Politics
Parenting classes are routinely ordered in child abuse cases. California isn't ensuring they work
Before they were charged with torturing and murdering their 4-year-old son, Ursula Juarez and Jose Cuatro were ordered by a court to complete classes meant to teach them how to be better parents.
For 12 weeks in 2017, court records show, they each attended parenting classes as part of their case plan with the Los Angeles County Department of Children and Family Services in an effort to regain custody of their toddler, Noah Cuatro, who was taken by the state after allegations that another child in the home had been abused.
Juarez attended “culturally relevant” classes held at a community resource center in Palmdale that taught parents how to instill responsibility and “discipline with love,” according to a description of the program named in Los Angeles County Superior Court records. The records show Cuatro attended classes at a church, where a pastor taught parents how to create structured schedules and to use prayer to cope with family stress.
Juarez and Cuatro submitted certificates of completion of those classes to officials, a factor considered when a court commissioner ruled in 2018 that it was safe for Noah to be in their care.
By 2019, the tiny boy with big brown eyes and bouncing curls was dead. An autopsy ruled that the cause was suffocation, and found numerous injuries, including rib fractures caused by “significant force.” It was a month before his fifth birthday.
Court-ordered parenting classes like those that Noah’s parents were required to attend are routine in juvenile abuse and neglect cases, but go largely unregulated in California, a Times investigation has found.
The state does not ensure that parent education programs meet any sort of standards, allows parents facing abuse allegations to take classes that experts have deemed low quality, and cannot provide research evidence for half the programs listed in a state-funded database meant to act as a key tool for local officials to ensure child safety.
The lack of scrutiny can put some of California’s most vulnerable children — those whose parents are fighting for custody while under investigation by protective services — at risk of more abuse.
“I don’t think judges look very closely at the quality of the parenting classes,” said former Judge Leonard Edwards, who oversaw child abuse cases for decades before retiring from Santa Clara County Superior Court in 2006.
“It’s sort of a rubber stamp in most cases.”
Court-ordered parenting classes were part of family reunification plans in horrific Los Angeles County cases such as those of 8-year-old Gabriel Fernandez, who died in 2013, and 10-year-old Anthony Avalos, who died in 2018. In both cases, the boys were known to child protective services before their torture and murder, for which their guardians were sent to prison.
A photo of Anthony Avalos taken in 2013 at age 6. Between 2013 and 2016, Los Angeles County’s child abuse hot line received at least 13 calls related to Anthony, who died in 2018.
(Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times)
As part of California’s emphasis on family reunification, juvenile court judges, in collaboration with county social service agencies, order parents to complete classes to maintain or regain custody of their children. Courses may cover basic safety tips, anger management and healthy communication skills.
But most judges do not know whether the programs are any good, Edwards said.
“If you’re a good judge, you’re supposed to go out and find something that works,” he said.
Although national research shows that some parenting classes can help prevent child abuse and keep deserving families together, in California they often amount to an over-prescribed bureaucratic remedy with no clear track record of success. Participation in them can sway custody rulings despite a lack of oversight and data, according to more than 20 child welfare experts who spoke to The Times, including social workers, attorneys, retired judges, parents and providers.
“This is the big myth of child welfare,” said David Myers, a Modesto-based attorney who has represented parents involved with child protective services for 30 years.
Most of the parenting classes that his clients are required to complete are assigned with a “cookie cutter” approach, he said, and are “a waste of taxpayer dollars.”
The issue is compounded by a statewide social worker shortage and what critics say is a lack of foster care funding, making it difficult for counties to provide services as more than 430,000 child maltreatment allegations were made in California in the last year alone.
Still, experts such as Edwards, who is a member of the California Child Welfare Council, believe in some of the programs and have seen them benefit children and parents.
“A good parenting class can change lives,” he said.
Decisions about parenting classes are left to individual counties, which have an array of community needs, budgets and staffing capabilities.
Theresa Mier, spokesperson for the California Department of Social Services, said that although the state does not set requirements for parenting classes, county officials are “encouraged to tailor services” to meet the specific needs of individual families. Parenting classes may be just “one of many services” that contribute to successful family reunification, she said, and the onus is on California’s 58 counties in lieu of a statewide mandate for good reason.
“In California, child welfare services are administered by counties, who have broad discretion in how they design family reunification programs. Each county is unique and serves a unique population,” Mier said.
Representatives for several counties, including Los Angeles and Sacramento, told The Times they do not require evidence-based programs to be used when courts order parenting classes. Instead, they said, they have their own set of standards and individualize programming based on specific family needs and factors such as location and affordability.
In 2004, California spent $430,000 to launch the Evidence-Based Clearinghouse for Child Welfare, an online database meant to help social workers find high-quality programs for families in crisis. Parenting programs listed on the site include lessons on anger management, nonviolent discipline, nurturing behaviors and how to recognize child hazards and signs of illness.
Yet nearly half of the more than 500 programs listed on the site were classified as “unable to be rated” due to a lack of evidence that they work, according to a 2022 report by the clearinghouse. Only 8% of the programs were rated as a 1 on the state’s 1-to-5 scale, the highest possible category based on well-supported research evidence.
The state does not require county child welfare agencies to use the clearinghouse at all when selecting services, nor does it prohibit the use of poorly rated programs, Mier said. Unrated classes do not mean that the practices are concerning, according to the clearinghouse’s website, but that they are commonly used programs that lack published peer-reviewed studies demonstrating their validity.
The Times investigation found that:
- Los Angeles County does not rely on the state’s clearinghouse when selecting programs. While the county contracts with some providers that offer evidence-backed services, it also allows parents to choose unregulated services at community and faith organizations. “These services are tailored to meet the parents’ individual needs. … The goal is to provide parents with the necessary supports and services that will allow families to safely reunite,” L.A. County Department of Children and Family Services spokesperson Amara Suarez said.
- Orange County contracts with some providers that use “evidence-informed practices” but does not require that all parents use them. A spokesperson for the county’s Social Services Agency said it takes “a collaborative approach” that considers a family’s location and schedule and in some cases allows parents to choose their own providers if appropriate. “These options are not formally vetted but assessed on a case-by-case basis to meet the client’s individual needs,” spokesperson Jamie Cargo said.
- The Sacramento County Department of Child, Family and Adult Services does not rely on the state’s evidence-based clearinghouse. Melissa Lloyd, deputy director of the department’s Child Protective Services, said that the agency makes “consistent, diligent” efforts to connect parents with the right services for them and that her staff monitors provider contracts. “We are doing intentional and meaningful work with community partners to expand our offerings,” she said, adding that “services do not equal safety.”
California’s approach has some leading experts stunned.
“Why would you send a family to a parenting class that either you know is not effective or you have no evidence that it is? That doesn’t make a lot of sense,” said Amy Dworsky, a nationally recognized researcher at Chapin Hall at the University of Chicago, a policy research institution with a focus on child welfare.
“I don’t think it’s too much to demand that when families are being referred to services that we have some sense that those services are effective.”
The death of 8-year-old Gabriel Fernandez in 2013 prompted demands for reform of Los Angeles County’s safety net to protect abused and neglected children.
(Family photo)
Concerns about parenting classes have been raised before.
Former L.A. County Department of Children and Family Services Director Philip Browning tried to impose higher standards for the programs used before he left the agency in 2017, but backed off the proposal after local service providers, including churches, opposed it. Browning did not respond to interview requests.
More than 20 years ago, California legislators passed a law dedicated to the “improvement and accountability” of child welfare services.
“The State of California has failed in its fundamental obligation to protect and care for children removed from their homes due to parental abuse and neglect,” the 2001 law stated.
According to another decades-old California law, counties must provide family preservation services that are “reasonable and meritorious,” and should contract with providers that are “specially trained, experienced, expert and competent.”
But that doesn’t always happen. In Noah Cuatro’s case, his father fulfilled his court requirement by attending classes at Desert Vineyard Church in Palmdale, taught by a pastor who is not a licensed therapist.
Executive Pastor Larry Ali said in a statement that the church offered classes “as a resource” for parents and is “not able to speak to decisions of the state or court” regarding their use in family reunification plans.
“We seek to connect people to God and a local community of faith; offering church gatherings, spiritual guidance and other resources based on biblical principles to individuals and families both in the church and our local community,” he said.
The Desert Vineyard Church course is not mentioned by California’s program clearinghouse. The program that Juarez, Noah’s mother, attended is listed on the site and marked as “unable to be rated.”
Ed Howard, senior counsel and policy advocate for the Children’s Advocacy Institute at the University of San Diego School of Law, is calling for more scrutiny of the classes. He’s alarmed that there appears to be no “systemic, standardized effort by any county or the state” to track the competence of providers.
“If nobody actually knows or is checking if these services are meeting any sort of base line, then the premise of our entire system is just one big question mark,” Howard said. “At best, there’s an arbitrariness to the programs, and at worst, there’s no quality assurance.”
The issue is not unique to California, though the impact could be the most felt here: The foster care population exceeds 60,000.
Nearly $920 million was dedicated to child welfare services in California’s 2023 budget, including funding for in-home parenting programs that are considered the gold standard because they meet families where they live and provide lessons with undivided attention.
But those programs are not utilized enough, said Jill Berrick, a professor of social welfare at UC Berkeley, who called for more funding to support county agencies.
“You have to wonder why we would keep asking parents to sit in a room with 30 other people to learn like this, if in fact the result is generally insufficient,” she said. “Often judges will ask if a parent complied, and they say ‘yes.’ That’s a proxy. It isn’t the kind of evidence that we probably would like to have to give us the confidence that the situation has appreciably changed and that the parenting has notably become more safe.”
Kathy Icenhower, chief executive for Shields for Families, which offers parenting classes in Los Angeles County, has been a social worker for decades and said “there aren’t any real parameters” around the court orders she sees.
“It’s like nobody is watching the gate,” she said. “We should really be looking at what a family truly needs instead of checking the same boxes for everybody and calling it a day.”
Icenhower said it’s not that good classes don’t exist, but it’s that it’s too difficult for families to access them and for counties to provide them. Programs like hers are not available in every neighborhood, and even if the state were to issue new mandated standards, counties would require more financial support and staffing to make it happen, she said.
California continues to grapple with inequities in its child welfare system, as the state’s foster youths remain disproportionately low income, Black and Native American. The omission of standards for court-ordered parenting classes could cause those children further harm.
Some parents, desperate to get their kids back, have attended classes to fulfill a judge’s requirement that don’t actually suit their specific needs.
Tiffany Perez, 30, of Modesto has attended numerous parenting classes in an attempt to regain custody of her four children.
(Tomas Ovalle/For The Times)
Tiffany Perez, 30, of Modesto has attended multiple court-ordered parenting classes.
Perez’s four children, ages 8 to 13, were taken out of her custody by child protective services in 2016 because of the alleged abuse of another child in their home, she and her attorney told The Times.
Since then, she has tried but failed to get them back. She has missed work to attend classes and paid for some out of her own pocket in order to prove to a judge that she’s worthy of regaining custody.
But Perez, who grew up in the foster care system herself and struggles with mental health issues such as post-traumatic stress disorder, has not seen much value in the classes. Most of them give meaningless “packets of homework,” she said, and are filled with people who don’t take the lessons seriously.
She said for her kids, she is willing to complete more courses even if she has her doubts about their use.
“It takes a real parent … somebody who is actually willing to learn,” Perez said, “versus someone who just has to show up because the court said so.”
Politics
House Republicans push Johnson to go to war with Senate over SAVE Act
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Several House Republicans are pushing Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., to go to war with the Senate GOP over an election security bill that has little chance of passing the upper chamber under current circumstances.
House GOP leaders convened a lawmaker-only call on Sunday in the wake of a massive military operation against Iran launched by the U.S. and Israel.
After leaders briefed House Republicans on how the chamber would respond to the ongoing conflict — including a vote on ending Democrats’ weeks-long government shutdown targeting the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) — Fox News Digital was told that several lawmakers raised concerns about the Senate not yet taking up the Safeguarding American Voter Eligiblity (SAVE America) Act. Among other provisions, the act would require voters in federal elections to produce valid ID and proof of citizenship.
Rep. Derrick Van Orden, R-Wis., was among those pushing the House to reject any bills from the Senate until the measure was taken up, telling Johnson according to multiple sources on the call, “If we don’t get this done, or at least show that we’ve got some backbone, we’re done. The midterms are over.”
Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, R-La., pauses for questions from reporters as he arrives for an early closed-door Republican Conference meeting at the Capitol in Washington, Tuesday, Feb. 3, 2026. (J. Scott Applewhite/AP Photo)
At least three other House Republicans shared similar concerns. Sources on the call said Rep. Brandon Gill, R-Texas, argued that GOP voters were “not enthused” heading into November and that “the single biggest thing” to turn that around would be forcing the Senate to pass the SAVE America Act.
The SAVE America Act passed the House last month with support from all Republicans and just one Democrat, Rep. Henry Cuellar, D-Texas.
JEFFRIES ACCUSES REPUBLICANS OF ‘VOTER SUPPRESSION’ OVER BILL REQUIRING VOTER ID, PROOF OF CITIZENSHIP
Republicans have pointed out on multiple occasions that voter ID measures have bipartisan support across multiple public polls and surveys. But Democrats have dismissed the legislation as an attempt at voter suppression ahead of the 2026 midterms.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune speaks at a press conference with other members of Senate Republican leadership following a policy luncheon in Washington, D.C. on Oct. 28, 2025. (Nathan Posner/Anadolu via Getty Images)
The legislation would require 60 votes in the Senate to break filibuster, which it’s likely not to get given Democrats’ near-uniform opposition. But House Republicans have pressured Senate Majority Leader John Thune to use a mechanism known as a standing filibuster to circumvent that — which Thune has signaled opposition to, given the vast amount of time it would take up in the Senate and potential unintended consequences in the amendment process.
It also comes as Congress grapples with the fallout from the strikes on Iran and the need to ensure safety for the U.S. domestically and for service members abroad, both of which will require close coordination between the two chambers.
Johnson told Republicans several times on the Sunday call that he was privately pressuring Thune on the bill but was wary of creating a public rift with his fellow GOP leader, sources said.
HARDLINE CONSERVATIVES DOUBLE DOWN TO SAVE THE SAVE ACT
“If we’re going to go to war against our own party in the Senate, there may be implications to that,” Johnson said at one point, according to people on the call. “So we want to be thoughtful and careful.”
Sen. Mike Lee, R-Utah, talks with a guest during a “Only Citizens Vote Bus Tour” rally in Upper Senate Park to urge Congress to pass the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act on Wednesday, Sept. 10, 2025. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
At another point in the call, sources said Rep. Andrew Clyde, R-Ga., suggested pairing a coming vote on DHS funding with the SAVE America Act in order to force the Senate to take it up.
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But both Johnson and House Homeland Security Committee Chairman Andrew Garbarino, R-N.Y., were hesitant about such a move given the enhanced threat environment in the wake of the U.S. operation in Iran.
Both spoke out in favor of the SAVE America Act, people told Fox News Digital, but warned the current situation merited leaving the DHS funding bill on its own in a bid to end the partial shutdown, so the department could fully function as a national security shield.
Politics
Trump justifies Iran attack as Congress and others raise objections
According to President Trump, the United States attacked Iran because the Islamic Republic posed “imminent threats” to the U.S. and its allies, including through its use of terrorist proxies and continued pursuit of nuclear weapons.
“Its menacing activities directly endanger the United States, our troops, our bases overseas and our allies throughout the world,” he said in a recorded statement Saturday.
According to leading Democrats in Congress, Trump’s justification is questionable, especially given his claims of having “completely obliterated” Iran’s nuclear capabilities in separate U.S. bombings last June.
“Everything I have heard from the administration before and after these strikes on Iran confirms this is a war of choice with no strategic endgame,” said Rep. Jim Himes (D-Conn.), ranking Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee and part of a small group of congressional leaders — the Gang of Eight — who were briefed on the operation by Secretary of State Marco Rubio.
That divide is bound to remain an issue politically heading into this year’s midterm elections, and could be a liability for Republicans — especially considering that some in the “America First” wing of the MAGA base were raising their own objections, citing Trump’s 2024 campaign pledges to extricate the U.S. from foreign wars, not start new ones.
The debate echoed a similar if less immediate one around President George W. Bush’s decision to go to war in Iraq following the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, also based on claims that “weapons of mass destruction” posed an immediate threat. Those claims were later disproved by multiple findings that Iraq had no such arsenal, fueling recriminations from both political parties for years.
The latest divide also intensified unease over Congress ceding its wartime powers to the White House, which for years has assumed sweeping authority to attack foreign adversaries without direct congressional input in the name of addressing terrorism or preventing immediate harm to the nation or its troops.
Even prior to the weekend bombings, Democrats including Sen. Adam Schiff of California were pushing Congress to pass a resolution barring the Trump administration from attacking Iran without explicit congressional authorization.
“President Trump must come to Congress before using military force unless absolutely necessary to defend the United States from an imminent attack,” Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.), a member of the armed services and foreign relations committees, said in a statement Thursday.
In justifying the daylight strikes that killed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei just two days later, Trump accused the Iranian government of having “waged an unending campaign of bloodshed and mass murder” for nearly half a century — including through attacks on U.S. military assets and commercial shipping vessels abroad — and of having “armed, trained and funded terrorist militias” in multiple countries, including Hezbollah and Hamas.
Trump said that after the U.S. bombed Iran last summer, it had warned Tehran “never to resume” its pursuit of nuclear weapons. “Instead, they attempted to rebuild their nuclear program and to continue developing long-range missiles that can now threaten our very good friends and allies in Europe, our troops stationed overseas, and could soon reach the American homeland,” he said.
Other Republican leaders largely backed the president.
“The United States did not start this conflict, but we will finish it. If you kill or threaten Americans anywhere in the world — as Iran has — then we will hunt you down, and we will kill you,” said Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.
“Every president has talked about the threat posed by the Iranian regime. President Trump is the one with the courage to take bold, decisive action,” said Atty. Gen. Pam Bondi.
While Iran’s coordination with and sponsorship of groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas are well known, Trump’s claims about Tehran’s ongoing development of nuclear weapons systems are less established — and the administration has provided little evidence to back them up.
Democrats seized on that lack of fresh intelligence in their responses to the attacks, contrasting Trump’s latest statements about imminent threats with his assertion after last year’s bombings that the U.S. had all but eliminated Iran’s nuclear aspirations.
“Let’s be clear: The Iranian regime is horrible. But I have seen no imminent threat to the United States that would justify putting American troops in harm’s way,” said Sen. Mark Warner (D-Va.), vice chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee and a member of the Gang of Eight. “What is the motivation here? Is it Iran’s nuclear program? Their missiles? Regime change?”
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) said in a statement that the Trump administration “has not provided Congress and the American people with critical details about the scope and immediacy of the threat,” and must do so.
House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) said the Trump administration needs congressional authority to wage such attacks barring “exigent circumstances,” and didn’t have it.
“The Trump administration must explain itself to the American people and Congress immediately, provide an ironclad justification for this act of war, clearly define the national security objective and articulate a plan to avoid another costly, prolonged military quagmire in the Middle East,” he said.
After the U.S. military announced Sunday that three U.S. service personnel were killed and five others seriously wounded in the attacks, the demands for a clearer justification and new constraints on Trump only increased.
Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Fremont) said Sunday he is optimistic that Democrats will be unified in trying to pass the war powers resolution, and also that some Republicans will join them, given that the strikes have been unpopular among a portion of the MAGA base.
Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), who partnered with Khanna to force the release of the Jeffrey Epstein files, has said he will work with him again to push a congressional vote on war with Iran, which he said was “not ‘America First.’”
Benjamin Radd, a political scientist and senior fellow at the UCLA Burkle Center for International Relations, said that whether or not Iran represented an “imminent” threat to the U.S. depends not just on its nuclear capabilities, but on its broader desire and ability to inflict pain on the U.S. and its allies — as was made clear to both the U.S. and Israel after the Hamas attacks on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, which Iran praised.
“If you are Israel or the United States, that’s imminent,” he said.
What happens next, Radd said, will largely depend on whether remaining Iranian leaders stick to Khamenei’s hard-line policies, or decide to negotiate anew with the U.S. He expects they might do the latter, because “it’s a fundamentalist regime, it’s not a suicidal regime,” and it’s now clear that the U.S. and Israel have the capabilities to take out Iranian leaders, Iran has little ability to defend itself, and China and Russia are not rushing to its aid.
How the strikes are viewed moving forward may also depend on what those leaders decide to do next, said Kevan Harris, an associate professor of sociology who teaches courses on Iran and Middle East politics at the UCLA International Institute.
If the conflict remains relatively contained, it could become a political win for Trump, with questions about the justification falling away. But if it spirals out of control, such questions are likely to only grow, as occurred in Iraq when things started to deteriorate there, he said.
Israel and the U.S. are betting that the conflict will remain manageable, which could turn out to be true, Harris said, but “the problem with war is you never really know what might happen.”
On Sunday, Iran launched retaliatory attacks on Israel and the wider Gulf region. Trump said the campaign against Iran continued “unabated,” though he may be willing to negotiate with the nation’s new leaders. It was unclear when Congress might take up the war powers measure.
Politics
Video: Trump’s War of Choice With Iran
new video loaded: Trump’s War of Choice With Iran
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