor of history at Louisiana Tech University, and is the organization’s highest honor. The honor is awarded annually to those who have made significant contributions to scholarship in Louisiana history, to the historical profession in Louisiana or to the association.

Samuel Shepherd, professor emeritus at Centenary College of Louisiana, praised Thompson’s lifelong dedication in his nomination of her for the award.

“Louisiana history has radiated through Dr. Thompson’s entire life,” Shepherd said. “Her passion about the state’s past has been matched by her extensive knowledge and deep understanding of it. She has enriched the minds of students and scholars, as well as the general public, and stimulated them to discover more about Louisiana and its people. She richly deserves her McGinty honor.”

Advertisement

Thompson’s honor completes a trio of distinctions within the Louisiana Historical Association, as she has also served as president and been elected to the Company of Fellows.

“It has been my privilege to serve the members of the LHA, my colleagues, and my students during the past two decades,” Thompson said. “ I’m honored and delighted to be recognized for my efforts, and I look forward to many more years of diligent work in researching, teaching, and promoting Louisiana history. I’m so grateful to the Louisiana Historical Association and to the McGinty Trust for this award.”

Thompson, who grew up in Clinton, has been a member of the Louisiana Tech faculty since 2004.



Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Trending