Science
Trump Picks Ex-Congressman to Manage U.S. Nuclear Arsenal

President-elect Donald J. Trump has picked Brandon Williams, a former Navy officer and one-term congressman, to become the keeper of the nation’s arsenal of thousands of nuclear bombs and warheads.
Mr. Trump’s selection is a shift from a tradition in which the people who served as administrator of the National Nuclear Security Administration typically had deep technical roots or experience in the nation’s atomic complex. What’s unknown publicly is the extent of Mr. Williams’ experience in the knotty intricacies of how the weapons work and how they are kept reliable for decades without ever being ignited.
Terry C. Wallace Jr., a former director of the Los Alamos weapons laboratory in New Mexico, expressed surprise at Mr. Trump’s pick.
Dr. Wallace said he had “never met him or had a meeting” with Mr. Williams and characterized him as having “very limited experience” with the N.N.S.A.’s missions, based on his own decades of work in and around the nation’s atomic complex.
Hans M. Kristensen, the director of the Nuclear Information Project at the Federation of American Scientists, said Mr. Williams “will be facing an incredibly complex, technical job.”
Mr. Williams did not return calls for comment on his selection by Mr. Trump or his credentials.
The credentials and credibility of whoever becomes N.N.S.A.’s new leader may face close scrutiny because advisers to Mr. Trump have suggested that the incoming administration may propose a restart to the nation’s explosive testing of nuclear arms. That step, daunting both technically and politically, would end U.S. adherence to a global test ban that sought to end decades of costly and destabilizing arms races.
From 2023 to early this year, Mr. Williams, a Republican, represented New York’s 22nd Congressional District, an upstate area that includes the cities of Syracuse and Utica. He was defeated by a Democrat in the November election.
Mr. Williams joined the U.S. Navy in 1991 and served as an officer on the U.S.S. Georgia, a nuclear submarine, before leaving the service as a lieutenant in 1996.
In his congressional biography, Mr. Williams said he made a successful transition during his Navy career into nuclear engineer training, calling it “a very steep learning curve” that he met “against significant odds.” The program is widely considered one of the U.S. military’s most demanding.
Mr. Trump announced his choice of Mr. Williams as the nation’s nuclear weapons czar in social media posts on Thursday morning, calling him “a successful businessman and Veteran of the U.S. Navy, where he served as a Nuclear Submarine Officer, and Strategic Missile Officer.”
According to his congressional biography, Mr. Williams founded “a software company that now helps large industrial manufacturers modernize their production plants, secure their critical infrastructure from cyberattacks, and paves the way for reduced emissions through advances in artificial intelligence.”
Chris Wright, Mr. Trump’s nominee for secretary of energy, the cabinet-level post that oversees the N.N.S.A., called Mr. Williams “a smart, passionate guy” who wants to “defend our country and make things better,” according to an interview on Wednesday with the website Exchange Monitor.
A lengthy 2022 profile of Mr. Williams described him as a multimillionaire who starts each morning by reading a section of the Bible. After high school, it said, Mr. Williams went to Baylor University, a private Christian school in Waco, Texas, and then transferred to Pepperdine University in Malibu, Calif.
His congressional biography says he earned a bachelors from Pepperdine in liberal arts, and later an MBA from the Wharton School, a contrast with the advanced degrees in physics or engineering that typically dot the résumés of weaponeers who end up in senior positions of the nation’s atomic complex.
The outgoing administrator of the National Nuclear Security Administration, Jill Hruby, offers a striking contrast with Mr. Williams in terms of technical background and nuclear experience. Before her 2021 nomination to the post, she had a 34-year career at Sandia National Laboratories, retiring in 2017 as director. By training, she is a mechanical engineer.
Sandia is one of the nation’s three nuclear weapons labs, with its main branch located in Albuquerque. It is responsible for the nonnuclear parts of the nation’s arsenal of atomic bombs and warheads.
Other N.N.S.A. administrators have had backgrounds in national security, nuclear operations, the military or scientific fields related to nuclear technology. The first was an Air Force general and a former deputy director of the C.I.A.
The overall responsibilities of the N.N.S.A. include designing, making and maintaining the safety, security and reliability of the nation’s nuclear arms; providing nuclear plants to the Navy; and promoting global atomic safety and nonproliferation. In Nevada, the agency runs a sprawling base larger than the state of Rhode Island, where the United States in the latter years of the Cold War tested its weapons in underground explosions.
Dr. Wallace, the former Los Alamos director, said he had tracked Mr. Trump’s search for an agency leader and found that “any candidate will be making a pitch for resumption.” He added, “That more or less disqualifies any recent director of any nuclear weapons lab.”
Many experts see a restart as unnecessary given the depth and breadth of the nation’s nonexplosive testing program, which the N.N.S.A. runs at an annual cost of roughly $10 billion. Experts argue that the program’s decades of analyses have led to deeper understanding of nuclear arms and greater confidence in weapon reliability than during the explosive era.
Dr. Wallace said Mr. Trump was aided in his hunt for a nuclear czar by Robert C. O’Brien, his national security adviser from 2019 to 2021. Last year in Foreign Affairs magazine, Mr. O’Brien, a lawyer, argued that Washington “must test new nuclear weapons for reliability and safety in the real world.” He added that the freshly tested arsenal would be a deterrent to China and Russia.
Republicans have long criticized the test ban and urged a testing restart. President Bill Clinton, a Democrat, signed the accord in 1996. In 1999, however, he suffered a crushing defeat when the Senate refused to ratify the test ban treaty.
In spite of the treaty’s defeat, successive administrations have informally abided the terms of the test ban. That position began to come under fire during Mr. Trump’s first administration.
In 2018, the Defense Department declared that “the United States must remain ready to resume nuclear testing.” John R. Bolton, Mr. Trump’s national security adviser from 2018 to 2019, reportedly argued for a restart but made little headway.
In 2020, when Mr. O’Brien was the national security adviser, the Trump administration reportedly discussed whether to conduct nuclear test explosions in a meeting with national security agencies.
Opponents of a restart see the nonnuclear tests as more than sufficient to ensure arsenal reliability. “We have more confidence today than when we stopped explosive testing,” Victor H. Reis, the program’s architect, said in an interview.
Siegfried S. Hecker, a former Los Alamos director, argued that a restart would probably start a chain reaction of testing among the world’s atomic powers and perhaps among the so-called threshold states. Like Iran, they’re considered close to being able to build a bomb.
Dr. Hecker noted that during the Cold War, China conducted 45 test explosions, France 210, Russia 715 and the United States 1,030. He said that Beijing, which in recent years has rebuilt its base for nuclear tests, had a major incentive to design and explosively test a new generation of nuclear arms. He argued that the arms could make its expanding missile force more lethal.
“China,” Dr. Hecker added, “has much more to gain from resumed testing than we do.”

Science
Lethal algae bloom is over, but sickened marine mammals aren't safe yet

It was one of the largest, longest and most lethal harmful algae blooms in Southern California’s recorded history, claiming the lives of hundreds of dolphins and sea lions between Baja California and the Central Coast. And now, finally, it’s over.
Levels of toxic algae species in Southern California coastal waters have declined in recent weeks below thresholds that pose a threat to marine wildlife, according to the Southern California Coastal Ocean Observing System, or SCCOOS, which monitors algae blooms.
Although this provides a much-needed respite for marine mammals and the people working to save them from neurotoxin poisoning, scientists warned that the coastal ecosystem isn’t in the clear yet.
Just as January’s firestorms struck well outside Southern California’s typical fire season, this explosion of harmful algae appeared earlier in the year than have previous blooms. Further outbreaks are still possible before the year is up, said Dave Bader, a marine biologist and the chief operations and education officer for the Marine Mammal Care Center in San Pedro.
“It’s definitely over, but we still have the work of rehabilitating the [animals] that we have saved,” Bader said Wednesday. “And we’re not out of the woods with this year at all.”
Bader was among a group of ocean specialists who gathered at the AltaSea complex at the Port of Los Angeles to brief Mayor Karen Bass on the coastal effects of January’s fires.
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That disaster didn’t cause the algae blooms. This is the fourth consecutive year such outbreaks have occurred along the Southern California coast, fueled by an upwelling of nutrient-rich waters from the deep ocean.
Yet multiple research teams are currently investigating whether the surge of additional runoff into the sea resulting from the firestorms may have contributed to the recent bloom’s intensity.
No data on the subject are available yet. But given the relationship between nutrients and harmful algae species, Mark Gold of the Natural Resources Defense Council said he would not be surprised if the fires played a role in this year’s severity.
“As a scientist who’s been looking at impacts of pollution on the ocean for my whole career, … one would expect that [fire runoff] is also having impacts on harmful algal blooms, from the standpoint of the intensity of the blooms, the scope, the scale, etc.,” said Gold, the organization’s director of water scarcity solutions. “We’ll find that out when all this analysis and research is completed.”
In terms of animal mortality, this year’s bloom was the worst since 2015-16 outbreak that killed thousands of animals between Alaska and Baja California, said SCCOOS director Clarissa Anderson of UC San Diego’s Scripps Institution of Oceanography.
Four different algae species were present this year. The two most dangerous produce powerful neurotoxins that accumulate in the marine food chain: Alexandrium catenella, which produces saxitoxin, and Pseudo-nitzschia australis, which produces domoic acid.
The toxins accumulate in filter-feeding fish, and then poison larger mammals who gobble up the fish in mass quantities. (This is why the blooms don’t pose the same health risks to humans — very few people eat up to 40 pounds of fish straight from the sea each day.)
Beginning in February, hundreds of dolphins and sea lions started washing up on California beaches, either dead or suffering neurotoxin poisoning symptoms such as aggression, lethargy and seizures. A minke whale in Long Beach Harbor and a gray whale that stranded in Huntington Beach also succumbed to the outbreak. Scientists believe countless more animals died at sea.
The outbreak was more lethal than those in recent years, Bader said, and veterinarians were able to save fewer animals than they have in the past.
Researchers are still grappling with the catastrophe’s full impact on marine mammal species. The outbreak was particularly deadly for breeding females. California sea lions typically give birth in June after an 11-month gestation. At the blooms’ peak, “they were actively feeding for two,” Bader said.
Domoic acid crosses the placenta. None of the pregnant animals the center rescued delivered live babies, he said.
“We don’t really know what the environmental impact, long term, is of [blooms] four years in a row, right during breeding season,” Bader said. “The full impact of this is going to be hard to know, especially at a time when research budgets are being cut.”
As climate change has shifted the timing and intensity of the strong wind events that drive upwellings, “we’re coming into a future where we unfortunately have to expect we’ll see these events with recurring frequency,” Bader told Bass at the roundtable. “The events that drove the fires are the events that drove the upwelling.”
Science
Racing to Save California’s Elephant Seals From Bird Flu

For the last few years, the Marine Mammal Center has been testing any patients with bird-flu-like symptoms, which include respiratory and neurological problems, for the virus.
Science
Lawmakers ask Newsom and waste agency to follow the law on plastic legislation

California lawmakers are taking aim at proposed rules to implement a state law aimed at curbing plastic waste, saying the draft regulations proposed by CalRecycle undermine the letter and intent of the legislation.
In a letter to Gov. Gavin Newsom and two of his top administrators, the lawmakers said CalRecycle exceeded its authority by drafting regulations that don’t abide by the terms set out by the law, Senate Bill 54.
“While we support many changes in the current draft regulations, we have identified several provisions that are inconsistent with the governing statute … and where CalRecycle has exceeded its authority under the law,” the lawmakers wrote in the letter to Newsom, California Environmental Protection agency chief Yana Garcia, and Zoe Heller, director of the state’s Department of Resources Recycling and Recovery, or CalRecycle.
The letter, which was written by Sen. Catherine Blakespear (D-Encinitas) and Sen. Benjamin Allen (D-Santa Monica), was signed by 21 other lawmakers, including Sen. John Laird (D-Santa Cruz) and Assemblymembers Al Muratsuchi (D-Rolling Hills Estates) and Monique Limón (D-Goleta).
CalRecycle submitted informal draft regulations two weeks ago that are designed to implement the law, which was authored by Allen, and signed into law by Newsom in 2022.
The lawmakers’ concerns are directed at the draft regulations’ potential approval of polluting recycling technologies — which the language of the law expressly prohibits — as well as the document’s expansive exemption for products and packaging that fall under the purview of the U.S. Department of Agriculture and the Food and Drug Administration.
The inclusion of such blanket exemptions is “not only contrary to the statute but also risks significantly increasing the program’s costs,” the lawmakers wrote. They said the new regulations allow “producers to unilaterally determine which products are subject to the law, without a requirement or process to back up such a claim.”
Daniel Villaseñor, a spokesman for the governor, said in an email that Newsom “was clear when he asked CalRecycle to restart these regulations that they should work to minimize costs for small businesses and families, and these rules are a step in the right direction …”
At a workshop held at the agency’s headquarters in Sacramento this week, CalRecycle staff responded to similar criticisms, and underscored that these are informal draft regulations, which means they can be changed.
“I know from comments we’ve already been receiving that some of the provisions, as we have written them … don’t quite come across in the way that we intended,” said Karen Kayfetz, chief of CalRecycle’s Product Stewardship branch, adding that she was hopeful “a robust conversation” could help highlight areas where interpretations of the regulations’ language differs from the agency’s intent.
“It was not our intent, of course, to ever go outside of the statute, and so to the extent that it may be interpreted in the language that we’ve provided, that there are provisions that extend beyond … it’s our wish to narrow that back down,” she said.
These new draft regulations are the expedited result of the agency’s attempt to satisfy Newsom’s concerns about the law, which he said could increase costs to California households if not properly implemented.
Newsom rejected the agency’s first attempt at drafting regulations — the result of nearly three years of negotiations by scores of stakeholders, including plastic producers, package developers, agricultural interests, environmental groups, municipalities, recycling companies and waste haulers — and ordered the waste agency to start the process over.
Critics say the new draft regulations cater to industry and could result in even higher costs to both California households, which have seen large increases in their residential waste hauling fees, as well as to the state’s various jurisdictions, which are taxed with cleaning up plastic waste and debris clogging the state’s rivers, highways, beaches and parks.
The law is molded on a series of legislative efforts described as Extended Producer Responsibility laws, which are designed to shift the cost of waste removal and disposal from the state’s jurisdictions and taxpayers to the industries that produce the waste — theoretically incentivizing a circular economy, in which product and packaging producers develop materials that can be reused, recycled or composted.
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