Maine Democratic Gov. Janet Mills appeared to announce the launch of her campaign for the Senate on X on Friday, but then quickly deleted the post. 

In a since-deleted announcement video, the 77-year-old Maine governor asked, “Folks, do you want Democrats to take back the Senate? Well, I’m Gov. Janet Mills, and I’m running to flip Maine’s Senate seat blue.”

In the video, Mills took aim at incumbent Sen. Susan Collins, a moderate Republican, saying she has “sold out Maine and bowed down to special interests and to Donald Trump, but that ends now.”

The video directed supporters to donate to an ActBlue page that has also since been deleted.

On the donation page, Mills touted her bona fides, saying, “I’ve spent my career standing up for Maine families as prosecutor, Attorney General, and Governor. I’ve taken on Big Pharma, expanded health care access, and took Donald Trump to court – and won.”

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After the posts were deleted, reactions started to flood in online.

“In a now deleted tweet at 4:30pm on a Friday before a holiday weekend, Janet Mills confirms she is in fact running for Senate … Some poor digital staffer is about to get fired!” posted National Republican Senatorial Committee staffer Joanna Rodriguez.

A progressive political commentator named Jack Cocchiarella commented, “If you thought democratic politics was missing geriatric candidates with no charisma, wait until you meet 77 year old Janet Mills Chuck Schumer’s pick for Senate. She posted this launch video today then deleted it after two hours.”

Mills’ announcement has been long anticipated. She is seen as the favored candidate by Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer.

The top Democrat in the Senate urged Mills to run and sees her as the best candidate to defeat Collins, the only Republican senator up for re-election next year in a state the Democrats carried in the presidential election. A Collins defeat would be essential for the Democrats to have any chance of winning back the Senate majority.

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Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, pushed back against Majority Forward, a Democratic PAC aligned with Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., for ads that suggest she has spent her career in Washington trading stocks to enrich herself.  (Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

But before she reaches the general election, Mills first has to navigate a likely competitive and divisive primary among a crowded field of contenders that includes a much younger rising star on the left who’s backed by longtime progressive champion Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont.

Mills, a former elected county district attorney and former state lawmaker, made history serving as Maine’s first female attorney general.

She later won election in 2018 as Maine’s first female governor, and in 2022 comfortably defeated former Republican Gov. Paul LePage by double digits to win re-election. 

While she will be considered the frontrunner for the Democratic Senate nomination, thanks in part to her vast name recognition in blue-leaning Maine, she could face a serious challenge from 41-year-old Graham Platner, a U.S. Marine and Army veteran and oyster farmer who launched his campaign in August.

Platner, who hauled in over $3 million in fundraising during the first six weeks after declaring his candidacy, is backed by Sanders, the two-time Democratic presidential nomination runner-up, who recently stopped in Maine to headline a campaign rally.

In a warning to Mills, Sanders said on social media last week that “Graham Platner is a great working class candidate for Senate in Maine who will defeat Susan Collins.”

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Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., has thrown his support behind Graham Platner, a U.S. Marine and Army veteran and oyster farmer, who launched a Democratic run for the Senate in August. (Joe Maher)

“It’s disappointing that some Democratic leaders are urging Governor Mills to run. We need to focus on winning that seat & not waste millions on an unnecessary & divisive primary,” Sanders added.

Other candidates vying for the Democratic Senate nomination include Dan Kleban, a co-founder of the Maine Beer Co., and former congressional staffer Jordan Wood, who raked in roughly $3 million during the July-September third quarter of fundraising.

Phil Rench, a former senior engineer for Elon Musk’s SpaceX, is running as an independent candidate.

Collins first won election to the Senate in 1996 and won comfortable double-digit re-elections in 2002, 2008, and 2014.

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President Donald Trump and Maine Gov. Janet Mills clashed at the White House over executive order compliance earlier this year. (Pool via AP; Win McNamee/Getty Images)

She currently chairs the influential Senate Appropriations Committee.

In her 2020 re-election, Collins faced off against Democratic State House Speaker Sara Gideon, in a hotly contested race that became the most expensive in Maine history. While polls indicated Collins trailing her Democratic challenger, she ended up winning the election by more than eight points.

Fox News Digital reached out to the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee for comment but did not immediately receive a response. 

The Senate is set to leave town on Friday until early next week as neither side is ready to give in the ongoing government shutdown stalemate.

Lawmakers voted deep into the night on Thursday on the 2026 National Defense Authorization Act, which advanced on a largely bipartisan vote. But the $925 billion package, which authorizes funding for the Pentagon, was effectively the last hurrah for the week in the upper chamber.

While there was discussion of putting the House GOP’s continuing resolution (CR), along with congressional Democrats’ counter-proposal, on the floor for one last vote, the plan never came to fruition. Both would likely have failed for an eighth consecutive time.

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Senate Republicans and Democrats will instead return on Tuesday next week, after observing Columbus Day, to continue the ongoing back and forth on the GOP’s CR following a week of trying and failing to pass the bill and reopen the government.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., plans to continue bringing the Republicans’ bill to the floor in an effort to fragment Senate Democrats. So far, only three Democratic caucus members have consistently split from their largely unified party.

Talks have continued in the background behind closed-doors, but nothing has quite yet materialized into full-blown negotiations on expiring Obamacare, formally known as the Affordable Care Act (ACA), tax credits to find an off-ramp as the government shutdown barrels into a third week.

“The ACA issue is important to a lot of us, not just to Democrats,” Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, said. “The tax subsidies were enhanced during COVID. They do need to be reformed, but they do need to be extended as well.”

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Senate Democrats, led by Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., aren’t ready to cave yet as the shutdown entered its tenth day on Friday.  (Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)

Sen. Markwayne Mullin, R-Okla., is one of a handful of Republicans consistently meeting with Democrats. He said he’s not meeting with lawmakers “so dug in that they can’t get off their position,” but still, no movement across the aisle has happened.

Mullin and other Republicans want to pass their short-term CR until Nov. 21, while Senate Democrats are adamant that, unless there is a deal on the ACA subsidies, they won’t provide GOP with the votes to reopen the government.

“Well, if it continues, the way it’s gone, the longer we go, the harder it is,” Mullin said. “It’s a big task. Anything to do with ACA or healthcare, you get a lot of moving parts. I think that gets very difficult the longer this thing [goes on]. You get into next week. I mean, we’ve got four and a half weeks left, right, and so that timeframe keeps getting shorter.”

Their return next week also all but guarantees that members of the military will not receive their paychecks on time, given that the date to have payroll locked in and processed falls on Monday.

“Certainly, if folks miss a paycheck, the intensity will go up,” Sen. Shelley Moore Capito, R-W.V., said.

The continued gridlock has most in the Senate GOP unwilling to consider turning to the “nuclear option,” a move they made last month when they unilaterally changed the Senate’s rules for confirmations on nominations to break through Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and his caucus’ blockade of President Donald Trump’s nominees, to change the filibuster.

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Sen. Bernie Moreno, R-Ohio, wants to hit lawmakers where it hurts as the government shutdown rages on.  (Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images)

“There’s always a lot of swirl out there, as you know, from, you know, social media, etc., but no, we’re not having that conversation,” Thune said.

But not every Republican wants to ignore nuking the 60-vote filibuster as, day in and day out, the GOP’s plan to reopen the government falls five votes short.

Sen. Bernie Moreno, R-Ohio, said that if the shutdown continues, it’s an option that should be considered.

“Look, 50%, 60% of Americans live paycheck to paycheck,” he said. “We’re going to trip that wire next week. Now if there’s another paycheck — that’s probably 80% of Americans that can’t go without two paychecks in a row. I think at that point we have to look at it and say ‘the Democrats are still doing political stunts.’”

Republicans also found a new point of attack against Democrats. Schumer told Punchbowl News in an interview that “Every day gets better for us,” in his assessment of Senate Democrats’ political momentum as the shutdown marches onward.

“Who is ‘us?’ Not better for the American people,” Senate Majority Whip John Barrasso, R-Wyo., said. “Who does he mean by ‘us?’ Not the military who is not getting paid. Not the Border Patrol who are not getting paid. Not the air traffic controllers who are not getting paid. Who is ‘us?’ He’s playing a game!”

But Senate Democrats are largely shrugging off the issue. Sen. Brian Schatz, D-Hawaii, contended that it was Republicans’ latest attempt to “change the topic from 114% increase in premiums,” a point Democrats have argued could happen if the Obamacare tax credits aren’t extended.

“They’re a little desperate to change the news cycle, and this is their latest attempt,” Schatz said. 

WASHINGTON — It has been four months since Elon Musk, President Trump’s bureaucratic demolition man, abandoned Washington in a flurry of recriminations and chaos.

But the Trump administration’s crusade to dismantle much of the federal government never ended. It’s merely under new management: the less colorful but more methodical Russell Vought, director of Trump’s Office of Management and Budget.

Vought has become the backroom architect of Trump’s aggressive strategy — slashing the federal workforce, freezing billions in congressionally approved spending in actions his critics often call illegal.

Now Vought has proposed using the current government shutdown as an opportunity to fire thousands of bureaucrats permanently instead of merely furloughing them temporarily. If any do return to work, he has suggested that the government need not give them back pay — contrary to a law Trump signed in 2019.

Those threats may prove merely to be pressure tactics as Trump tries to persuade Democrats to accept spending cuts on Medicaid, Obamacare and other programs.

But the shutdown battle is the current phase of a much larger one. Vought’s long-term goals, he says, are to “bend or break the bureaucracy to the presidential will” and “deconstruct the administrative state.”

He’s still only partway done.

“I’d estimate that Vought has implemented maybe 10% or 15% of his program,” said Donald F. Kettl, former dean of the public policy school at the University of Maryland. “There may be as much as 90% to go. If this were a baseball game, we’d be in the top of the second inning.”

Along the way, Vought (pronounced “vote”) has chipped relentlessly at Congress’ ability to control the use of federal funds, massively expanding the power of the president.

“He has waged the most serious attack on separation of powers in American history,” said Elaine Kamarck, an expert on federal management at the Brookings Institution.

He’s done that mainly by using OMB, the White House office that oversees spending, to control the day-to-day purse strings of federal agencies — and deliberately keeping Congress in the dark along the way.

“If Congress has given us authority that is too broad, then we’re going to use that authority aggressively,” Vought said last month.

Federal judges have ruled some of the administration’s actions illegal, but they have allowed others to stand. Vought’s proposal to use the shutdown to fire thousands of bureaucrats hasn’t been tested in court.

Vought developed his aggressive approach during two decades as a conservative budget expert, culminating in his appointment as director of OMB in Trump’s first term.

In 2019, he stretched the limits of presidential power by helping Trump get around a congressional ban on funding for a border wall, by declaring an emergency and transferring military funds. He froze congressionally mandated aid for Ukraine, the action that led to Trump’s first impeachment.

Even so, Vought complained that Trump had been needlessly restrained by cautious first-term aides.

“The lawyers come in and say, ‘It’s not legal. You can’t do that,’” he said in 2023. “I don’t want President Trump having to lose a moment of time having fights in the Oval Office over whether something is legal.”

Vought is a proponent of the “unitary executive” theory, the argument that the president should have unfettered control over every tentacle of the executive branch, including independent agencies such as the Federal Reserve.

When Congress designates money for federal programs, he has argued, “It’s a ceiling. It is not a floor. It’s not the notion that you have to spend every dollar.”

Most legal experts disagree; a 1974 law prohibits the president from unilaterally withholding money Congress has appropriated.

Vought told conservative activists in 2023 that if Trump returned to power, he would deliberately seek to inflict “trauma” on federal employees.

“We want the bureaucrats to be traumatically affected,” he said. “When they wake up in the morning, we want them to not want to go to work.”

When Vought returned to OMB for Trump’s second term, he appeared to be in Musk’s shadow. But once the flamboyant Tesla chief executive flamed out, the OMB director got to work to make DOGE’s work the foundation for lasting changes.

He extended many of DOGE’s funding cuts by slowing down OMB’s approval of disbursements — turning them into de facto freezes.

He helped persuade Republicans in Congress to cancel $9 billion in previously approved foreign aid and public broadcasting support, a process known as “rescission.”

To cancel an additional $4.9 billion, he revived a rarely used gambit called a “pocket rescission,” freezing the funds until they expired.

Along the way, he quietly stopped providing Congress with information on spending, leaving legislators in the dark on whether programs were being axed.

DOGE and OMB eliminated jobs so quickly that the federal government stopped publishing its ongoing tally of federal employees. (Any number would only be approximate; some layoffs are tied up in court, and thousands of employees who opted for voluntary retirement are technically still on the payroll.)

The result was a significant erosion of Congress’ “power of the purse,” which has historically included not only approving money but also monitoring how it was spent.

Even some Republican members of Congress seethed. “They would like a blank check … and I don’t think that’s appropriate,” said former Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.).

But the GOP majorities in both the House and Senate, pleased to see spending cut by any means, let Vought have his way. Even McConnell voted to approve the $9-billion rescission request.

Vought’s newest innovation, the mid-shutdown layoffs, would be another big step toward reducing Congress’ role.

“The result would be a dramatic, instantaneous shift in the separation of powers,” Kettl said. “The Trump team could kill programs unilaterally without the inconvenience of going to Congress.”

Some of the consequences could be catastrophic, Kettl and other scholars warned. Kamarck calls them “time bombs.”

“One or more of these decisions is going to blow up in Trump’s face,” she said.

“FEMA won’t be capable of reacting to the next hurricane. The National Weather Service won’t have the forecasters it needs to analyze the data from weather balloons.”

Even before the government shutdown, she noted, the FAA was grappling with a shortage of air traffic controllers. This week the FAA slowed takeoffs at several airports in response to growing shortages, including at air traffic control centers in Atlanta, Houston and Dallas-Fort Worth.

In theory, a future Congress could undo many of Vought’s actions, especially if Democrats win control of the House or, less likely, the Senate.

But rebuilding agencies that have been radically shrunken would take much longer than cutting them down, the scholars said.

“Much of this will be difficult to reverse when Democrats come back into fashion,” Kamarck said.

Indeed, that’s part of Vought’s plan.

“We want to make sure that the bureaucracy can’t reconstitute itself later in future administrations,” he said in April in a podcast with Charlie Kirk, the conservative activist who was slain on Sept. 10.

He’s pleased with the progress he’s made, he told reporters in July.

“We’re having fun,” he said.