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From Day 1, Trump Shows He’ll Test Limits of What He Can Get Away With

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From Day 1, Trump Shows He’ll Test Limits of What He Can Get Away With

His vice president, JD Vance, said he “obviously” wouldn’t do it.

His nominee for attorney general, Pam Bondi, agreed there was no way: “The president does not like people that abuse police officers,” she told senators last week.

The Republican speaker of the House, Mike Johnson, gave similar assurances that President Trump would not pardon “violent criminals” — the kind who bashed police officers with pieces of broken furniture or stashed an arsenal of weapons in Virginia to be used if their breach of the Capitol failed on Jan. 6, 2021.

Even public opinion was against Mr. Trump. Just 34 percent of Americans thought he should pardon the Jan. 6 rioters, according to a Monmouth University poll in December.

But on Monday, the first day of the second Trump presidency, he tossed caution aside and did exactly what he wanted: He decreed that every rioter would get some sort of reprieve. It didn’t matter what crimes they committed; whether they were convicted of violent acts or even seditious conspiracy, they will all eventually be cleared. Hundreds of convicts got full pardons; 14 members of far-right groups accused of sedition had their sentences expunged; and all others with ongoing cases will eventually have their charges dismissed.

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Mr. Trump’s decision to intervene in even the most violent cases sends an unmistakable message about his plans for power these next four years: He intends — even more so than in his first term — to test the outer limits of what he can get away with.

“These people have been destroyed,” Mr. Trump said of the Jan. 6 rioters, after issuing the pardons, sitting behind the Resolute Desk in the Oval Office for the first time as the 47th president. “What they’ve done to these people is outrageous.”

Mr. Trump’s advisers and lawyers had spent months debating how far he should go in granting clemency to people prosecuted in connection with the Capitol riot. The White House counsel, David Warrington, presented Mr. Trump with options, some more expansive than others, according to two people briefed on the situation who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe sensitive internal discussions.

Mr. Trump and his advisers had said during the campaign that he would approach the pardons on a case-by-case basis. It was an unspoken recognition that there were dangerous criminals within the group, but the vague formulation was also Mr. Trump’s way of keeping his options open.

He was still making up his mind over the weekend and into Monday, according to advisers. But by Sunday afternoon, people close to him had the impression that he was likely to go for a sweeping form of clemency. To have done anything less would have been an admission that there was something wrong with what his supporters did on Jan. 6, or that cause of overturning the 2020 election was somehow unjustified, or that anyone defending Mr. Trump’s view of the world had erred.

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President Biden’s pre-emptive pardons for people who had investigated Mr. Trump’s role in the lead-up to the Jan. 6 assault only added to his desire to take the broadest approach possible, according to the two people with knowledge of his decision-making.

Sitting in the Capitol Rotunda awaiting Mr. Trump’s swearing-in on Monday, one senior member of Mr. Trump’s team said to others, “We can do it all now,” referring to Mr. Biden’s pardons.

The way Mr. Trump sees it, he didn’t only defeat the Democrats in the 2024 campaign; he also vanquished the remnants of Republican opposition, the mainstream media and a justice system that he saw as a force weaponized against him. He has occasionally claimed that the only retribution he wants in office is “success” for the country; but it’s clear from what he has said and done in his first 24 hours on the job that he also wants payback.

The pardons were among several Day 1 actions — some public, some less so — that revealed his plans to get even.

Mr. Trump revoked the Secret Service protection for John R. Bolton, his former national security adviser who fell out with him. Agents had guarded Mr. Bolton since 2021, after U.S. authorities learned of an alleged Iranian plot to assassinate him; a person was criminally charged with targeting him in 2022.

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Mr. Trump also revoked Mr. Bolton’s security clearance and that of 49 former intelligence officials who signed a letter before the 2020 election claiming that a laptop belonging to Mr. Biden’s son Hunter appeared to be part of a Russian disinformation operation.

Another of Mr. Trump’s executive orders, lost within the blur of activity on Inauguration Day, suggests an even broader scope for retribution.

The order, titled “Ending the Weaponization of the Federal Government,” has a preamble that asserts as fact that the Biden administration weaponized its prosecutorial powers in pursuing criminal investigations of Mr. Trump and his allies. The order instructs federal agencies, including the Justice Department and the intelligence community, to dig deep to demonstrate the alleged weaponization and then to send reports of the misconduct to the White House. The order sets up what will be, at a minimum, a name-and-shame exercise.

More likely, it will provide a road map for prosecutions.

The White House did not respond to an email seeking comment.

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Mike Davis, a Republican lawyer and supporter of Mr. Trump who advocated pardons in connection with the Jan. 6 riot, said the president had learned a great deal about executive power over the past eight years. He said Mr. Trump will not be constrained by people who want to stymie him for what he sees as political reasons.

“This election was a referendum on Trump, on MAGA and on lawfare, and the American people rendered their verdict on Nov. 5,” Mr. Davis said. “He earned power, and now he’s going to use it, like Democrats.”

Mr. Davis was not worried about any backlash to the pardons. “He understands how to govern,” he said, adding that “he knows that public opinion can be changed.”

The Jan. 6 pardons culminated a four-year campaign to rewrite the history of the riot as a day in which Mr. Trump and his supporters were the righteous victims and those investigating their actions were the villains.

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That wasn’t always Mr. Trump’s view — or at least not his publicly stated one. The day after the attack, he recorded a video in which he described the assault on the Capitol as “heinous,” adding, “to those who broke the law, you will pay.” This was the second video he released after the riot; his staff thought his first video was too sympathetic to the rioters and they persuaded him to tape another.

In the final days of his first term, Mr. Trump privately discussed the possibility of granting clemency to people involved in the riot. He dropped the idea, but within months of leaving office, Mr. Trump began reframing Jan. 6 as a patriotic day, “a day of love.”

He integrated the “J6 community” into his campaign as patriotic martyrs or, as he called them, “hostages.” Mr. Trump played at his rallies a version of “The Star-Spangled Banner” recorded by a choir of imprisoned Jan. 6 defendants. His nominee for F.B.I. director, Kash Patel, had the idea of turning it into a song, dubbed over with Mr. Trump reciting the Pledge of Allegiance. Mr. Trump still plays the recording on his patio at Mar-a-Lago, as guests stand and sing along, hands over hearts.

Daniel Hodges, one of the officers who was injured on Jan. 6 after being pinned in a doorway of the Capitol and crushed, said Mr. Trump’s whitewashing of Jan. 6 was necessary to preserve his supporters’ belief in their own goodness and patriotism.

“In a way he had to lean into it and say that these insurrectionists were patriots,” said Officer Hodges. If Mr. Trump didn’t elevate the rioters, “they would have to come to terms with the fact that they led an attack against the United States of America — and that’s very antithetical to their self-image.”

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The speed with which the mammoth investigation of Jan. 6 collapsed astonished even those who had been mentally preparing for it. Within the space of an evening, not only were nearly 1,600 people granted clemency, but defendants were walking out of prison — among them Enrique Tarrio and Joseph Biggs, two leaders of the Proud Boys serving lengthy sentences for seditious conspiracy.

Ed Martin, Mr. Trump’s new interim U.S. attorney in Washington, was already moving to dismiss riot cases — including the trial of a former F.B.I. agent accused of confronting officers at the Capitol, calling them Nazis and encouraging a mob of Trump supporters to kill them. Mr. Martin sits on the board of the most prominent legal fund-raising group to help Jan. 6 defendants.

Mr. Trump has always favored a maximalist approach toward whatever he does, but he has sometimes stopped short when external constraints seem immovable. It’s unclear, now, how much is left in Washington to restrain him.

He has far more capacity to get what he wants than he did four years ago. He is more knowledgeable about the range of his presidential powers and is far more willing to test them in court. His order to terminate birthright citizenship was something he pushed his administration to do in his first term right up until his 2020 election, but his White House lawyers and his attorney general, William P. Barr, told him he did not have the authority to nullify a right guaranteed by the 14th Amendment.

He now has a more favorable judiciary, which he transformed in his first term, and he has a far more compliant Republican leadership in Congress. Few G.O.P. lawmakers have been willing to say anything critical about Mr. Trump’s pardons of the rioters.

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Mr. Trump’s team is also far less of a restraint on his impulses. His second term West Wing contains none of the type of first term aides who tried to talk him out of his most extreme ideas. In their place is a team of loyalists who may occasionally disagree on policy, but are true believers in his instincts, especially after his remarkable comeback.

His team has weeded out anybody they view as disloyal to Mr. Trump. Even people with no known history of opposition to Mr. Trump have been blacklisted because of their associations with Republicans he now views as disloyal. That group includes Republicans he hired in his first term such as Nikki Haley and Mike Pompeo.

Many Trump aides have received subpoenas over the past four years, and some of his closest aides, including his aide Walt Nauta, have been indicted. These investigations further radicalized many of his advisers against what they pejoratively refer to as the “deep state.” Many of them are now joining him in his return to government for this second shot at power. They don’t plan to waste it.

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Bill and Hillary Clinton’s Stance on Epstein Testimony Oct. 6

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Bill and Hillary Clinton’s Stance on Epstein Testimony Oct. 6

t, gerrymandering, and emocratic areas to vote.
) two Senate seats, thanks to e victory was enough to save Senator John McCain’s deci- ope for 2020. I was especially in South Florida over a GOP of good work as president of rt campaign.
as Vegas to see former Senate 1o was battling cancer but still to fight on as long as he had lid two long sessions with the out Hillary. It was both exhila- out her and painful because I nd the problems as well as the Hillary was streamed on Hulu g her life and work. But it hurt ney wished America had seen She was there all the time, but view of them is blocked by

a film on the late King Hussein esperately ill with cancer, came lenge the Palestinians to make also weighed in, diplomatically, ying in a press conference that with nine U.S. presidents and as much for peace as I had, and ish the job. With his life ebbing him. Soon I would be marching 1. He was a brave, good man, and d by his son Abdullah, who along Palestinian by birth, have contin- peace and fairness in the Middle in CGI, and have been uncom- Hillary and me.

Page 373, Citizen, by William Jefferson Clinton (2024)

2017-2020: Back to the Foundation

373

Throughout 2018 and 2019, the Miami Herald had been pub- lishing stories about the financier Jeffrey Epstein, who in 2008 had been convicted and jailed in Florida for sex crimes. In part because of that rigorous journalism, Epstein was arrested again in 2019 for those and other crimes, this time by federal authori- ties in New York. The Herald stories and his rearrest raised questions about several well-known people’s connection to him, including me. They deserved answers and I gave them. In 2002 and 2003, he invited me to fly on his airplane to support the work of the foundation, and in return for flying me, my staff, and my Secret Service detail who always accompanied me, Epstein asked only that I take an hour or two on each trip to discuss politics and economics. He had just donated $10 million to Har- vard for brain research and he asked a lot of questions. That was the extent of our conversations. My only other interactions with Epstein were two brief meetings, one at my office in Harlem and another at his house in New York.
I had always thought Epstein was odd but had no inkling of the crimes he was committing. He hurt a lot of people, but I knew nothing about it and by the time he was first arrested in 2005, I had stopped contact with him. I’ve never visited his island. When it was suggested that I traveled there without my round- the-clock Secret Service detail, which would explain why there’s never been a record of me being there, in 2016 the Service took the extraordinary step of saying I had never waived protection and they had never been there. Another person reportedly said she’d seen me on the island, but that I didn’t do anything wrong. However, in early 2024, unsealed depositions showed that she’d only heard I was there but didn’t actually see me. Then there was one of my former staffers who fed the story to Vanity Fair. He knew it wasn’t true when he said it.
The bottom line is, even though it allowed me to visit the work of my foundation, traveling on Epstein’s plane was not worth the years of questioning afterward. I wish I had never met him.

In May, I went to the University of Virginia, founded by Thomas Jefferson, to address a symposium on the presidency. I worked

11/2024

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Small Business Administration unveils new initiative to roll back federal regulations

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Small Business Administration unveils new initiative to roll back federal regulations

NEWYou can now listen to Fox News articles!

FIRST ON FOX: Seeking to tackle persistent cost pressures on American families and small firms, the Small Business Administration (SBA) is unveiling a new initiative that will review and roll back federal rules the administration says have driven up prices in sectors ranging from housing to food production.

The Deregulation Strike Force, led by the SBA’s Office of Advocacy, will coordinate a government-wide review aimed at identifying regulations that hinder economic growth.

FROM MORTGAGES TO CAR LOANS: AFFORDABILITY RISES AND FALLS WITH THE FED

SBA Administrator Kelly Loeffler will oversee the new initiative aimed at cutting regulations in order to relieve prices.  (Kent Nishimura/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

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Trump administration officials say the effort is intended to eliminate what they describe as excessive Biden-era regulations that have imposed an estimated $6 trillion in cumulative compliance costs on American families and small businesses.

“Bidenomics brought historic new highs in inflation that crushed working families and small businesses, driven in part by the massive bureaucracy that heaped trillions in new federal regulations onto the backs of hardworking Americans,” SBA Administrator Kelly Loeffler wrote in a statement.

TRUMP INSISTS PRICES ARE ‘COMING DOWN,’ BLAMES BIDEN — BUT VOTERS SAY THEY’RE STILL GETTING SQUEEZED

“Through our Deregulation Strike Force, SBA is leveraging its unique authority to deregulate across the federal government and cut senseless red tape that drove up costs for small businesses and consumers, especially in industries hit hardest by Bidenflation,” Loeffler said, adding that the initiative will build on President Trump’s push to reduce costs across the country.

A customer holds a shopping basket at a grocery store. (Brent Lewin/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

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Citing what it describes as four years of excessive regulatory overreach, the SBA said its strike force will target cuts across key small-business sectors, including housing and construction, healthcare, agriculture and food production, energy and utilities, transportation and other goods and services across the supply chain.

They also argue the latest deregulation campaign reinforces President Donald Trump’s economic message heading into the new year, positioning regulatory relief as a central tool for tackling high prices.

President Donald Trump speaks on inflation at Mount Airy Casino Resort in Mount Pocono, Pennsylvania, U.S., on Tuesday, Dec. 9, 2025.  (Adam Gray/Bloomberg/Getty Images)

The SBA said it has already played a key role in eliminating an estimated $98.9 billion in federal regulations since Trump’s return to office.

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Some of these actions include changes to reporting rules, energy-efficiency standards and diesel exhaust fluid requirements, which the agency says have contributed to nearly $200 billion in total regulatory savings.

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California’s role in shaping the fate of the Democratic Party and combating Trump on full display

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California’s role in shaping the fate of the Democratic Party and combating Trump on full display

California’s potential to lead a national Democratic comeback was on full display as party leaders from across the country recently gathered in downtown Los Angeles.

But is the party ready to bet on the Golden State?

Appearances at the Democratic National Committee meeting by the state’s most prominent Democrats, former Vice President Kamala Harris and Gov. Gavin Newsom, crystallized the peril and promise of California’s appeal. Harris failed to beat a politically wounded Donald Trump in the 2024 presidential race and Newsom, now among President Trump’s most celebrated critics, is considered a top Democratic contender to replace the Republican president in the White House in 2028.

California policies on divisive issues such as providing expanded access to government-sponsored healthcare, aiding undocumented immigrants and supporting LGBTQ+ rights continually serve as a Rorschach test for the nation’s polarized electorate, providing comfort to progressives and ammunition for Republican attack ads.

“California is like your cool cousin that comes for the holidays who is intriguing and glamorous, but who might not fit in with the family year-round,” said Elizabeth Ashford, a veteran Democratic strategist who worked for former Govs. Jerry Brown and Arnold Schwarzenegger and Harris when she was the state’s attorney general.

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Newsom, in particular, is quick to boast about California being home to the world’s fourth-largest economy, a billion-dollar agricultural industry and economic and cultural powerhouses in Hollywood and the Silicon Valley. Critics, Trump chief among them, paint the state as a dystopian hellhole — littered with homeless encampments and lawlessness, and plagued by high taxes and an even higher cost of living.

Only two Californians have been elected president, Republicans Ronald Reagan and Richard Nixon. But that was generations ago, and Harris and Newsom are considering bids to end the decades-long drought in 2028. Both seized the moment by courting party leaders and activists during the three-day winter meeting of the Democratic National Committee that ended Saturday.

Harris, speaking to committee members and guests Friday, said the party’s victories in state elections across the nation in November reflect voters’ agitation about the impacts of Trump’s policies, notably affordability and healthcare costs. But she argued that “both parties have failed to hold the public’s trust.”

“So as we plan for what comes after this administration, we cannot afford to be nostalgic for what was, in fact, a flawed status quo, and a system that failed so many of you,” said Harris, who was criticized after her presidential campaign for not focusing enough on kitchen table issues, including the increasing financial strains faced by Americans.

While Harris, who ruled out running for governor earlier this year, did not address whether she would make another bid for the White House in 2028, she argued that the party needed to be introspective about its future.

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“We need to answer the question, what comes next for our party and our democracy, and in so doing, we must be honest that for so many, the American dream has become more of a myth than a reality,” she said.

Many of the party leaders who spoke at the gathering focused on California’s possible role in determining control of Congress after voters in November approved Proposition 50, a rare mid-decade redrawing of congressional districts in an effort to boost the number of Democrats in the state’s congressional delegation in the 2026 election.

Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass rallied the crowd by reminding them that Democrats took back the U.S. House of Representatives during Trump’s first term and predicted the state would be critical in next year’s midterm elections.

Mayor Karen Bass speaks at the Democratic National Committee Winter Meeting at the InterContinental Hotel in downtown Los Angeles on Friday.

(Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times)

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Newsom, who championed Proposition 50, basked in that victory when he strode through the hotel’s corridors at the DNC meeting the day before, stopping every few feet to talk to committee members, shake their hands and take selfies.

“There’s just a sense of optimism here,” Newsom said.

Democratic candidates in New Jersey and Virginia also won races by a significant margin last month which, party leaders say, were all telltale signs of growing voter dissatisfaction with Trump and Washington’s Republican leadership.

“The party, more broadly, got their sea legs back, and they’re winning,” Newsom said. “And winning solves a lot of problems.”

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Louisiana committee member Katie Darling teared up as she watched fellow Democrats flock to Newsom.

“He really is trying to bring people together during a very difficult time,” said Darling, who grew up in Sacramento in a Republican household. “He gets a lot of pushback for talking to and working with Republicans, but when he does that, I see him talking to my mom and dad who I love, who I vehemently disagree with politically. … I do think that we need to talk to each other to move the country forward.”

Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks as his wife Jennifer Siebel Newsom looks on

Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks as his wife Jennifer Siebel Newsom looks on during an election night gathering at the California Democratic Party headquarters on November 04, 2025 in Sacramento.

(Justin Sullivan / Getty Images)

Darling said she listens to Newsom’s podcast, where his choice of guests, including the late Charlie Kirk, and his comments on the show that transgender athletes taking part in women’s sports is “deeply unfair” have drawn outrage from some on the left.

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Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker, another potential 2028 presidential candidate whose family has historically supported Newsom, was also reportedly on site Thursday, holding closed-door meetings. And former Transportation secretary Pete Buttigieg, also a possible White House contender, was in Los Angeles on Thursday, appearing on Jimmy Kimmel’s late-night show and holding meetings.

Corrin Rankin, chair of the California Republican Party, cast the DNC meetings in L.A. as “anti-Trump sessions” and pointed to the homeless encampments on Skid Row, just blocks from where committee members gathered.

“We need accountability and solutions that actually get people off the streets, make communities safer and life more affordable,” Rankin said.

Elected officials from across the nation are drawn to California because of its wellspring of wealthy political donors. The state was the largest source of contributions to the campaign committees of Trump and Harris during the 2024 presidential contest, contributing nearly a quarter of a billion dollars, according to the nonpartisan, nonprofit organization Open Secrets, which tracks electoral finances.

While the DNC gathering focused mostly on mundane internal business, the gathering of party leaders attracted liberal groups seeking to raise money and draw attention to their causes.

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Actor Jane Fonda and comedian Nikki Glaser headlined an event aimed at increasing the minimum wage at the Three Clubs cocktail bar in Hollywood. California already has among the highest minimum wages in the nation; one of the organizers of the event is campaigning to increase the rate to $30 per hour in some California counties.

“The affordability crisis is pushing millions of Americans to the edge, and no democracy can survive when people who work full time cannot afford basic necessities,” Fonda said prior to the event. “Raising wages is one of the most powerful ways to give families stability and hope.”

But California’s liberal policies have been viewed as a liability for Democrats elsewhere, where issues such as transgender rights and providing healthcare for undocumented immigrants have not been warmly received by some blue-collar workers who once formed the party’s base.

Trump capitalized on that disconnect in the closing months of the 2024 presidential contest, when his campaign aired ads that highlighted Harris’ support of transgender rights, including taxpayer-funded gender-affirming surgery for inmates.

“Kamala is for they/them, President Trump is for you,” the commercial stated. The ad aired more than 30,000 times in swing states in the fall, notably during football games and NASCAR races.

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“Kamala had 99 problems. California wasn’t one of them,” said John Podesta, a veteran Democratic strategist who served a senior advisor to former President Biden, counselor to former President Obama and White House chief of staff for former President Clinton.

He disputed the argument that California, whether through its policies or candidates, will impact Democrats’ chances, arguing there’s a broader disconnect between the party and its voters.

“This sense that Democrats lost touch with the middle class and the poor in favor of the cultural elite is a real problem,” said Podesta. “My shorthand is, we used to be the party of the factory floor, and now we’re the party of the faculty lounge. That’s not a California problem. It’s an elitist problem.”

While Podesta isn’t backing anyone yet in the 2028 presidential contest, he praised Newsom for his efforts to not only buck Trump but the “leftist extremists” in the Democratic party.

The narrative of Californians being out of touch with many Americans has been exacerbated this year during the state’s battles with the Trump administration over immigration, climate change, water and artificial intelligence policy. But Newsom and committee members argued that the state has been at the vanguard of where the nation will eventually head.

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“I am very proud of California. It’s a state that’s not just about growth, it’s about inclusion,” the governor said, before ticking off a list of California initiatives, including low-priced insulin and higher minimum wages. “So much of the policy that’s coming out of the state of California promotes not just promise, but policy direction that I think is really important for the party.”

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