Politics
Column: Trump asks why Harris hasn't done all she's promised. The answer: Because she's VICE president
He’s called her Laffin’ Kamala and Lyin’ Kamala. Crazy Kamala and Comrade Kamala.
He’s described the vice president as lazy, dumb and antisemitic. (Even though her husband is Jewish, so maybe Donald Trump should throw in masochistic as well?)
Ever since Kamala Harris became his opponent, an obviously flummoxed Trump has grappled with how to run against a Democrat who doesn’t share his gender, flesh tone or senior status.
Test marketing, he’s fastened onto one line of attack that is particularly noteworthy. Not because it hasn’t sprung from a sandbox, but because it’s such a facile and specious argument: Why, Trump demands, hasn’t Harris already accomplished all that she is promising on the campaign trail?
“She says she’s going to lower the cost of food and housing, starting on Day 1,” he said at a recent swing-state rally in Pennsylvania. “But Day 1 for Kamala was 3½ years ago. So why didn’t she do it then?”
Here’s why: Because she’s serving as vice president of these United States.
Go ahead, criticize the Biden administration and assail its record. Call it, if you’d like, the worst and most incompetent in the whole history of humankind.
But don’t pretend that Harris is the one in charge.
As vice president, “you’re in the room, but you’re not the decision-maker,” said Joel Goldstein, an emeritus law professor at St. Louis University who has written two books on the vice presidency. “You have a voice, but ultimately there’s one vote that counts, and you don’t have it.”
If the question is, “Why didn’t she do it?” Goldstein went on, “the answer is, ‘It wasn’t her administration.’”
The vice presidency has often served as the punch line in a long-running joke — that is, when the office and its occupant have gotten any attention at all. In the corpus of our political system, a vice president is like an appendix; it does some good, but you could easily live without one.
John Adams — the first to hold the position, under President Washington — once called the vice presidency the “most insignificant office that ever the invention of man contrived or his imagination conceived.”
Walter Mondale, who was President Carter’s understudy, described the vice presidency as “an awkward office.” It falls under two branches of government, the executive and legislative, where the vice president serves as tiebreaker in the Senate. (Last December, Harris set a record by casting the most tiebreaking votes ever.)
“Over most of its history,” Mondale noted, “neither branch wanted to see” the vice president.
But the nature of the job changed dramatically under Mondale, who worked out an arrangement with Carter to function as more than a potted plant. Mondale became the first vice president to have an office in the White House, met regularly with the president and carved out a meaningful advisory role in Carter’s administration, a precedent that has been followed in Washington ever since.
One thing that hasn’t changed, however, is the inherently subordinate nature of the vice presidency.
“You step into a role where, by definition, you’re not supposed to lead,” said Christopher Devine, an associate political science professor at the University of Dayton and the author of books on vice presidential candidates. “You’re supposed to take a step back and serve in the shadow of the president.”
That led to a huge expectation gap for Harris — who made history as America’s first female, Black and Asian American vice president — which, in turn, led to a lot of whatever-happened-to questions as she settled into semi-anonymity and the customary role of deferring to the president and carrying out his vision.
It was only a few weeks ago that Harris began fully emerging in her own right, after President Biden stepped aside and the vice president stepped up to replace him as the Democratic nominee.
Since then, polls suggest most voters have little clue what exactly Harris has been up to these last 3½ years, which, from a political standpoint, is one of those good-and-bad things.
Blueprint, a Democratic polling and research organization, said a recent survey found “the general public does not give Harris credit for many of the Biden administration’s popular policies — but that she also won’t have to carry the president’s baggage on issues like inflation.”
In a Washington Post/ABC/Ipsos poll, nearly 6 in 10 respondents said they believe Harris had “just some” or “very little” influence on the administration’s immigration policies, and more than 6 in 10 said she had limited influence on Biden’s economic policies.
(Both surveys were completed before last week’s Democratic National Convention, which devoted four days to wreathing Harris’ in Biden’s successes while ignoring the administration’s failings.)
There are legitimate questions about the counsel Harris has given the president, which would speak to the judgment she’d exercise in the Oval Office. Harris said, for instance, she was “the last person in the room” before Biden launched the deadly and chaotic withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan. (Trump, of course, can’t help but exaggerate, asserting the vice president had “the final vote … the final say” in the matter.)
Exactly what kind of counsel Harris has offered Biden — and the extent to which the president has paid heed — is unknowable for now.
“It’s always confidential, always behind closed doors,” Goldstein noted. “The vice president can’t say, ‘The president was about to screw up and I told him don’t do that and the sun came out the next day.’”
If only.
What can be said is that it’s absurd to suggest that Harris wielded the power to stem inflation, secure the border, fix the country’s housing shortage and solve the myriad other problems Trump lays at her feet.
There’s a reason President Truman famously kept on his desk — and not the vice president’s — a sign reading “The Buck Stops Here.”
Surely Trump appreciates that pecking order, even if the alpha-obsessed ex-president doesn’t let on.
Politics
Trump admin sues Illinois Gov. Pritzker over laws shielding migrants from courthouse arrests
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The U.S. Justice Department filed a lawsuit against Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker over new laws that aim to protect migrants from arrest at key locations, including courthouses, hospitals and day cares.
The lawsuit was filed on Monday, arguing that the new protective measures prohibiting immigration agents from detaining migrants going about daily business at specific locations are unconstitutional and “threaten the safety of federal officers,” the DOJ said in a statement.
The governor signed laws earlier this month that ban civil arrests at and around courthouses across the state. The measures also require hospitals, day care centers and public universities to have procedures in place for addressing civil immigration operations and protecting personal information.
The laws, which took effect immediately, also provide legal steps for people whose constitutional rights were violated during the federal immigration raids in the Chicago area, including $10,000 in damages for a person unlawfully arrested while attempting to attend a court proceeding.
PRITZKER SIGNS BILL TO FURTHER SHIELD ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS IN ILLINOIS FROM DEPORTATIONS
The Trump administration filed a lawsuit against Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker over new laws that aim to protect migrants from arrest at key locations. (Getty Images)
Pritzker, a Democrat, has led the fight against the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown in Illinois, particularly over the indiscriminate and sometimes violent nature in which they are detained.
But the governor’s office reaffirmed that he is not against arresting illegal migrants who commit violent crimes.
“However, the Trump administration’s masked agents are not targeting the ‘worst of the worst’ — they are harassing and detaining law-abiding U.S. citizens and Black and brown people at daycares, hospitals and courthouses,” spokesperson Jillian Kaehler said in a statement.
Earlier this year, the federal government reversed a Biden administration policy prohibiting immigration arrests in sensitive locations such as hospitals, schools and churches.
The U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s “Operation Midway Blitz,” which began in September in the Chicago area but appears to have since largely wound down for now, led to more than 4,000 arrests. But data on people arrested from early September through mid-October showed only 15% had criminal records, with the vast majority of offenses being traffic violations, misdemeanors or nonviolent felonies.
Gov. JB Pritzker has led the fight against the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown in Illinois. (Kamil Krazaczynski/AFP via Getty Images)
Immigration and legal advocates have praised the new laws protecting migrants in Illinois, saying many immigrants were avoiding courthouses, hospitals and schools out of fear of arrest amid the president’s mass deportation agenda.
The laws are “a brave choice” in opposing ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection, according to Lawrence Benito, executive director of the Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights.
“Our collective resistance to ICE and CBP’s violent attacks on our communities goes beyond community-led rapid response — it includes legislative solutions as well,” he said.
The DOJ claims Pritzker and state Attorney General Kwame Raoul, also a Democrat, violated the U.S. Constitution’s Supremacy Clause, which establishes that federal law is the “supreme Law of the Land.”
ILLINOIS LAWMAKERS PASS BILL BANNING ICE IMMIGRATION ARRESTS NEAR COURTHOUSES
Border Patrol Commander Gregory Bovino leaves the Dirksen U.S. Courthouse in Chicago. (Brian Cassella/Chicago Tribune/Tribune News Service via Getty Images)
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Raoul and his staff are reviewing the DOJ’s complaint.
“This new law reflects our belief that no one is above the law, regardless of their position or authority,” Pritzker’s office said. “Unlike the Trump administration, Illinois is protecting constitutional rights in our state.”
The lawsuit is part of an initiative by U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi to block state and local laws the DOJ argues impede federal immigration operations, as other states have also made efforts to protect migrants against federal raids at sensitive locations.
The Associated Press contributed to this report.
Politics
Supreme Court rules against Trump, bars National Guard deployment in Chicago
WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court ruled against President Trump on Tuesday and said he did not have legal authority to deploy the National Guard in Chicago to protect federal immigration agents.
Acting on a 6-3 vote, the justices denied Trump’s appeal and upheld orders from a federal district judge and the U.S. 7th Circuit Court of Appeals that said the president had exaggerated the threat and overstepped his authority.
The decision is a major defeat for Trump and his broad claim that he had the power to deploy militia troops in U.S. cities.
In an unsigned order, the court said the Militia Act allows the president to deploy the National Guard only if the regular U.S. armed forces were unable to quell violence.
The law dating to 1903 says the president may call up and deploy the National Guard if he faces the threat of an invasion or a rebellion or is “unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States.”
That phrase turned out to be crucial.
Trump’s lawyers assumed it referred to the police and federal agents. But after taking a close look, the justices concluded it referred to the regular U.S. military, not civilian law enforcement or the National Guard.
“To call the Guard into active federal service under the [Militia Act], the President must be ‘unable’ with the regular military ‘to execute the laws of the United States,’” the court said in Trump vs. Illinois.
That standard will rarely be met, the court added.
“Under the Posse Comitatus Act, the military is prohibited from execut[ing] the laws except in cases and under circumstances expressly authorized by the Constitution or Act of Congress,” the court said. “So before the President can federalize the Guard … he likely must have statutory or constitutional authority to execute the laws with the regular military and must be ‘unable’ with those forces to perform that function.
“At this preliminary stage, the Government has failed to identify a source of authority that would allow the military to execute the laws in Illinois,” the court said.
Although the court was acting on an emergency appeal, its decision is a significant defeat for Trump and is not likely to be reversed on appeal. Often, the court issues one-sentence emergency orders. But in this case, the justices wrote a three-page opinion to spell out the law and limit the president’s authority.
Justice Amy Coney Barrett, who oversees appeals from Illinois, and Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. cast the deciding votes. Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh agreed with the outcome, but said he preferred a narrow and more limited ruling.
Conservative Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel A. Alito Jr. and Neil M. Gorsuch dissented.
Alito, in dissent, said the “court fails to explain why the President’s inherent constitutional authority to protect federal officers and property is not sufficient to justify the use of National Guard members in the relevant area for precisely that purpose.”
California Gov. Gavin Newsom and Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta filed a brief in the Chicago case that warned of the danger of the president using the military in American cities.
“Today, Americans can breathe a huge sigh of relief,” Bonta said Tuesday. “While this is not necessarily the end of the road, it is a significant, deeply gratifying step in the right direction. We plan to ask the lower courts to reach the same result in our cases — and we are hopeful they will do so quickly.”
The U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals had allowed the deployments in Los Angeles and Portland, Ore., after ruling that judges must defer to the president.
But U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer ruled Dec. 10 that the federalized National Guard troops in Los Angeles must be returned to Newsom’s control.
Trump’s lawyers had not claimed in their appeal that the president had the authority to deploy the military for ordinary law enforcement in the city. Instead, they said the Guard troops would be deployed “to protect federal officers and federal property.”
The two sides in the Chicago case, like in Portland, told dramatically different stories about the circumstances leading to Trump’s order.
Democratic officials in Illinois said small groups of protesters objected to the aggressive enforcement tactics used by federal immigration agents. They said police were able to contain the protests, clear the entrances and prevent violence.
By contrast, administration officials described repeated instances of disruption, confrontation and violence in Chicago. They said immigration agents were harassed and blocked from doing their jobs, and they needed the protection the National Guard could supply.
Trump Solicitor Gen. D. John Sauer said the president had the authority to deploy the Guard if agents could not enforce the immigration laws.
“Confronted with intolerable risks of harm to federal agents and coordinated, violent opposition to the enforcement of federal law,” Trump called up the National Guard “to defend federal personnel, property, and functions in the face of ongoing violence,” Sauer told the court in an emergency appeal filed in mid-October.
Illinois state lawyers disputed the administration’s account.
“The evidence shows that federal facilities in Illinois remain open, the individuals who have violated the law by attacking federal authorities have been arrested, and enforcement of immigration law in Illinois has only increased in recent weeks,” state Solicitor Gen. Jane Elinor Notz said in response to the administration’s appeal.
The Constitution gives Congress the power “to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions.”
But on Oct. 29, the justices asked both sides to explain what the law meant when it referred to the “regular forces.”
Until then, both sides had assumed it referred to federal agents and police, not the standing U.S. armed forces.
A few days before, Georgetown law professor and former Justice Department lawyer Martin Lederman had filed a friend-of-the-court brief asserting that the “regular forces” cited in the 1903 law were the standing U.S. Army.
His brief prompted the court to ask both sides to explain their view of the disputed provision.
Trump’s lawyers stuck to their position. They said the law referred to the “civilian forces that regularly execute the laws,” not the standing army.
If those civilians cannot enforce the law, “there is a strong tradition in this country of favoring the use” of the National Guard, not the standing military, to quell domestic disturbances, they said.
State attorneys for Illinois said the “regular forces” are the “full-time, professional military.” And they said the president could not “even plausibly argue” that the U.S. Guard members were needed to enforce the law in Chicago.
Politics
Video: Trump Announces Construction of New Warships
new video loaded: Trump Announces Construction of New Warships
transcript
transcript
Trump Announces Construction of New Warships
President Trump announced on Monday the construction of new warships for the U.S. Navy he called a “golden fleet.” Navy officials said the vessels would notionally have the ability to launch hypersonic and nuclear-armed cruise missiles.
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We’re calling it the golden fleet, that we’re building for the United States Navy. As you know, we’re desperately in need of ships. Our ships are, some of them have gotten old and tired and obsolete, and we’re going to go the exact opposite direction. They’ll help maintain American military supremacy, revive the American shipbuilding industry, and inspire fear in America’s enemies all over the world. We want respect.
By Nailah Morgan
December 23, 2025
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