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In Pennsylvania, an influx of college graduates could push a key county toward Harris

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In Pennsylvania, an influx of college graduates could push a key county toward Harris


BELLEFONTE, Pa. (AP) — It was love at first sight when Ellen Matis pulled up to this small Pennsylvania borough on a dreary winter day almost eight years ago. The road into town curved along the creek and then climbed uphill to a historic square where she chatted with regulars over beers at the local pub.

“This is where we need to live,” she decided. Matis’ sister-in-law, who grew up in the area, was shocked. She remembered Bellefonte as a sleepy place with vacant storefronts and a drug problem so notorious that people sometimes overdosed in front of the courthouse.

But Matis, 33, saw potential in the town’s quaint brick buildings and scenic foothold in the Allegheny Mountains just a short drive from Pennsylvania State University. She settled in, started a social media marketing company and had two daughters with her husband.

“People are excited for change and what the future holds,” Matis said.

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Matis’ journey to Bellefonte is one small measure of a larger evolution that’s reshaping the politics of Centre County, which is home to about 160,000 people in the middle of Pennsylvania, and could tilt this year’s closely fought presidential election.

The area has long been divided between the liberal university town of State College, which anchors the region, and the conservative hamlets that surround it. But now the blue dot is expanding as college-educated people spread throughout Centre County, drawn by the lower cost of living, more relaxed lifestyle and economic development that has breathed new life into depleted blue-collar communities.

A college degree means more Democratic voters

Last year, 47.6% of county residents had a four-year college degree or more, up from 39.4% a decade ago. Because education levels tend to track partisan affiliation, Democrats have an increasing edge in a part of the state that has historically swung back and forth between the two parties. While in no way assured, the shift means Democratic nominee Kamala Harris could run up margins in small towns far from the big cities of Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, which traditionally get far more attention from presidential campaigns.

Harris’ potential strength here reflects an ongoing tectonic realignment in American politics, with Republicans expanding their outreach to the working class and Democrats relying more on upwardly mobile, college-educated people.

In Centre County, that means Republican nominee Donald Trump remains appealing to voters who feel like their communities haven’t benefited from the area’s changes. But places like Bellefonte are trending blue, backing Joe Biden four years ago after supporting Trump four years before that, and voters with more optimistic views, like Matis, are lining up behind Harris.

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“She makes you feel hopeful,” Matis said. “I want a clean slate.”

The changing demographics in Centre County have already had an impact on local politics. Although control of the board of commissioners used to switch every election, it’s been reliably Democratic for almost a decade.

The county’s leaders are also pursuing a new development plan that’s intended to diversify its economy beyond the university and attract even more people to the region.

“We have that solid rock in Penn State,” said Mark Higgins, chair of the county board of commissioners. “This is more than just Penn State now.”

What to know about the 2024 Election

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Several hotels are slated to open in the coming years. There’s a new hospital and another one is expanding. The population is expected to increase while Pennsylvania is losing residents overall. There are fresh attractions like arts festivals and an Ironman triathlon.

Higgins said Centre County’s growth is partially fueled by “boomerangs,” meaning people who grew up in the area or went to school at Penn State and then move back to raise their family there.

“It’s Wobegon,” he said, “except it’s real.”

Much like other areas of the country, inflation and the rising cost of living have been challenges, but the impact is felt differently. People who are weary of expensive big cities are moving to State College, and people who can’t afford State College are moving to the surrounding area. It’s an economic chain reaction that means there are more liberal-minded people in more towns around the county.

People are ‘boomeranging’ back to Centre County

Derek and Lauren Ishler are the quintessential boomerang couple. They met while attending Penn State, and lived for several years in Alexandria, Virginia. But before having their two daughters, they relocated to State College to be close to their families.

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“It’s grown but we still have that small-town feel,” Derek said. “We’re happy here.”

Derek, 42, does financial work for a logistics company and Lauren, 41, is an elementary school teacher. Both are voting for Harris.

“What world do I want my kids to grow up in?” he asked. “One is fear, fear, fear. The other is, ‘hey, let’s work together.’”

On a recent Friday night, they were in Bellefonte for an annual festival, where local vendors served gourmet food in a park under string lights while a band played nearby.

Stacy and Marc Counterman brought their five-month-old son in his stroller. They moved to town three years ago because Marc, 31, got a job as an academic adviser at Penn State.

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They were so excited that they bought their house without seeing it in person, worried it would be snatched up before they arrived. Both of them are voting for Harris.

“She’s fighting for families,” said Stacy, 33, who works for an education nonprofit. “I’m hopeful she’ll fight for us.”

The ideological reshuffling is tied to State College, where the university is located. Some residents relocate there from what they call “Trump country” to be closer to the institution and its culture.

Alex Sterbenz, 31, came from Burnham, which is in the next county over.

“I figured it made sense to move here, instead of just coming up every weekend,” said Sterbenz, who works in a local music store and plays honkytonk songs on his 2021 Gretsch White Falcon. He tries not to talk politics with his friends and family back home.

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But State College isn’t just attracting people; it’s also exerting a gravitational pull on surrounding towns.

Zeb Smoyer, 23, grew up in Bellefonte, where he joined the Boy Scouts and hunted whitetail deer. Like a lot of teenagers, he couldn’t wait to get out of town. But after he went to college elsewhere in Pennsylvania and spent some time traveling, he decided “Bellefonte is not a bad place.”

Now he lives there and works for an engineering company, which he helps comply with environmental regulations as it lays pipes for turning farmlands into housing developments. Smoyer hasn’t made up his mind about the election, but he previously voted for Biden.

The area is anchored by Penn State and its students

Ezra Nanes, the Democratic mayor of State College, said there’s been more overlap between his town and the surrounding area.

“You see an expansion of the university community and economy,” he said. “It touches all parts of the county.”

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Nanes’ own journey to Centre County parallels the shifts in the region. A New York native, he was ready to make a change in his life and applied to Penn State’s MBA program. He moved to State College 14 years ago with his wife and baby daughter.

They fell in love with the community and the natural environment — “you can be in the mountains in 15 minutes,” he said — and never left. They now have two children. Nanes works at AccuWeather, a forecasting company, and his wife is a physical therapist who started her own business focused on women’s health.

Nanes was a delegate at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, and he hopes “we can help run up the score here.”

“There’s a lot of focus on the big cities,” he said. “But this is an important place if you want to win.”

One challenge is engaging Penn State’s expansive student population.

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“We’re not exactly known for having a very deep political involvement, which is a shame,” said Baybars Charkas, president of the Penn State College Democrats. Charkas calls Penn State “probably the most powerful university in the United States at the current moment” given its size and location in a key battleground state. Roughly 48,000 students are enrolled at the school’s State College campus.

Graduate student Sydney Robinson started her own organization dedicated to supporting Harris. Members make friendship bracelets to promote their candidate and send text messages to rally potential voters.

Robinson, who is applying to law school, is hopeful about the future.

“We just have so many opportunities,” she said. “We’re at a crucial turning point in history, but it’s exciting.”

She’s earned the nickname “voter girl” because she tries to always carry registration forms; she gets three or four people to sign up each week.

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The Harris campaign has four staff members in Centre County, including a dedicated campus organizer, and said they’ve knocked on more than 9,000 doors and made more than 80,000 phone calls. They’re also advertising on radio stations to catch voters while commuting in and out of State College.

Trump’s campaign did not provide figures on voter outreach. But Kush Desai, the Trump campaign’s Pennsylvania spokesman, said his team is attending college football tailgates and focusing on appealing to male voters to cut into Harris’ support within the educated electorate.

Some of the effort focuses on the economy, with the traditional question of, “Are you better off now than you were four years ago?” Desai also suggested that Democrats have shifted too far left on cultural issues.

“I think there’s just a natural backlash here,” he said, and men “are starting to chip away and come to our side instead.”

Ryan Klein, president of the Penn State College Republicans, said the campus leans left but conservatives aren’t as outnumbered as many think. He pointed to strong turnout at last month’s event with Trump supporter Charlie Kirk, who runs Turning Point, an organization focused on rallying young right-leaning voters.

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On most days, “there aren’t a lot of people who want to go out of their way to proudly don the red hat,” Klein said, but hundreds wore “Make America Great Again” paraphernalia that day.

The county’s economic progress remains uneven

Republicans are much stronger in some of the rural areas surrounding State College that haven’t seen the same kind of development as Bellefonte.

One of those places is Philipsburg, with a postage-stamp-sized downtown where vacant storefronts remain common.

“It has potential,” said Brittney Tekely, 31. “It’s a cute little town. It just needs help.”

She saved up money to start her own barbershop there while working as a stylist during the day and in a Wal-Mart distribution warehouse at night. Tekely painted and decorated the place herself with model cars and other trinkets that she picked up at antique stores. She even went all the way to Niagara Falls to buy an old-fashioned cash register that dings loudly when opened. Her three dogs — Digger, Roxie and Mister Skunk — come to work with her and hang out in the back, where they bark when someone opens the front door.

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But Tekely doesn’t see the same care being put into the rest of the town, saying, “There are buildings that no one is fixing up or tearing down.” She isn’t sure if she’ll vote this year, and many of her customers are vocal Republicans.

“They just go on and on and on,” Tekely said. “You’ve got to keep your two cents to yourself.”

Some of them, she said, “truly think if Trump becomes president again it will help the country and help prices.”

The town backed Trump over Biden four years ago, and there’s less of the optimism that characterizes Bellefonte’s renaissance.

Thomas Gette, 77, lives a few blocks from downtown with a Trump sign on the curb outside the front door. He’s retired after spending four decades as the manager of a local hardware store, and he just finished repainting his house.

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Gette said voting for the Republican candidate is “a no-brainer,” especially with all the concerns about uncontrolled migration.

“Something has got to give,” he said, adding that if Trump doesn’t win, “I can’t imagine what it’s going to be like.”

In Gette’s mind, changes in the area have sapped the town of jobs and money.

“There were mines everywhere and the railroads were everywhere,” Gette said, and he’s worried that the transition away from fossil fuels is happening too fast.

And now, how would he describe Philipsburg?

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“Pretty stagnant,” he said.





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FBI director Kash Patel attends fentanyl roundtable in Allentown, Pennsylvania

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FBI director Kash Patel attends fentanyl roundtable in Allentown, Pennsylvania


McCormick made fighting the fentanyl epidemic a significant part of his 2024 campaign and has even advocated employing the military to attack drug cartels in Mexico. He co-sponsored the Halt Fentanyl Act, which permanently classifies fentanyl as a Schedule 1 drug, and was signed into law last year. Later, he introduced the Nitazene Control Act to similarly classify newer narcotics and, in March, introduced the Joint Task Force to Counter Illicit Synthetic Narcotics Act of 2025, to “improve federal coordination” to “go after trafficking organizations [and] address China’s central role in producing fentanyl precursors and laundering drug money.”

U.S. Attorney David Metcalf reinforced the importance of targeting higher levels of the drug supply chain.

“When you measure it by lives lost, the most significant criminal problem we face is still drugs,” he said. “We try to dismantle the problem at the highest level … with cartels and transnational organized crime.”

He noted that Pennsylvania removed more than 56 million doses of fentanyl in 2025 alone, calling it evidence of aggressive enforcement efforts while cautioning that progress must be sustained.

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“Now’s the time where you triple down,” Sunday said.

Allentown Mayor Matt Tuerk, who was not present during the discussion, later told WHYY News that said the city is “happy when our federal partners come to Allentown in a collaborative spirit,” but warned that enforcement alone is not enough as federal dollars for social programs remain at risk.

“I hope that the administration is focused on not just the big headline gravity stuff, but on doing things that strengthen cities,” he said. “They can do that by making smart investments and working closely and collaboratively with cities.”

Tuerk said that includes funding social services that prevent addiction and help offset potential losses in access to fentanyl treatment for Medicaid recipients who may lose coverage under new work requirements and eligibility changes. Medicaid currently pays for about 90% of all treatment.

“As a mayor and as a city leader, my concern is that the good work that law enforcement does to deal with fentanyl or other violent crime gets undercut by decisions that the administration has made that weakens a social safety net and it just creates more problems at the local level,” Tuerk said.

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McCormick acknowledged ongoing concerns about funding and long-term strategy, particularly around addiction treatment and mental health services.

“None of us feel like we have conquered all the dimensions of this problem,” he said, adding that Medicaid funding has actually been increased, though reforms may “slow the pace of growth in spending.”

“That pace of growth will slow to about 3%, which is still higher inflation, so it’s still growing,” he said. “How those additional funds will be allocated, I think, is something that remains to be seen.”

Pennsylvania Attorney General Dave Sunday emphasized that opioid settlement funds are being directed toward treatment and recovery programs, calling them “crucial” to reducing demand alongside supply-side crackdowns.

“We’re here talking about everything we’re doing today to address the supply, but at the same time, we have to just as vigorously go after the demand,” he said.

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U.S. Rep. Ryan Mackenzie, R-Allentown, noted that the Lehigh Valley has been heavily impacted due to its location along major trafficking routes, with “hundreds of families” affected over the years.

Sunday added a personal perspective, describing the crisis not just as a law enforcement issue, but as a fear shared by parents across the state.

“When I was a kid, if you made a mistake, you might not feel well for a day,” Sunday said. “In today’s world, one mistake can equal death. That’s not hyperbole, that is very, very real.”



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Pa.’s first investment in public defense allowed offices to hire attorneys, improve case management

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Pa.’s first investment in public defense allowed offices to hire attorneys, improve case management


Pennsylvania’s first two years of funding indigent defense resulted in progress toward better services for criminal defendants who cannot otherwise afford their own counsel, according to reports released earlier this year.

County defender offices across the state hired new attorneys, added crucial support staff, and implemented case management systems, some for the first time.

A new body, the Indigent Defense Advisory Committee, created the commonwealth’s first standards for this kind of representation. And a massive data collection effort has provided policymakers with the first statewide picture of public defense.

“The money is a good start,” said Sara Jacobson, who spoke with Spotlight PA in her capacity as executive director of the Public Defender Association of Pennsylvania, or PDAP. Jacobson also served as chair of the advisory committee for its first two years.

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But an annual $7.5 million investment split across 67 counties couldn’t fix the dire state of many public defender offices across Pennsylvania.

An analysis of indigent defense by the committee and the Pennsylvania Commission on Crime and Delinquency shows the state is about 400 attorneys short of what it needs to provide adequate representation for adult criminal cases. It also found that starting public defender salaries lagged that of the average attorney in the state.

In addition, defense offices are hemorrhaging staff, with counties reporting that nearly 40% of attorneys hired within the past five years have already left. Of these, most departed within two years of being hired.

Because of turnover, there are fewer full-time public defense attorneys today than in 2024, when county offices received their first round of funding from the state government.

Jacobson said the money is important and the gains made in spending on public defense would be lost without it.

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“But at flat-funding, we don’t gain more,” she said. “At flat-funding, we stay where we are.”

A first step

For decades, Pennsylvania was one of only two states in the country that did not fund public defense, leaving counties to shoulder the burden of constitutionally guaranteed representation. But beyond the funding, public defense was plagued by a culture of isolation.

“Because it’s county-based there’s never been a comprehensive movement to change it, or connect it,” said Samuel Encarnacion, a veteran public defender with the Lancaster County office who left it in March 2025 after more than 30 years.

“We were all little fiefdoms,” he said.

But in recent years, three things changed, Encarnacion said.

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In 2020, PDAP hired its first employee, Jacobson, and became more active in organizing training across county public defender offices and advocating for change at the state level.

Then in 2023, the state legislature and Gov. Josh Shapiro approved $7.5 million, giving most public defenders’ offices their first-ever infusion from the state. The funds recurred in 2024 and 2025, and are proposed at the same level in the 2026 budget.

And in 2024, the ACLU of Pennsylvania sued the state, arguing Pennsylvania’s county-by-county system of funding public defense has resulted in a patchwork that violates the U.S. Constitution. The case is ongoing.

It all amounts to a psychological dam breaking, Encarnacion said.

“We used to say we were the only one, or one of the only ones not funding,” Encarnacion said. “Well, now we can’t say that.”

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In two rounds of funding since 2023, counties were awarded just under $13 million in grants from the state, which are noncompetitive and allocated through a formula.

Each county will receive between $184,000 and $295,000. The money is intended to supplement, not replace, support from county governments, which are still required by state law to be the primary funder of public defense.

Every county has put money toward personnel, with 76% of the grant money funds being budgeted for staff and contracted positions. Across the state, offices created 37 new attorney and support staff positions.

The legislature also created the Indigent Defense Advisory Committee to allocate the money and establish statewide standards for public defense.

Those standards were finalized in September, and submitted to the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania for approval. They mandate that attorneys providing no-cost criminal defense have sufficient knowledge of the law, continue their education, and have a reasonable understanding of relevant technology and forensic science.

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The new standards also establish that effective representation includes a client-centered approach.

These new baselines are currently pending before the high court, which has referred them to the criminal and juvenile rules committees, said Ted Skaarup, assistant public defender for Northampton County. Skaarup is also the chair of the advisory committee.

But despite the forward progress, there’s still a long way to go, Encarnacion said.

“The volume of cases and the number of cases per lawyer is a cancer for effective representation,” Encarnacion said. “That’s really the illness. I think we’ve known that for years.”

In other states, and in larger counties such as Philadelphia and Allegheny, bigger, well-funded offices enable more delegation between attorneys, Encarnacion said, more time for mentorship, and more room for senior attorneys to take managerial roles.

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After the COVID-19 pandemic, his office was hollowed out as traumatized and burnt-out attorneys left for better paying jobs in the private sector. The state grant funding helped make small gains, he said, and has begun a conversation he hopes will lead to bigger change.

“The question is whether we want to make it into an impossible job,” Encarnacion said. “I stayed long enough because I refused to believe it was an impossible job.”

“More to do”

The new money can have a noticeable impact for public defender offices across the state, but it can’t fix all the problems with indigent defense.

In Lebanon County, Chief Defender Megan Tidwell was able to hire a part-time attorney to handle cases involving mental health issues, as well as a part-time social services advocate to connect clients with resources that attorneys otherwise would not have time to seek out.

Indigent clients often need mental health care, substance abuse treatment, or both, Tidwell said, but sometimes lack the ability to find that help on their own.

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The social services advocate is “already handling so much that she could be full-time,” Tidwell said. But the grant can’t cover that workload.

Similarly, while the grant funding is helping counties bring on more attorneys, it can’t make up for decades of underfunding.

The committee found the number of full-time public defense attorneys actually decreased from 828.5 to 820.5 over the course of the grant program, driven by aggressive turnover in the offices.

“Initial data analysis from the IDAC and others suggests that indigent defense workforce challenges have reached a crisis point, with significant turnover and recruitment challenges leading to overall staffing shortages compared to levels that would meet national standards,” the report found.

The new money also allowed some counties to implement case management systems for the first time. Public defender offices cannot accurately measure their caseloads without them, according to Jacobson.

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“Without being able to track overall how many cases they’re handling it’s really hard to then — actually it’s impossible — to match their work against, say, national caseload standards,” Jacobson said.

When public defense caseloads get overwhelming, there’s less time to devote to each individual case. Attorneys can only triage cases and negotiate the best guilty plea they can, Jacobson said, which is not an effective level of defense.

An analysis of case outcomes by PDAP found this already happens. Using the indigent defense committee report and a 2021 report by the Legislative Budget and Finance Committee, PDAP found that between 2022 and 2024, 11 counties took three or fewer cases to trial and 16 counties filed two or fewer appeals.

“Indigent defense shouldn’t be like haggling over the price of a car,” Jacobson said. “There’s much more to do.”

Preliminary caseload figures are likely an undercount, Jacobson said, because the data the indigent defense committee gathered from the court system has gaps that could obscure the true amount of work public defense attorneys are handling.

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In up to 20% of cases, court documents showed that the defendant had either no or “unknown” representation. It’s unclear whether these defendants truly did not have representation, or whether the court clerks just didn’t enter their attorney information into Pennsylvania’s case management system.

If people are moving through the system without the representation they’re entitled to, “It means that no one is reviewing their discovery, no one is looking to see if there are motions to suppress because police violated their constitutional rights, no one’s really making sentencing arguments for them,” Jacobson said.

Looking forward, the Indigent Defense Advisory Committee is focused on three areas for continued progress, Skaarup said.

The committee is creating a centralized, digital resource library for indigent defenders around the state, where standards and practices vary by county. It’s also continuing to engage with the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania and rules committees to produce robust standards for public defense.

But closing gaps in the data might be the most important task ahead, because an accurate picture of caseloads is “the baseline for a lot of the other work we want to do,” Skaarup said.

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“We have a lot of qualitative impressions of the quality of indigent services throughout the commonwealth, but we also are working to try and get some numbers behind those,” he said.



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🏭 A legal fight over coal mining | Morning Newsletter

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🏭 A legal fight over coal mining | Morning Newsletter


Welcome to April, Philly! What’s that old saying, “April showers bring May flowers?” Well, we’re looking at the possibility of some showers today, and the temperature will be near 80.

A legal fight over coal mining in southwestern Pennsylvania is brewing. An environmental group’s efforts to restore state land is running up against an industry that isn’t done digging up fossil fuels.

And get ready for a busy month in Philly’s restaurant scene. We have new restaurants opening, the return of a former city staple, and James Beard Award nominees.

Plus, a judge ruled that Penn must release the names of people affiliated with campus Jewish organizations to the Trump administration, and more news of the day.

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— Sam Stewart (morningnewsletter@inquirer.com)

If someone forwarded you this email, sign up for free here.

A fight over Gov. Josh Shapiro’s energy policies is playing out. The dispute started in 2024, when activists petitioned regulators to preemptively declare 11,000 acres off-limits for mining.

That threatened to undermine expansion plans by a major Pennsylvania coal company. The firm’s affiliates have received tens of millions of dollars in state subsidies. And the owners are also major campaign donors to Shapiro and state Republican lawmakers.

The coal company lobbied the state to reject the mining restriction. After consulting Shapiro’s office, environmental regulators did just that.

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But that rejection spurred litigation — and the documents from that dispute now offer a window into how Shapiro is navigating energy politics in a major fossil fuel-producing state ahead of a possible 2028 presidential campaign.

This is no April Fool’s joke, Philly. The city’s restaurant scene is busy this month.

🏅There are seven Philly finalists for the 2026 James Beard Foundation Awards. Michelin-recommended Thai restaurant Kalaya and Italian bakery and café Fiore are some names on the list.

🍲 Several new restaurants are slated to open this month, from pizza places to a Vietnamese-Cajun-inspired spot, Carolyn’s Modern Vietnamese.

🍺 Plus, an old classic is making a comeback. Iron Hill Brewery, which closed all locations and filed for bankruptcy last year, is set to return to Market East.

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What you should know today

  1. The University of Pennsylvania must release lists of people affiliated with Jewish organizations on its campus, a federal court judge ruled on Tuesday. Penn had argued that releasing the information would put employees at risk.

  2. Convicted former labor leader John J. Dougherty will be permitted to hold a hearing about his request to have his prison term cut short to care for his gravely ill wife.

  3. Parkside Borough Council President Dominic Capobianco used a borough-issued gas card to fill up his personal vehicle, and his wife’s, stealing $2,500 from the tiny Delaware County town, according to the DA.

  4. A Kensington elementary school parent has accused the Philadelphia School District of unfairly foisting a school closure, despite it not being on the list of 18 schools facing shutdown.

  5. Philly’s government is slowly rebuilding its workforce after the COVID-19 pandemic, with officials saying the number of unfilled jobs is at its lowest point in several years.

  6. Gov. Josh Shapiro hosted an official statewide pep rally ahead of Pennsylvania’s major celebrations and sporting events this summer, like the nation’s 250th and the FIFA World Cup.

  7. Uber is expanding its program that offers free and discounted rides to seniors to Northeast Philadelphia through KleinLife.

Quote of the day

Visa and Bank of America are transforming a Fishtown park into a hub for community soccer matches and development in the lead-up to the 2026 World Cup in Philadelphia. Visa and Bank of America will open the Visa Street Soccer Park at 1036 N. Front St., a refurbishment of Fishtown’s Tiptop Playground.

🧠 Trivia time

Which former Eagle and podcaster will do on-course reporting during the popular golf event, the Masters Par 3 Contest?

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A) Donovan McNabb

B) Nick Foles

C) John Middlekauff

D) Jason Kelce

Think you know? Check your answer.

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What we’re …

🏡 Admiring: A renovated three-bedroom home in Roxborough with an updated kitchen and an electric-vehicle charging station.

Wondering: Can the U.S. soccer team play in Philadelphia at the World Cup? The answer is: It’s complicated.

🏢 Keeping an eye on: SEPTA is seeking apartment development near its Regional Rail stations.

🌱 Sniffling about: Sneezin’ season is back. Expect a tree-pollen bonanza as temperatures rise this week.

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🧩 Unscramble the anagram

Hint: This new city-sponsored initiative will focus on turning East Passyunk, Center City, and West Philly into live music destinations.

ELVIN SIGHT WEEK

Email us if you know the answer. We’ll select a reader at random to shout out here.

Cheers to James O’Connor, who solved Tuesday’s anagram: Strathmere.

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The lifeguard headquarters house in the Cape May County community was demolished over the weekend when local officials deemed it too dangerous after a year of extreme weather left the beach eroded.

Photo of the day

That’s all for today, folks! Enjoy the first day of April and I’ll be back soon. 👋

By submitting your written, visual, and/or audio contributions, you agree to The Inquirer’s Terms of Use, including the grant of rights in Section 10.



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