Louisiana
Federal Court Strikes Down Louisiana’s Ten Commandments Classroom Law
Highlights
- Federal appeals court unanimously ruled Louisiana’s Ten Commandments classroom display law “plainly unconstitutional,” blocking enforcement statewide
- Conservative 5th Circuit Court of Appeals upheld lower court injunction protecting religious freedom rights of Louisiana families
- Attorney General Liz Murrill vows immediate appeal to full court and potentially U.S. Supreme Court, setting up major constitutional battle
- Nine multifaith Louisiana families successfully challenged law requiring 11×14 inch displays in every public classroom from K-12 through college
- Ruling impacts all Louisiana school districts despite state claims it only applies to five parishes involved in lawsuit
Federal appeals court delivers unanimous ruling protecting religious freedom in public schools as state prepares Supreme Court challenge
BATON ROUGE, La. (KPEL News) — According to a unanimous decision from the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, Louisiana’s groundbreaking law requiring Ten Commandments displays in every public school classroom is “plainly unconstitutional” and violates students’ First Amendment rights.
The Friday ruling upholds a lower court injunction that has prevented the state from enforcing the controversial measure, which would have affected classrooms from kindergarten through state universities starting January 1.
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Conservative Federal Court Delivers Unanimous Constitutional Rebuke
In a decision that surprised many legal observers, the traditionally conservative 5th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled unanimously against Louisiana’s law despite the court’s reputation as one of the most conservative in the nation. The three-judge panel included two Democratic appointees—Judge Irma Carrillo Ramirez (appointed by President Biden) and Judge James Dennis (appointed by President Clinton)—alongside Republican appointee Judge Catharina Haynes (appointed by President George W. Bush).
The court relied heavily on the 1980 Supreme Court case Stone v. Graham, which struck down a similar Kentucky law requiring Ten Commandments displays in public school classrooms.
According to the court’s 52-page ruling, “Under Stone, H.B. 71 is plainly unconstitutional” because it violates the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment, which bars the government from endorsing religion or creating laws that favor one religion over another.
“If the posted copies of the Ten Commandments are to have any effect at all, it will be to induce the schoolchildren to read, meditate upon, perhaps to venerate and obey, the Commandments,” the court wrote, quoting the Stone decision. “This is not a permissible state objective.”
Nine Louisiana Families Celebrate Religious Freedom Victory
The legal challenge was brought by a diverse coalition of nine Louisiana families with children in public schools, representing Christian, Jewish, Unitarian Universalist, and nonreligious backgrounds. The lead plaintiffs include Rev. Darcy Roake, a Unitarian Universalist minister, and her husband Adrian Van Young, who is Jewish, representing the kind of interfaith family directly affected by the law’s requirements.
“We are grateful for this decision, which honors the religious diversity and religious-freedom rights of public school families across Louisiana,” Roake said in a statement. “As an interfaith family, we believe that our children should receive their religious education at home and within our faith communities, not from government officials.”
The families argued that the law would create unconstitutional religious coercion of students who are legally required to attend school for 177 days per year. The court agreed, finding that “impressionable students will confront a display of the Ten Commandments for nearly every hour of every school day of their public school education.”
What the Law Required and Why It Failed the Constitutional Test
Louisiana’s law, known as H.B. 71, mandated that every public classroom from kindergarten through state-funded universities display poster-sized versions of the Ten Commandments measuring at least 11 inches by 14 inches. The displays had to feature the Commandments as the “central focus” printed in “large, easily readable font.”
The law required schools to use a specific Protestant version of the Ten Commandments selected by state lawmakers, along with a mandatory “context statement” about the historical significance of the Ten Commandments in American education. Schools could optionally include other historical documents like the Declaration of Independence and the Mayflower Compact.
However, the court found that despite claims of historical and educational purpose, the law’s true intent was religious. The judges pointed to statements by the law’s sponsor, Rep. Dodie Horton, who said the displays were meant to teach students “what God says is right and what he says is wrong” and described the Ten Commandments as “God’s law.”
Attorney General Murrill Prepares Supreme Court Appeal Strategy
Louisiana Attorney General Liz Murrill responded quickly to Friday’s ruling, stating that she “strongly disagrees” with the decision and will “immediately seek relief from the full Fifth Circuit and, if necessary, the U.S. Supreme Court.”
Murrill has been strategically preparing for this moment. According to previous reports, she had already designed sample posters specifically anticipating a Supreme Court appearance, including one featuring photos from the Supreme Court building’s east frieze showing Moses among historical lawgivers.
“I’d like to incorporate some photos from the east frieze of the United States Supreme Court, so when I’m standing in the United States Supreme Court, I can point out that Moses is right there, in their building,” Murrill said in a recorded conversation about her legal strategy.
The attorney general also disputes the scope of Friday’s ruling, claiming it only applies to the five parishes with plaintiffs in the lawsuit rather than statewide. However, civil liberties attorneys argue that all Louisiana school districts are bound by the constitutional ruling.
Louisiana School Districts Navigate Constitutional Confusion
The ruling creates immediate clarity for Louisiana’s public school districts, though questions remain about implementation during the appeals process. It’s unclear how many, if any, districts attempted to comply with the law during the litigation period.
The five school districts with plaintiffs in the original lawsuit, East Baton Rouge Parish, Livingston Parish, St. Tammany Parish, Orleans Parish, and Vernon Parish, have been exempt from enforcement while the case proceeded. Civil liberties attorneys maintain that all districts statewide must now abide by the constitutional ruling.
The law has also raised concerns among educators. Christopher Dier, a New Orleans history teacher who was named Louisiana Teacher of the Year in 2020, filed a separate federal lawsuit against the requirement, saying it would make him feel like “a state agent, coercing students to follow one specific religion.”
National Movement Faces Legal Setbacks as Other States Watch
Louisiana’s law was the first of its kind since the Supreme Court struck down Kentucky’s similar requirement in 1980, but it’s part of a broader national movement. Arkansas families have filed a similar lawsuit challenging their state’s near-identical law passed earlier this year, while Texas has comparable legislation awaiting Governor Greg Abbott’s signature.
The Louisiana case has drawn national attention partly because President Donald Trump endorsed the law during his 2024 campaign. The broader push includes Oklahoma’s order for public schools to incorporate the Bible into lesson plans and Texas allowing districts to opt into Bible-based elementary curricula.
These efforts are testing the boundaries of religion in public education under a Supreme Court that has shown more openness to religious expression in recent decisions, including a 2022 ruling supporting a high school football coach’s right to pray at midfield after games.
Constitutional Precedent and Supreme Court Implications
The Louisiana ruling relied heavily on Stone v. Graham, the 1980 Supreme Court decision that found Kentucky’s Ten Commandments law had “no secular legislative purpose” and served only religious aims. Louisiana had argued that Stone no longer applied because it relied on precedent the current Supreme Court has disavowed.
The state also contended that its law differed from Kentucky’s because schools could display the Ten Commandments alongside historical documents, reflecting secular educational purposes. However, the appeals court rejected these arguments, finding that the law’s true intent was religious based on legislative statements and debate.
Legal experts have long predicted that Louisiana’s case would reach the Supreme Court, where the current 6-3 conservative majority could potentially reconsider the 45-year-old Stone precedent. According to constitutional law scholars, this case could define “what we’re going to litigate for the next decade” regarding states’ ability to incorporate religion into public institutions.
What Drove Louisiana’s Push for Religious Displays in Schools
The Louisiana law emerged from Governor Jeff Landry’s broader push to integrate elements of Christian faith into secular life, making it a central part of his political platform. When signing the bill, Landry argued that displaying the Ten Commandments teaches students to respect the law, saying “if you want to respect the rule of law, you’ve got to start from the original lawgiver, which was Moses.”
The law’s sponsor, Rep. Dodie Horton, was explicit about religious motivations during legislative debates. When asked how Buddhist or Muslim students might interpret the commandments, Horton responded: “Well I’m not Buddhist or Muslim so I’m not really worried about defining it for them… [The Ten Commandments] [are] a model for what’s God — it’s God’s law, and it’s universal law.”
However, expert testimony in the case disputed claims about the Ten Commandments’ historical significance to American law. Religious studies professor Steven Green testified that none of America’s founding documents—including the Constitution, Declaration of Independence, and Bill of Rights—make any mention of the Ten Commandments.
How Louisiana Families and Educators Are Responding
The ruling has been met with relief from Louisiana families who challenged the law. “Religious freedom — the right to choose one’s faith without pressure — is essential to American democracy,” said Alanah Odoms, executive director of the ACLU of Louisiana. “Today’s ruling ensures that the schools our plaintiffs’ children attend will stay focused on learning, without promoting a state-preferred version of Christianity.”
Civil liberties advocates framed the decision as protecting core American principles. “This is a resounding victory for the separation of church and state and public education,” said Heather L. Weaver, senior staff attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union. “Public schools are not Sunday schools, and they must welcome all students, regardless of faith.”
The ruling also highlighted concerns from educators about being forced to promote religious doctrine. As teacher Christopher Dier explained, requiring the displays would make educators feel like “state agents” rather than neutral facilitators of secular education.
What’s Next for Louisiana Schools and the Supreme Court Challenge
The immediate effect of Friday’s ruling is clear: Louisiana school districts cannot post Ten Commandments displays while the case proceeds through appeals. However, the legal battle is far from over, with Attorney General Murrill expected to petition the full 5th Circuit Court and potentially the Supreme Court by fall 2025.
Governor Landry backed the appeal strategy, stating that “The Ten Commandments are the foundation of our laws — serving both an educational and historical purpose in our classrooms.” The state’s argument will likely focus on distinguishing Louisiana’s law from the Kentucky statute struck down in 1980.
If the case reaches the Supreme Court, it could reshape the boundaries between church and state in American public education. The current conservative majority has shown more receptiveness to religious expression in public settings, though Friday’s unanimous ruling from the conservative 5th Circuit suggests the constitutional barriers remain strong.
10 Louisiana Laws You Don’t Know You’re Breaking
Gallery Credit: Jude Walker
Louisiana
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Louisiana
Louisiana’s 4-H program creates young leaders who sustain the state’s agriculture
Lanette G. Hebert, based in Rayne, serves as the southwest 4-H regional coordinator for the LSU AgCenter, bringing over 35 years of service to Louisiana’s 4-H youth development programs. Throughout her tenure, she has worked to empower youth, strengthen volunteer networks and build programs that foster leadership, citizenship and essential life skills. Last year, Hebert had a hand in hosting the Growing Careers … Beyond the Rice Field pilot program — an effort to introduce high school youth to the science and business of rice production, sponsored by the Louisiana Rice Promotion Board.
Hebert’s passion for community and education reflects her belief that investing in young people creates a stronger, brighter future for Louisiana.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
What does your role with the AgCenter look like, beyond the rice field program?
We develop educational programs, and one that we’ve focused on is ag awareness. Out of our advisory process, someone suggested that we focus on the rice industry, since the LSU AgCenter H. Rouse Caffey Rice Research Station is within the southwest region.
Lanette G. Hebert serves as the southwest 4-H regional coordinator for the LSU AgCenter, bringing over 35 years of service to Louisiana’s 4-H youth development programs.
Do you plan to host another Beyond the Rice Field program in the future?
We’re going to propose that we do it every other year. We highlight all careers available in the ag industry, whereas this one was targeted just on the rice industry, so we plan to alternate them — one general ag awareness program and then the rice program.
What activities and curriculum did the students participate in for the rice field program?
We really called upon the professors at the rice research station. They went out with entomologists into the rice fields, looked for bugs and then evaluated the bugs and discussed how they would impact the rice crop.
In our agronomy lab, they took home seed plots and did different treatments on them. They learned about drones and got to fly drones. Every one of the six sessions highlighted the careers, but then also did some type of hands-on activity.
How are young people integral to the future of Louisiana agriculture?
That’s the driving force behind our ag awareness program, especially with this rice field day, is a concern for young people who are entering careers that are agriculture-based. We cooperate with the College of Ag at LSU to highlight those careers, from fashion merchandising to food science to agronomy.
We’re trying to expose them to a vast array of career opportunities in agriculture and what educational opportunities are available to them. With our rice field day, we emphasized internships and high school job opportunities that would expose them to see if they’d like this career choice.
One of the key things we’re trying to do is develop their awareness of the careers but also give them hands-on opportunities.
One of Lanette Hebert’s career highlights with her job at LSU AgCenter is taking 131 people to Ireland, where they spent 10 days studying agriculture in the country to compare it to Louisiana’s landscape.
How does 4-H develop leadership skills and teach students the soft skills needed in the workforce?
The ag awareness program is just one of the things we offer. Our statewide forage program offers opportunities in three core areas besides agriculture: STEM, healthy living and citizenship and leadership.
We start the 4-H program in fourth grade, and a lot of that is where they are exploring and learning about the different subject matters. As they stay with us in the 4-H program, we transition that into leadership. If a fourth grader starts off interested in the nutrition project and cooking, they’re learning how to measure ingredients, but we’re hoping, by 10th grade, they’re conducting the workshop for the fourth grader.
Louisiana 4-H is pretty unique. We have seven statewide leadership boards where we focus on subject matter and developing leaders in those areas. Every parish also has a team leadership program. That club focuses very heavily on leadership development.
How does 4-H work with external partners in the state — farmers, researchers, etc. — to bolster the program?
We’re always looking for community collaborators who are aligned with the missions of our 4-H program. The rice field day was a great example. It was awesome to see the passion that our researchers, research associates, extension faculty and farmers have for their career paths.
That’s always something, when we find a partner that has the same goal and passion of reaching young people and sustaining an industry.
Our STEM program is really growing right now, so robotics gives us a lot of opportunity to partner with local people as well. We have things like job interview contests, and we work with HR departments to do mock interviews.
We’re always trying to connect with people throughout the site to highlight their careers and passions for different subject matters that pertain to our young people.
Louisiana
Commentary: Trump can be hard to take. But his tariffs keep this fisherman afloat
HOUMA, La. — For nearly 50 years, James Blanchard has made his living in the Gulf of Mexico, pulling shrimp from the sea.
It’s all he ever wanted to do, since he was around 12 years old and accompanied his father, a mailman and part-time shrimper, as he spent weekends trawling the marshy waters off Louisiana. Blanchard loved the adventure and splendid isolation.
He made a good living, even as the industry collapsed around him. He and his wife, Cheri, bought a comfortable home in a tidy subdivision here in the heart of Bayou Country. They helped put three kids through college.
But eventually Blanchard began to contemplate his forced retirement, selling his 63-foot boat and hanging up his wall of big green fishing nets once he turns 65 in February.
“The amount of shrimp was not a problem,” said Blanchard, a fourth-generation shrimper who routinely hauls in north of 30,000 flash-frozen pounds on a two-week trip. “It’s making a profit, because the prices were so low.”
Then came President Trump, his tariffs and famously itchy trigger finger.
Blanchard is a lifelong Republican, but wasn’t initially a big Trump fan.
In April, Trump slapped a 10% fee on shrimp imports, which grew to 50% for India, America’s largest overseas source of shrimp. Further levies were imposed on Ecuador, Vietnam and Indonesia, which are other major U.S. suppliers.
Views of the 47th president, from the ground up
Tariffs may slow economic growth, discombobulate markets and boost inflation. Trump’s single-handed approach to tax-and-trade policy has landed him before the Supreme Court, which is expected to rule by summer on a major test case of presidential power.
Blanchard snacks on a bag of dried shrimp.
But for Blanchard, those tariffs have been a lifeline. He’s seen a significant uptick in prices, from as low as 87 cents a pound for wild-caught shrimp to $1.50 or more. That’s nowhere near the $4.50 a pound, adjusted for inflation, that U.S shrimpers earned back in the roaring 1980s, when shrimp was less common in home kitchens and something of a luxury item.
It’s enough, however, for Blanchard to shelve his retirement plans and for that — and Trump — he’s appreciative.
“Writing all the bills in the world is great,” he said of efforts by congressional lawmakers to prop up the country’s dwindling shrimp fishermen. “But it don’t get nothing done.”
Trump, Blanchard said, has delivered.
::
Shrimp is America’s most popular seafood, but that hasn’t buoyed the U.S. shrimp industry.
Wild-caught domestic shrimp make up less than 10% of the market. It’s not a matter of quality, or overfishing. A flood of imports — farmed on a mass scale, lightly regulated by developing countries and thus cheaper to produce — has decimated the market for American shrimpers.
In the Gulf and South Atlantic, warm water shrimp landings — the term the industry uses — had an average annual value of more than $460 million between 1975 and 2022, according to the Southern Shrimp Alliance, a trade group. (Those numbers are not adjusted for inflation.)
A boat moves up a canal in Chauvin, La.
Over the last two years, the value of the commercial shrimp fishery has fallen to $269 million in 2023 and $256 million in 2024.
As the country’s leading shrimp producer, Louisiana has been particularly hard hit. “It’s getting to the point that we are on our knees,” Acy Cooper, president of the Louisiana Shrimp Assn., recently told New Orleans television station WVUE.
In the 1980s, there were more than 6,000 licensed shrimpers working in Louisiana. Today, there are fewer than 1,500.
Blanchard can see the ripple effects in Houma — in the shuttered businesses, the depleted job market and the high incidence of drug overdoses.
Latrevien Moultrie, 14, fishes in Houma, La.
“It’s affected everybody,” he said. “It’s not only the boats, the infrastructure, the packing plants. It’s the hardware stores. The fuel docks. The grocery stores.”
Two of the Blanchardses’ three children have moved away, seeking opportunity elsewhere. One daughter is a university law professor. Their son works in logistics for a trucking company in Georgia. Their other daughter, who lives near the couple, applies her advanced degree in school psychology as a stay-at-home mother of five.
(Cheri Blanchard, 64 and retired from the state labor department, keeps the books for her husband.)
It turns out the federal government is at least partly responsible for the shrinking of the domestic shrimp industry. In recent years, U.S. taxpayers have subsidized overseas shrimp farming to the tune of at least $195 million in development aid.
Seated at their dining room table, near a Christmas tree and other remnants of the holidays, Blanchard read from a set of scribbled notes — a Bible close at hand — as he and his wife decried the lax safety standards, labor abuses and environmental degradation associated with overseas shrimp farming.
James Blanchard and his wife, Cheri, like Trump’s policies. His personality is another thing.
The fact their taxes help support those practices is particularly galling.
“A slap in the face,” Blanchard called it.
::
Donald Trump grew slowly on the Blanchards.
The two are lifelong Republicans, but they voted for Trump in 2016 only because they considered him less bad than Hillary Clinton.
Once he took office, they were pleasantly surprised.
They had more money in their pockets. Inflation wasn’t an issue. Washington seemed less heavy-handed and intrusive. By the time Trump ran for reelection, the couple were fully on board and they happily voted for him again in 2024.
Republican National Committee reading material sits on the counter of James Blanchard’s kitchen.
Still, there are things that irk Blanchard. He doesn’t much care for Trump’s brash persona and can’t stand all the childish name-calling. For a long time, he couldn’t bear listening to Trump’s speeches.
“You didn’t ever really listen to many of Obama’s speeches,” Cheri interjected, and James allowed as how that was true.
“I liked his personality,” Blanchard said of the former Democratic president. “I liked his character. But I didn’t like his policies.”
It’s the opposite with Trump.
Unlike most politicians, Blanchard said, when Trump says he’ll do something he generally follows through.
Such as tightening border security.
“I have no issue at all with immigrants,” he said, as his wife nodded alongside. “I have an issue with illegal immigrants.” (She echoed Trump in blaming Renee Good for her death last week at the hands of an ICE agent.)
“I have sympathy for them as families,” Blanchard went on, but crossing the border doesn’t make someone a U.S. citizen. “If I go down the highway 70 miles an hour in that 30-mile-an-hour zone, guess what? I’m getting a ticket. … Or if I get in that car and I’m drinking, guess what? They’re bringing me to jail. So what’s the difference?”
Between the two there isn’t much — apart from Trump’s “trolling,” as Cheri called it — they find fault with.
Blanchard hailed the lightning-strike capture and arrest of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro as another example of Trump doing and meaning exactly what he says.
“When Biden was in office, they had a $25-million bounty on [Maduro’s] head,” Blanchard said. “But apparently it was done knowing that it was never going to be enforced.”
More empty talk, he suggested.
Just like all those years of unfulfilled promises from politicians vowing to rein in foreign competition and revive America’s suffering shrimping industry.
James Blanchard aboard his boat, which he docks in Bayou Little Caillou.
Trump and his tariffs have given Blanchard back his livelihood and for that alone he’s grateful.
There’s maintenance and repair work to be done on his boat — named Waymaker, to honor the Lord — before Blanchard musters his two-man crew and sets out from Bayou Little Caillou.
He can hardly wait.
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