Politics
L.A. was forged by global commerce. Can the metropolis we know survive the Trump trade wars?
When Fang Chen was growing up in the wealthy city of San Marino in the 1980s, it was still a majority white community, one where locals occasionally exploded into ugly moments of racism at the arrival of new Asian residents.
Today, the community is nearly 70% Asian, with nearly half of all residents born outside the country, according to the U.S. census. And Chen, a stay-at-home mom who travels frequently to China to visit relatives, said that for years she has urged friends and family there (assuming they have the means) to consider purchasing a stately mansion on one of San Marino’s graceful tree-lined streets.
But President Trump’s sweeping on-again, off-again tariffs have caused her to reconsider.
“I’m not sure I can make that case anymore,” she said last week, relaxing under a tree in the manicured green expanse of Lacey Park, where she had retreated, she said, to try to decompress from all the unsettling economic news. “There’s a lot of anxiety among my neighbors, because so many of us have friends and relatives in the countries affected by the tariffs.”
Like few other places in the U.S., the economy and culture of Los Angeles and its sprawling suburbs have been forged by globalization. The L.A. metro area has more foreign-born residents than any city but New York, many of whom go back and forth to their ancestral countries with some regularity. Its massive port complex, sprawling across San Pedro and Long Beach, is the largest in the Western Hemisphere. There are more languages spoken here —185, according to the census — than in any city but New York. Local businesses, from toy sellers to restaurants to small family day-care operations, rely on goods imported from elsewhere. It is a place whose distinctive culture arises from its sense of being connected to communities across the globe.
“A place you can travel around the world by going from neighborhood to neighborhood,” said former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, now a candidate for governor. “A global city.”
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1. Fasika Abraham arrived in L.A. in the mid-1990s after fleeing political violence in Ethiopia. “If you’re unhappy in this country,” he says of the U.S., “you’ll be unhappy in heaven.” (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times) 2. Merkato Ethiopian Restaurant and Market is a draw in L.A.’s Little Ethiopia. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
A global metropolis that, last week, was left shaken and on edge by Trump’s threats to upend and rework global trade. From the multinational residents of million-dollar homes in the suburbs to cramped apartments in the dense urban core, to the tens of thousands of warehouse owners, retailers and food merchants who rely on imports, people across the region expressed profound uncertainty over what a looming trade war — even the threat of one — could do to Los Angeles’ economy.
At the start of the month, Trump announced that the U.S. would begin applying a baseline tariff of 10% on imported goods from all foreign countries. Several dozen nations were to face additional tariffs based on what his administration described as an unfair trade imbalance, with Vietnam facing a 46% tax on its goods, Thailand a 36% tariff, India 26%, South Korea 25%, Japan 24% — and on it went.
But midweek, with U.S. stock markets in turmoil as the tariffs took effect, Trump abruptly changed course. He said the universal 10% tariff on most nations would be paused for 90 days, and the higher rates targeting countries with a trade imbalance lowered to 10%. At the same time, he escalated his standoff with China, raising duties on imports to 145%. Trump’s tariff on foreign automobiles, set at 25%, remains in place.
On Friday, China retaliated by raising its tariffs on American goods to 125%, even as the European Union suspended its plans for a 25% tariff on American goods while waiting out Trump’s next moves.
Taken together, it’s a trade war roller coaster that has business owners around the region scrambling to comprehend the effects on their profit margins and plot a viable path forward.
In the San Fernando Valley, Justin Pichetrungsi is the chef at Anajak Thai, the restaurant that his immigrant parents started and that he took over in 2019 and turned into a food-world darling, written up in the Michelin Guide and celebrated as the Los Angeles Times’ top restaurant in 2022. Part of what helped propel Anajak’s glittering star was its Thai Taco Tuesday, which started as a staff meal for his Mexican-born cooks and turned into a fusion phenom.
“We use so much fish sauce it’s crazy,” said Pichetrungsi, noting that “really good high-quality fish sauce, it’s gonna come from Thailand or Vietnam.” Already he said last week, it is becoming more scarce and prices are rising. And what would tariffs do to his Michelin-lauded wine list, which leans heavily on imported natural wines?
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Listen as residents share the positive and negative effects of globalization in their lives.
Fifty miles south, in Fountain Valley, Danny Tran, who with his wife, Albee, runs Son Fish Sauce, sat down to write a message to his employees and customers. “One thing is for sure,” he wrote, “the road ahead is going to be bumpy as hell.”
Albee Tran, who was born and raised in Vietnam, is the fourth generation in her family to produce fish sauce. She met Danny, who is Vietnamese American, when he decamped to Saigon during the Great Recession for a three-week vacation that turned into a three-year stay. Together they created a company, moved back to California, and started selling high-end fish sauce to U.S. outlets including Whole Foods and Bristol Farms.
On L.A.’s Westside, Ivan Vasquez, 43, emigrated from Oaxaca, Mexico, when he was 16. He learned English at University High School in Westwood and began working in restaurants, rising from a dishwasher at Carl’s Jr. to a district operator overseeing 15 outposts for Baja Fresh.
Still, he dreamed of opening his own restaurant. He wanted to serve Oaxacan food, incorporating his mother’s recipes and the region’s distinctive drink, mezcal.
“The salesperson for this mezcal is not from Mexico,” Ivan Vasquez says of the product he sells at his Madre restaurants. “He lives here. He’s American.”
(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
His first restaurant, Madre, debuted in Palms in 2013, and he since has opened locations in Torrance, Fairfax and Santa Clarita.
The pandemic hit his restaurants hard, but he survived. But now, he said, the tariffs, if enacted, would hit just about everything that passes through his business. There is the mezcal itself, all 55 brands he sells, many of which are imported from Mexico by American companies. And there are the napkins, straws, produce, kitchenware, even the light fixtures, many of which are imported from China.
Vasquez grabbed a bottle of mezcal and raised it up dramatically: “The salesperson for this mezcal is not from Mexico,” Vasquez said. “He lives here. He’s American. He’s got a job to do here. He has a family to support.”
Though it may be tough to imagine for people who know the region only as it is today, Los Angeles was not always a global center — or even a particularly cosmopolitan one.
The city was founded in 1781 and grew up on railroads and oil, at one time accounting for as much as 25% of the world’s oil output. In the early 20th century, the twin engines of its growth were Hollywood movies, which made the city famous, and manufacturing, which actually drove the economy.
Bolstered by the nation’s huge defense buildup during World War II, the region emerged as a manufacturing center in the 1950s and ‘60s. While movie stars lived in the Hollywood Hills and coastal bluffs, neighborhood after neighborhood of modest ranch homes began to rise across the flatlands, housing for the tens of thousands of workers who kept the factories rolling, taking home decent wages that raised the standard of living across the region.
“It felt like a new factory opened up every few years, and there were jobs for everyone,” recalled Mack Johnson, 70, who grew up in South Los Angeles.
That began to shift in the 1970s, as the first great wave of globalization hit the city. Companies started opening factories overseas in search of cheaper materials and labor, a trend that accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. The plant closures tore up communities, vaporizing what had been stable union jobs. The shuttered factories hulked over degrading neighborhoods like cavernous empty shells.
Former state Sen. Martha Escutia, 68, recalled that her grandfather worked at the Bethlehem Steel plant in Bell but lost his job in the first wave of plant closures. He eventually got another job, in Pacoima, with a lower wage and a much longer commute.
But globalization was coming for Pacoima, too. Former Democratic state Sen. Richard Alarcon was a member of the L.A. City Council in the 1990s, when the Price Pfister factory in Pacoima moved operations to Mexicali.
The era brought the rise of maquiladoras, factories operated by U.S. companies just over the Mexican border, where they could produce goods at far cheaper costs and export them back to U.S. consumers at lower prices. The trend was a natural outgrowth of the North American Free Trade Agreement, signed in 1994, which lowered tariffs between the U.S., Mexico and Canada and prioritized economic cooperation among the nations.
Maquiladoras brought jobs to Mexico and thriftier price points for cost-conscious consumers. But in Pacoima, Alarcon said, workers lost their jobs, and the jobs that replaced them often offered far lower wages.
Globalization was buffeting the region with other big changes.
Successive waves of immigration redefined Los Angeles. Between 1980 and 2010, millions of people found their way here, some fleeing persecution, others drawn by opportunity.
South Los Angeles, which once had a largely Black population, is now more than 60% Latino. The southeast cities, including South Gate, Bell and Bell Gardens, once mostly white, are now about 90% Latino. Huge numbers of Asian immigrants have settled throughout the San Gabriel Valley.
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1. An undated historic photo of a Los Angeles tortilla factory. (John Malmin / Los Angeles Times) 2. A 1930 photo of assembly line workers at a Ford plant in Long Beach. (Los Angeles Times) 3. An undated photo of workers packing noodles at a Nissin Food Products plant in Gardena. (Bruce H. Cox / Los Angeles Times)
And even as factories closed, L.A. was able to take advantage of another offshoot of globalization. International trade spawned the use of giant cargo ships ferrying goods across the oceans in massive containers. The city’s harbor boasted deep channels that could accommodate bigger ships, as well as acres of vacant land near the docks where containers could be offloaded. The adjacent ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach were booming.
“By luck and good work, we were perfectly situated,” said City Councilman Tim McOsker, whose family has deep roots in San Pedro. “We could adjust to the new world of bigger ships and big containers. We became the shipping capital.”
These days, about 40% of all goods entering the U.S. come in through the combined ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach. “One in 9 jobs in L.A. County are directly related to the port,” McOsker said. “Think about that. That’s amazing.”
And, he added, in a time of trade wars: ”It’s terrifying.”
These colliding forces recast the region into what it is today: dizzyingly diverse and deeply intertwined — economically and culturally — with places around the globe.
Take Koreatown, one of L.A’s most densely populated neighborhoods. It is home to longtime Korean immigrants and their offspring, but also more recently acclimated Bangladeshis, Central Americans and Oaxacans. Hipsters, drawn to newly rehabbed condos, have moved in. The sidewalks are packed with vendors, and merchants advertise in a host of languages, including Spanish, English and Korean.
On Vermont Avenue, shoppers can pick up a box of doughnuts, consult with a Salvadoran attorney, seek respite at a Korean day spa, pick up meat at a carniceria, or dine out at a Korean barbecue.
Jackson Yang, now 80, was 39 when he came to L.A. County from Taiwan. He and his wife were seeking a better education for their children, and he hoped to build a successful trading business.
He started out selling toys, mugs and ceramics at a swap meet in Cerritos.
“From there I learned about what people are looking to buy,” he said last week. “I started from zero, and now we have revenue of almost $400 million a year between our two companies.”
Yang has a home on the Palos Verdes Peninsula and 11 grandchildren to visit him. He has stepped back from leading Seville Classics, the Torrance-based company that he built into an international force, with offices on multiple continents. In 2000, his son, Frank, founded the successful Torrance-based housewares company simplehuman.
Yang said across-the-board tariffs would stifle his business, but even tariffs limited to China will hurt.
“We’ve been thinking about Mr. Trump wanting to bring manufacturing into the U.S., but some items we bring in today cannot be built in the U.S.,” Yang explained. “We’ve been encouraging some of the factories to maybe move to the U.S., but it’s too expensive when you’re talking about a $10 item with a lot of labor involved. It’s not really possible for the U.S. to manufacture that.”
Smadar Gubani, 60, who emigrated from Israel in 1987, is not directly involved in international trade — but her day-care business exists as a result of it. She launched it in 1997, after struggling to find affordable day care for her daughter Hannah, who is named after Gubani’s Moroccan grandmother and her husband’s missing older sister, one of thousands of Yemenite children who disappeared after their families were evacuated to Israel between 1949 and 1950.
“No one can predict what Trump’s gonna do, what China’s gonna say,” Asher Gamzo of Gamzo & Co., a luxury jeweler in downtown L.A., says of the looming trade wars.
(Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
The trade wars set off by President Trump’s tariff threats have upended sales in the globalized jewelry market.
(Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
Gubani is Orthodox, as are most of the toddlers who cavort through her wonderland of sun-bleached playhouses. But they represent the global diversity of L.A.’s half-million Jews, melding the Hebrew and English spoken at day care with the Persian or Yiddish learned at home.
Her day care provides kosher food, serving recipes learned from her mother and collected in a 2013 cookbook. She buys whatever produce is on sale, but most kosher meat is now imported from Mexico and South America. Her youngest students snack on Bamba, the Israeli peanut butter puffs given to teething babies. Tariffs could hit her in lots of ways.
“What can I do?” Gubani asked, rocking the son of a former student in her lap. “Sometimes I just block my eyes and I put the stuff that I need [in my cart]. If I look at the prices, I will not buy nothing.”
Rising food prices — both the recent surges tied to inflation and the prospect of what tariffs would mean for imported goods — are a serious concern in communities across the region.
Every night, Maria Allana, 52, and other Central American immigrants set up food stands at South Bonnie Brae and 6th streets in Westlake for what is known as the Guatemalan Night Market.
Here, immigrants yell out their menus and sweet-talk potential customers as they stroll by. They sell grilled meats, aguas frescas and dishes from their native lands in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras. On a typical night, crowds huddle around the vendors, and even homeless people drop by to get discounted meals.
But the crowds have thinned out since the Trump administration’s crackdown on immigration. And inflation has cut into profits, making it harder to send money to their families back home.
“Everything is getting expensive,” Allana said.
The 50 pounds of dough she buys to make her tortillas jumped from $17 to $35. Refilling the gas tank also went up.
“With all this happening here, I’m sometimes considering whether it’s best to just head back home,” she said.
Back in San Marino, real estate agent Brent Chang, 54, who has been selling houses in the area since 2008, has a clear understanding of how much his business is tied to the global economy. For decades now, the city’s housing market has been lifted by whichever Asian economy was thriving at the time.
Japanese people in the 1980s, then Taiwanese in the ‘90s, and Chinese in the 2000s — so much so that when the rest of the housing market crashed in 2008, San Marino was untouched.
The influx has sent home prices soaring; the median home value in the city is $2.7 million, placing it in the realm of ultraluxe Westside enclaves such as Beverly Hills and Bel-Air. Chang said deep-pocketed Asian buyers have helped grow the city’s school district into one of the best in the state, and newcomers are often quick to invest in the city, including a Taiwanese homebuyer who’s planning to fund a new data software service for the San Marino Police Department.
“In the 1970s, I was the only Asian kid around. Look at it now,” Chang said. “You can’t go backwards and try to make the world small again.”
Times staff writer Anthony Solarzano contributed to this report.
Politics
Paxton vows he’s ‘staying in this race’ even if Trump backs Cornyn in Texas GOP clash
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Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton is making it clear: he’s staying in the race for the Republican Senate nomination even if President Donald Trump endorses Paxton’s rival, longtime Sen. John Cornyn.
“I’m staying in this race,” Paxton said in an interview Wednesday evening. “I owe it to the people of Texas.”
Trump says he’ll soon take sides in the costly and combustible GOP primary showdown Cornyn and Paxton.
“I will be making my Endorsement soon,” the president wrote in a social media post hours after Cornyn and Paxton advanced to a May 26 runoff election.
The two heated rivals topped a crowded field of contenders in Tuesday’s primary, but since no one cleared the 50% threshold, the nomination race heads into overtime.
Texas Governor Greg Abbott, second from left, President Donald Trump, center, Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), second from right, and Secretary of Energy Chris Wright, right, take part in a briefing on energy at the Port of Corpus Christi in Corpus Christi, Texas, Feb, 27, 2026. (Mandel NGAN/AFP via Getty Images)
Trump added that he “will be asking the candidate that I don’t Endorse to immediately DROP OUT OF THE RACE!”
A Republican operative in Trump’s political orbit told Fox News Digital it’s expected Cornyn will get the president’s endorsement. However, the president has been known to change his mind on candidates or even reverse endorsements.
A second source in Trump’s political orbit told Fox News that while there’s still jockeying to influence the president’s decision, given Cornyn’s better-than-expected performance in the primary, Trump is expected to back the senator and prevent a messy and expensive runoff.
CONTENTIOUS REPUBLICAN SENATE PRIMARY IN TEXAS HEADED INTO OVERTIME
Asked if he would end his Senate bid if Trump backed Cornyn, Paxton, a MAGA firebrand and longtime Trump supporter and ally, said no in an interview with Real America’s Voice.
“I’ve spent a year of my life campaigning against John Cornyn because John has not represented the people of Texas well,” Paxton argued. “He’s been against Trump in both of his elections, said he shouldn’t run last time. … The people of Texas, at least the Republicans, would like something different.”
Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, a Republican candidate for the U.S. Senate, speaks during a primary election night watch party March 3, 2026, in Dallas. (Julio Cortez/The Associated Press )
And a source in Paxton’s political orbit emphasized to Fox News Digital that the Texas attorney general isn’t getting out of the race.
Cornyn or Paxton will face off in the general election against rising Democratic Party star state Rep. James Talarico, who topped progressive firebrand Rep. Jasmine Crockett, a vocal Trump critic, in the Democrats’ primary. Talarico is trying to become the first Democrat in nearly four decades to win a Senate election in right-leaning Texas.
‘OPEN BORDERS, TRUMP-HATING RADICAL’—REPUBLICANS QUICKLY POUNCE ON TALARICO
The 2026 Senate showdown in Texas is one of a handful across the country that could determine if Republicans hold their majority in the chamber in the midterm elections. The GOP currently controls the chamber 53–47.
The Cornyn campaign and aligned super PACs spent nearly $100 million to run ads attacking Paxton and Republican Rep. Wesley Hunt — who came in third — with the senator charging in the closing weeks of the primary campaign that Democrats would flip the seat in the general election if Paxton was the GOP’s nominee.
Cornyn, his allies and the National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC), the campaign arm of the Senate GOP, repeatedly pointed to the slew of scandals and legal problems that have battered Paxton over the past decade, as well as his ongoing messy divorce.
“Over the next 12 weeks, Texas Republican primary voters will hear more about my record of delivering conservative victories in the United States Senate, and learn more about Ken’s indefensible personal behavior and failures in office,” Cornyn told reporters on Tuesday night.
“Just like the primary, we have a plan to win the runoff, and we are in the process of executing it,” Cornyn said. “Judgment day is coming for Ken Paxton.”
Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, speaks during a campaign stop in The Woodlands, Texas, Feb. 28, 2026. (Annie Mulligan/AP Photo)
Paxton, a MAGA firebrand and longtime Trump supporter and ally who grabbed significant national attention by filing lawsuits against the Obama and Biden administrations, told supporters on primary night, “As we head into this runoff, we’re going to make the choice even clearer. While John Cornyn was cutting deals on gun control and amnesty, I was suing corrupt Joe Biden over 107 times.”
And he charged, “John Cornyn spent around $100 million trying to buy this seat. We’ve spent around $5 million.”
ROUND TWO OF CORNYN VS. PAXTON GETS UNDER WAY
Trump on Wednesday urged, “for the good of the Party, and our Country, itself, be allowed to go on any longer. IT MUST STOP NOW!”
And pointing to Talarico, the president argued, “We have an easy to beat, Radical Left Opponent, and we have to TOTALLY FOCUS on putting him away, quickly and decisively.”
State Rep. James Talarico, a Democratic candidate for the U.S. Senate, speaks at a primary election watch party Tuesday, March 3, 2026, in Austin, Texas. (Eric Gay/AP Photo)
“Both John and Ken ran great races, but not good enough. Now, this one, must be PERFECT!” Trump warned.
Trump, whose clout over the GOP remains immense, stayed neutral in the Republican primary race. All three candidates, who sought the president’s endorsement, were in attendance Friday as Trump held an event in Corpus Christi, Texas.
“They’re in a little race together,” Trump said of Cornyn and Paxton. “You know that, right? A little bit of a race. It’s going to be an interesting one, right? They’re both great people, too.”
Meanwhile, on Capitol Hill, the lobbying campaign to clinch the endorsement for Cornyn hasn’t stopped, and if anything, is intensifying in the hours since primary night.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., told reporters that Cornyn had “a great night” against Paxton. The top Senate Republican has spent the last several months bending Trump’s ear at every opportunity to jump into the race and back the longtime incumbent.
“He’s positioned to win the runoff, and if the president endorses early, it saves everybody a lot of money, and a lot of, you know, just 10 weeks of another spirited campaign on our side that keeps us from spending time focusing on the Democrats,” Thune said.
Thune spoke with Cornyn on Wednesday morning, and believed that Talarico was the more formidable match-up for Republicans in November — one that Cornyn was better suited to win.
“The matchup that’s good for us is John Cornyn at the top of the ticket,” Thune said.
NRSC communications director Joanna Rodriguez told Fox News Digital, “John Cornyn remains the only candidate who guarantees state Rep. Talarico never becomes a United States senator and ensures the fight for President Trump’s Senate majority is waged in true battleground states, not Texas.”
And the Thune-aligned Senate Leadership Fund (SLF), the top super PAC backing Senate Republicans, which spent millions on behalf of Cornyn in the primary campaign, made it clear in a statement early Wednesday that it will continue to support the senator in the runoff.
“SLF and its sister organizations were proud to support Senator Cornyn early, and we look forward to him securing the Republican nomination on May 26,” the group’s executive director, Alex Latcham, said in a statement.
Meanwhile, a GOP political operative in Trump’s orbit told Fox News Digital, “Talarico being the nominee makes President Trump’s endorsement of Cornyn more important than ever.”
While Trump stayed neutral, his top pollster, Tony Fabrizio, helped the Cornyn campaign. And veteran Republican strategist Chris LaCivita, who served as co-campaign manager of Trump’s 2024 White House bid, consulted for a top Cornyn-aligned super PAC.
LaCivita, in a social media post Tuesday night aimed at Paxton and his top political consultant, wrote, “The second wave is going to be a (bi–h.)”
But on the Paxton side of the playing field, operatives and donors are confident they can unseat the senator.
Dan Eberhart, an oil drilling chief executive officer and prominent Republican donor and bundler who supports Paxton, told Fox News Digital, “This was Cornyn’s shot to fend off his challenger by getting over 50%, and he couldn’t do it. The runoff voters will be even less friendly territory for Cornyn.”
Pointing to former longtime Senate GOP leader Sen. Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., who has often acted as a Trump foil, Eberhart said, “This race is about MAGA vs. McConnell.”
Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton speaks to supporters at a campaign event on primary eve, in Waco, Texas on March 2, 2026. (Paul Steinhauser/Fox News)
Meanwhile, Lone Star Liberty, a pro-Paxton super PAC, circulated a memo ahead of Tuesday’s election that shrugged off threats that Cornyn would succeed in the runoff by continuing to hammer the attorney general over his litany of scandals, arguing there was nothing new to offer.
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“Cornyn’s talk of ‘unleashing’ new attacks in the runoff is bluster,” the memo states. “The truth is that from day one, his forces fired every bullet they had. There are no new attacks left — only more of the same, at ever-greater cost and with ever-diminishing returns.”
Fox News’ Rich Edson contributed to this report
Politics
Fears mount at CBS News and CNN over merger, consolidation
Paramount’s $111-billion deal to acquire Warner Bros. Discovery will put two of the most storied journalism brands — CNN and CBS News — under one roof.
The combination has been proposed before with the aim of consolidating news-gathering costs. Those plans fell apart largely over who would be in control.
But if the Paramount-WBD transaction is approved by regulators, CNN and CBS News will be forced into potentially rocky marriage where they will have to sort out leadership roles, personnel and editorial direction.
It’s still too early to determine what those moves will be and how widely they will be felt.
Last week CNN Chief Executive Mark Thompson told his troops to avoid “jumping to conclusions about the future.”
But what is certain is that every permutation will be scrutinized closely due to the fraught relationships both CNN and CBS News have with the Trump administration.
“There have been many conversations over the years about combining CBS News and CNN,” said Jon Klein, a digital media entrepreneur who previously held leadership roles at both organizations. “But this time, it’s different. The business case always made sense — but today you’ve got the overlay of the political agenda.”
Before Paramount prevailed in its bid for CNN’s parent, Paramount Chief Executive David Ellison’s father Larry Ellison reportedly discussed changes to the network with Trump. For years, Trump has made CNN the poster child of his “fake news” claims and impugned many of its journalists.
“What has David Ellison and Larry Ellison promised Donald Trump with regard to what they’re going to do with CNN?” said one former executive. “Before you even get through the hurdles of doing this, that’s the overriding question. Are they going to fire anchors Trump doesn’t like?”
There is also apprehension at CBS News, where David Ellison installed Bari Weiss as editor-in-chief in October, with a mandate to have network’s coverage appeal to the political center.
CBS News editor-in-chief Bari Weiss with Turning Point USA’s Erika Kirk at a town hall that aired Dec. 20.
(CBS Photo Archive / CBS via Getty Images)
Weiss — founder of the independent media company The Free Press — came into the role with no experience running a TV news organization, building her reputation as an opinion writer with contrarian views and a disdain for woke ideology.
The former New York Times opinion writer, who is staunchly pro-Israel, drew criticism over the weekend for putting a fire emoji over a comment criticizing New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s condemnation of the U.S. military action in Iran — an unusual public reaction for the head of a major news organization.
Weiss wasted no time taking on the prestigious CBS news magazine “60 Minutes,” which has long been a stubbornly independent operation. She delayed a story on the harsh El Salvador prison used by the U.S. to house undocumented migrants saying it needed more reporting. The story’s correspondent Sharyn Alfonsi accused CBS News management of placating the White House, turning the decision into a public relations fiasco for the network.
Significant changes are coming to “60 Minutes” later this spring, with one or more of its correspondents possibly being replaced, according to people familiar with Weiss’ plans who were not authorized to comment. Weiss has also expressed interest in hiring right-leaning on-air talent for CBS News.
Some CBS News leadership is already heading for the exit. Shana Thomas, longtime “CBS Mornings” executive producer, told staff Thursday she is leaving at the end of the month. “I’ve been thinking about this for a while and frankly, I’m tired y’all,” she wrote in a memo.
Weiss arrived after Paramount settled a Trump lawsuit with the dubious claim that a “60 Minutes” interview with then-Vice President Kamala Harris was deceptively edited to aid her 2024 presidential election campaign against him.
The willingness to settle the suit was largely seen as Paramount capitulating to Trump in order to get government approval of its merger with Skydance Media. The Ellisons’ tight relationship with Trump was also seen as an asset in their successful pursuit of Warner Bros. Discovery.
The stew of issues bubbling through the transactions is why most of the rank and file at CNN rooted for Netflix to prevail in its bidding for Warner Bros. Discovery. The Netflix bid for WBD did not include CNN or the company’s cable networks, which in the words of one insider would have made it “a stay of execution.”
Now CNN staffers, speaking on the condition of anonymity, are bracing for upheaval. When they look at CBS News navigating the changes under Weiss, they are reminded what they went through after Warner Bros. Discovery took over their network and tried to push the coverage to the center.
After a declaration by WBD Chief Executive David Zaslav that the network needed to be more accommodating to conservative voices — and the telecast of a rowdy Trump town hall — CNN experienced an exodus of viewers.
But the biggest fear that the merger brings is consolidation and the loss of jobs. CNN has 3,400 employees while CBS News is at around 1,000. Cost-cutting is expected to be aggressive across the combined Paramount-WBD, which will have a mountain of debt to service.
The parent companies of CBS and CNN have discussed merging or sharing news-gathering operations and on-air talent numerous times over several decades. In 2019, Viacom, the CBS News parent at the time, had a deal in place to pay CNN an annual license fee to provide international coverage.
Under that plan, CBS would have maintained a few of its signature overseas correspondents, while shuttering its bureaus around the world. But Viacom backed out of the deal.
CNN’s international coverage has long been its calling card and its likely the network will handle that reporting for CBS News once Paramount takes ownership.
Combining the news-gathering operation stateside will be trickier, as CBS News has employees and vendors that operate under contracts with the Writers Guild of America East, SAG-AFTRA and other unions. CNN is a non-union shop.
Resolving the union issue has been a snag in every previous discussion to combine CBS News and CNN over the years, according to several former executives at both outlets.
CNN news anchor Anderson Cooper in New York in 2016.
(Associated Press)
Another development worth watching is what role Anderson Cooper will play in the merged operation. Cooper signed a new deal with CNN last year, but turned down an offer to remain as a “60 Minutes” correspondent, a role he’s had since 2007.
CBS News has pursued Cooper several times over the years to be its evening news anchor. There was even a proposal in 2018 for him to helm “CBS Evening News” while keeping his nightly prime time program on CNN. That idea was shot down at CNN, where leadership believed he was unique to the network’s brand.
In a statement, Cooper cited a desire to spend more time with his two children as the reason for passing on another “60 Minutes” deal. However, associates have said his wariness over the direction of CBS News under Weiss made his decision easier.
Now Cooper is likely headed into the CNN-CBS News tent, which may make him feel a bit like Michael Corleone in “Godfather III” when he said “Just when I thought I was out, they pull me back in!”
Politics
Video: Senate Republicans Block Limits to Trump’s War Powers
new video loaded: Senate Republicans Block Limits to Trump’s War Powers
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Senate Republicans Block Limits to Trump’s War Powers
Senate Republicans voted against a Democratic bill that would have required President Trump to obtain congressional authorization to continue waging war against Iran.
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“The yeas are 47. The nays are 53. The motion to discharge is not approved.” “President Trump decided to attack Iran. That decision was profound, deliberate and correct. The president understands the weight of war.” “Why is Donald Trump hellbent on making history repeat itself? Why is he plunging America headfirst into a war that Americans do not want, and which he cannot even explain? The American people deserve a say, and that is what our resolution is about.”
By Shawn Paik
March 5, 2026
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