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In Pennsylvania, an influx of college graduates could push a key county toward Harris

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In Pennsylvania, an influx of college graduates could push a key county toward Harris


BELLEFONTE, Pa. (AP) — It was love at first sight when Ellen Matis pulled up to this small Pennsylvania borough on a dreary winter day almost eight years ago. The road into town curved along the creek and then climbed uphill to a historic square where she chatted with regulars over beers at the local pub.

“This is where we need to live,” she decided. Matis’ sister-in-law, who grew up in the area, was shocked. She remembered Bellefonte as a sleepy place with vacant storefronts and a drug problem so notorious that people sometimes overdosed in front of the courthouse.

But Matis, 33, saw potential in the town’s quaint brick buildings and scenic foothold in the Allegheny Mountains just a short drive from Pennsylvania State University. She settled in, started a social media marketing company and had two daughters with her husband.

“People are excited for change and what the future holds,” Matis said.

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Matis’ journey to Bellefonte is one small measure of a larger evolution that’s reshaping the politics of Centre County, which is home to about 160,000 people in the middle of Pennsylvania, and could tilt this year’s closely fought presidential election.

The area has long been divided between the liberal university town of State College, which anchors the region, and the conservative hamlets that surround it. But now the blue dot is expanding as college-educated people spread throughout Centre County, drawn by the lower cost of living, more relaxed lifestyle and economic development that has breathed new life into depleted blue-collar communities.

A college degree means more Democratic voters

Last year, 47.6% of county residents had a four-year college degree or more, up from 39.4% a decade ago. Because education levels tend to track partisan affiliation, Democrats have an increasing edge in a part of the state that has historically swung back and forth between the two parties. While in no way assured, the shift means Democratic nominee Kamala Harris could run up margins in small towns far from the big cities of Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, which traditionally get far more attention from presidential campaigns.

Harris’ potential strength here reflects an ongoing tectonic realignment in American politics, with Republicans expanding their outreach to the working class and Democrats relying more on upwardly mobile, college-educated people.

In Centre County, that means Republican nominee Donald Trump remains appealing to voters who feel like their communities haven’t benefited from the area’s changes. But places like Bellefonte are trending blue, backing Joe Biden four years ago after supporting Trump four years before that, and voters with more optimistic views, like Matis, are lining up behind Harris.

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“She makes you feel hopeful,” Matis said. “I want a clean slate.”

The changing demographics in Centre County have already had an impact on local politics. Although control of the board of commissioners used to switch every election, it’s been reliably Democratic for almost a decade.

The county’s leaders are also pursuing a new development plan that’s intended to diversify its economy beyond the university and attract even more people to the region.

“We have that solid rock in Penn State,” said Mark Higgins, chair of the county board of commissioners. “This is more than just Penn State now.”

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Several hotels are slated to open in the coming years. There’s a new hospital and another one is expanding. The population is expected to increase while Pennsylvania is losing residents overall. There are fresh attractions like arts festivals and an Ironman triathlon.

Higgins said Centre County’s growth is partially fueled by “boomerangs,” meaning people who grew up in the area or went to school at Penn State and then move back to raise their family there.

“It’s Wobegon,” he said, “except it’s real.”

Much like other areas of the country, inflation and the rising cost of living have been challenges, but the impact is felt differently. People who are weary of expensive big cities are moving to State College, and people who can’t afford State College are moving to the surrounding area. It’s an economic chain reaction that means there are more liberal-minded people in more towns around the county.

People are ‘boomeranging’ back to Centre County

Derek and Lauren Ishler are the quintessential boomerang couple. They met while attending Penn State, and lived for several years in Alexandria, Virginia. But before having their two daughters, they relocated to State College to be close to their families.

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“It’s grown but we still have that small-town feel,” Derek said. “We’re happy here.”

Derek, 42, does financial work for a logistics company and Lauren, 41, is an elementary school teacher. Both are voting for Harris.

“What world do I want my kids to grow up in?” he asked. “One is fear, fear, fear. The other is, ‘hey, let’s work together.’”

On a recent Friday night, they were in Bellefonte for an annual festival, where local vendors served gourmet food in a park under string lights while a band played nearby.

Stacy and Marc Counterman brought their five-month-old son in his stroller. They moved to town three years ago because Marc, 31, got a job as an academic adviser at Penn State.

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They were so excited that they bought their house without seeing it in person, worried it would be snatched up before they arrived. Both of them are voting for Harris.

“She’s fighting for families,” said Stacy, 33, who works for an education nonprofit. “I’m hopeful she’ll fight for us.”

The ideological reshuffling is tied to State College, where the university is located. Some residents relocate there from what they call “Trump country” to be closer to the institution and its culture.

Alex Sterbenz, 31, came from Burnham, which is in the next county over.

“I figured it made sense to move here, instead of just coming up every weekend,” said Sterbenz, who works in a local music store and plays honkytonk songs on his 2021 Gretsch White Falcon. He tries not to talk politics with his friends and family back home.

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But State College isn’t just attracting people; it’s also exerting a gravitational pull on surrounding towns.

Zeb Smoyer, 23, grew up in Bellefonte, where he joined the Boy Scouts and hunted whitetail deer. Like a lot of teenagers, he couldn’t wait to get out of town. But after he went to college elsewhere in Pennsylvania and spent some time traveling, he decided “Bellefonte is not a bad place.”

Now he lives there and works for an engineering company, which he helps comply with environmental regulations as it lays pipes for turning farmlands into housing developments. Smoyer hasn’t made up his mind about the election, but he previously voted for Biden.

The area is anchored by Penn State and its students

Ezra Nanes, the Democratic mayor of State College, said there’s been more overlap between his town and the surrounding area.

“You see an expansion of the university community and economy,” he said. “It touches all parts of the county.”

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Nanes’ own journey to Centre County parallels the shifts in the region. A New York native, he was ready to make a change in his life and applied to Penn State’s MBA program. He moved to State College 14 years ago with his wife and baby daughter.

They fell in love with the community and the natural environment — “you can be in the mountains in 15 minutes,” he said — and never left. They now have two children. Nanes works at AccuWeather, a forecasting company, and his wife is a physical therapist who started her own business focused on women’s health.

Nanes was a delegate at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, and he hopes “we can help run up the score here.”

“There’s a lot of focus on the big cities,” he said. “But this is an important place if you want to win.”

One challenge is engaging Penn State’s expansive student population.

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“We’re not exactly known for having a very deep political involvement, which is a shame,” said Baybars Charkas, president of the Penn State College Democrats. Charkas calls Penn State “probably the most powerful university in the United States at the current moment” given its size and location in a key battleground state. Roughly 48,000 students are enrolled at the school’s State College campus.

Graduate student Sydney Robinson started her own organization dedicated to supporting Harris. Members make friendship bracelets to promote their candidate and send text messages to rally potential voters.

Robinson, who is applying to law school, is hopeful about the future.

“We just have so many opportunities,” she said. “We’re at a crucial turning point in history, but it’s exciting.”

She’s earned the nickname “voter girl” because she tries to always carry registration forms; she gets three or four people to sign up each week.

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The Harris campaign has four staff members in Centre County, including a dedicated campus organizer, and said they’ve knocked on more than 9,000 doors and made more than 80,000 phone calls. They’re also advertising on radio stations to catch voters while commuting in and out of State College.

Trump’s campaign did not provide figures on voter outreach. But Kush Desai, the Trump campaign’s Pennsylvania spokesman, said his team is attending college football tailgates and focusing on appealing to male voters to cut into Harris’ support within the educated electorate.

Some of the effort focuses on the economy, with the traditional question of, “Are you better off now than you were four years ago?” Desai also suggested that Democrats have shifted too far left on cultural issues.

“I think there’s just a natural backlash here,” he said, and men “are starting to chip away and come to our side instead.”

Ryan Klein, president of the Penn State College Republicans, said the campus leans left but conservatives aren’t as outnumbered as many think. He pointed to strong turnout at last month’s event with Trump supporter Charlie Kirk, who runs Turning Point, an organization focused on rallying young right-leaning voters.

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On most days, “there aren’t a lot of people who want to go out of their way to proudly don the red hat,” Klein said, but hundreds wore “Make America Great Again” paraphernalia that day.

The county’s economic progress remains uneven

Republicans are much stronger in some of the rural areas surrounding State College that haven’t seen the same kind of development as Bellefonte.

One of those places is Philipsburg, with a postage-stamp-sized downtown where vacant storefronts remain common.

“It has potential,” said Brittney Tekely, 31. “It’s a cute little town. It just needs help.”

She saved up money to start her own barbershop there while working as a stylist during the day and in a Wal-Mart distribution warehouse at night. Tekely painted and decorated the place herself with model cars and other trinkets that she picked up at antique stores. She even went all the way to Niagara Falls to buy an old-fashioned cash register that dings loudly when opened. Her three dogs — Digger, Roxie and Mister Skunk — come to work with her and hang out in the back, where they bark when someone opens the front door.

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But Tekely doesn’t see the same care being put into the rest of the town, saying, “There are buildings that no one is fixing up or tearing down.” She isn’t sure if she’ll vote this year, and many of her customers are vocal Republicans.

“They just go on and on and on,” Tekely said. “You’ve got to keep your two cents to yourself.”

Some of them, she said, “truly think if Trump becomes president again it will help the country and help prices.”

The town backed Trump over Biden four years ago, and there’s less of the optimism that characterizes Bellefonte’s renaissance.

Thomas Gette, 77, lives a few blocks from downtown with a Trump sign on the curb outside the front door. He’s retired after spending four decades as the manager of a local hardware store, and he just finished repainting his house.

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Gette said voting for the Republican candidate is “a no-brainer,” especially with all the concerns about uncontrolled migration.

“Something has got to give,” he said, adding that if Trump doesn’t win, “I can’t imagine what it’s going to be like.”

In Gette’s mind, changes in the area have sapped the town of jobs and money.

“There were mines everywhere and the railroads were everywhere,” Gette said, and he’s worried that the transition away from fossil fuels is happening too fast.

And now, how would he describe Philipsburg?

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“Pretty stagnant,” he said.





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Lawmakers break without addressing unconstitutional murder sentences, leave 1K Pa. lifers in limbo

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Lawmakers break without addressing unconstitutional murder sentences, leave 1K Pa. lifers in limbo


Pennsylvania lawmakers recessed Sunday without fixing the commonwealth’s unconstitutional sentencing scheme for second-degree murder, making it increasingly likely they will miss a deadline set by the state Supreme Court and leave the issue in limbo.

A killing is considered second-degree murder if it occurs during the course of a violent felony, including robbery, rape, or arson. Someone can be found guilty of the crime if they participated in the underlying felony, even if their actions didn’t lead directly to another person’s death.

Because of this, a person in Pennsylvania who served as a getaway driver during a botched robbery, or caused an injury that later led to death, currently receives the same sentence as someone who knowingly plotted and carried out a killing.

However, in March the Pennsylvania Supreme Court ruled in Commonwealth v. Lee that mandatory life without parole for second-degree murder is unnecessarily cruel under the state constitution.

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The court gave lawmakers until July 24 to rewrite the sentencing laws.

“While we have a clear obligation to ensure that constitutional bounds are not crossed, we may not act as legislators, who are best positioned to effectuate penal reform,” wrote Chief Justice Debra Todd for the majority.

They also declined to make the ruling retroactive, leaving it up to the legislature to decide whether people already serving life sentences for second-degree murder convictions should be up for parole.

But months of talks among advocates for criminal justice reform, district attorneys, and members of the split legislature have not produced a compromise.

The state Senate twice tried to move a version of a proposal that would create 35-year mandatory minimum sentences for adults convicted of second-degree murder, with few exceptions, as well as a pathway to release for those already serving. However, state Rep. Tim Briggs (D., Montgomery), a key House lawmaker on criminal justice issues, told Spotlight PA the proposal is too punitive.

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If the legislature misses the deadline, the state Supreme Court decision will take effect, leaving individual Common Pleas judges across the state to dole out fair sentences without legislative guidance.

And the fate of more than 1,100 people already in prison on second-degree murder convictions will likely be decided by the state’s highest court, as civil rights lawyers stand ready to petition the body for further clarity.

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Should the justices apply their ruling to people who are already convicted, courts across the state will almost certainly be flooded with hundreds of petitions from those serving life in second-degree cases, some decades old.

Some advocates are ready to file those petitions, telling Spotlight PA the courts might produce better outcomes for clients than the state Senate’s proposed path forward.

“We’re not afraid of going to mass resentencings,” said Sean Damon, director of strategic partnerships for Straight Ahead. His organization is the policy arm of the Abolitionist Law Center, the firm that brought the suit in Lee.

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Others cautioned against that outcome.

“Inaction is not an option, in fact it is dangerous,” Attorney General Dave Sunday said in a statement sent after the legislature convened.

“Failing to act would leave our communities and victims without needed protections, and it is important that we move forward collaboratively to ensure a responsible solution.”

Lawmakers telegraphed Sunday night that they are willing to keep working on a compromise ahead of the deadline, but did not confirm whether they’d solve the issue in time.

Gov. Josh Shapiro, in a news conference, said he agrees with the Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s ruling, and wants to see the legislature reach consensus.

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“We’re going to continue to work on this issue, and I’m confident, given some of the maneuvering that the majority leader in the House did today,” the Democrat said. “There’s a vehicle ready to go when we have a compromise in place.”

Asked whether lawmakers will pass a bill by the July 24 deadline, state House Majority Leader Matt Bradford (D., Montgomery) twice told reporters: “We’re hoping to get something accomplished.”

Conversations, but no compromise

For decades, Pennsylvania’s justice system has applied second-degree murder to a wide variety of defendants and criminal behavior: a man who killed a 77-year-old woman during the course of a violent rape; an accomplice in the torture and eventual death of an intellectually disabled woman; a man who robbed a tourist who minutes later committed suicide; a 14-year-old with a history of abuse and mental illness, who started an accidental house fire that killed the two boys she was trying to visit.

And for decades, those convicted have all received the same, unmovable sentence: life without parole.

The state Supreme Court in March found this sentencing scheme unnecessarily cruel, and argued that without an individual assessment of culpability, it violates the Pennsylvania Constitution.

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“We determine that a mandatory life without parole sentence for all felony murder convictions, absent an assessment of culpability, is inconsistent with the protections bestowed upon our citizens under the ‘cruel punishments’ clause of our Commonwealth’s organic charter,” wrote Justice Todd for the majority.

In the spring, the legislature seemed poised to act.

Lawmakers from both chambers had already proposed legislation, including a bipartisan effort by state Sens. Sharif Street (D., Philadelphia) and Camera Bartolotta (R., Beaver) and another by Rep. Tim Briggs (D., Montgomery).

But at an April meeting of the state House Judiciary Committee, with advocates in attendance eager to celebrate the vote, Briggs tabled his bill. Stakeholders had reached out, he explained, with feedback and a desire to have their positions better reflected in whatever solution the legislature pursued.

“I think we can have a collaborative process to get to a better bill that balances the need to comply with the Lee decision, but also is fair and compassionate, respects victims’ rights, and above all, maintains community safety,” Briggs said during the April meeting.

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Then, speaking about people already serving life sentences, he said: “These people – this is emotional – these people have been serving long, unconstitutional sentences, and I will not put them in a worse position than what I believe the Supreme Court would order for them after the (120 day) run.”

In an interview with Spotlight PA months later, Briggs said he had hoped the pause would lead to meaningful cross-party conversations.

“That never happened,” Briggs said.

In spring conversations between Straight Ahead and the Pennsylvania District Attorneys Association, the groups tried to reach a framework that would satisfy their respective coalitions. Lawmakers were not directly involved in those conversations, sources confirmed to Spotlight PA.

State prosecutors were most worried about the group of more than 1,100 people serving life sentences, said Kelly Callihan, the executive director of the district attorneys association.

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“We like uniformity,” she said. “Victims deserve that, and honestly, perpetrators who have been convicted deserve that, so that it’s not like the Wild West, where every county was just going to be on an island doing what they thought with resentencing.”

Public defenders feel similarly, said Sara Jacobson, the executive director of the Public Defender Association of Pennsylvania. Without a legislative fix, she said, the state would be left with “justice by geography.”

“Without guidance, the results will vary widely in terms of sentences they get handed down,’ Jacobson added. “It will depend much more on the politics of a given county and an individual judge’s perspective.”

A legislative framework would be better for everyone, Jacobson said, because prosecutors, defense attorneys, and crime victims will know what to expect.

But feelings diverge from there.

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The district attorneys association feels comfortable with a minimum sentence, after which the convicted person would be eligible for parole, Callihan said.

But Straight Ahead and other advocates found a high mandatory minimum for those sentenced to second-degree murder to be unpalatable.

“We have been advocating for a maximum sentence similar to third-degree,” which carries a 40 year maximum, Damon said.

In June, a compromise had not been reached when, over the course of four days, the Republican-controlled state Senate introduced, voted out of committee, and passed new legislation with bipartisan support.

That bill, SB 1400, would establish a 35-year mandatory minimum for adult offenders and preserve life without parole as an option for offenders who meet certain criteria. It allows for sentences as low as 10 years if a defendant meets a narrow set of mitigating circumstances.

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For people already serving life, the bill would permit parole consideration after 35 years for most and 20 years for those over the age of 70.

The court gave the General Assembly a 120-day window “because opening the prison doors and letting out violent individuals back on the streets is unacceptable policy,” said state Sen. Lisa Baker (R., Luzerne), the bill’s lead sponsor, during a news conference after passage. Attorney General Sunday, also appearing at the news conference, supported it.

The state Senate passed a largely similar version of this legislation Sunday afternoon, attached to a House bill aimed at allowing incarcerated individuals to earn credits toward potential earlier parole by participating in educational and vocational programs.

But the bill found no purchase among House Democrats.

When he spoke with Spotlight PA in June, Briggs said the language was “too heavy-handed.”

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“These are serious matters,” he said, “but I think there needs to be some compassion on the facts, and high mandatory minimums across the board isn’t the direction I want to go in.”

Elizabeth Rementer, a spokesperson for House Democrats, said Sunday that the lawmakers remain committed to continuing negotiations.

But speaking of the bill passed Sunday, she said, “Unfortunately, this isn’t it.”

Mass resentencings possible

Stakeholders are similarly split.

Berks County District Attorney John Adams, in an interview with Spotlight PA, said he largely supported the state Senate legislation and its attempt to establish both a framework for future sentencing and a path for reconsidering past convictions. As a prosecutor and former defense attorney, “I have been on both sides of this issue, so I know it by heart, and I know it through experience,” Adams said.

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“This bill covers pretty much everything that I was looking for,” he said. “It offers, in the appropriate instances, the possibility that someone could be sentenced to life in prison, and it also offers otherwise some alternatives.”

But Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner, a progressive Democrat known for diverging from his fellow prosecutors, derided the state Senate bill as unscientific and beholden to an old-school, tough-on-crime approach to justice.

In an interview with Spotlight PA, Krasner was blunt in his assessment of the courts as a better path than the proposed legislation..

“Nothing is better than stupid,” Krasner said.

The path to this type of mass resentencing is uncertain — for now.

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Without a legislative fix, the issue will need to return to the state Supreme Court to become retroactive.

The Abolitionist Law Center is ready to pursue this path if the legislature fails to act, said Legal Director Bret Grote, whether through traditional appeal or a King’s Bench petition, which would ask the court to take the matter more quickly.

“The issue will be presented to the court promptly, and the court alone will decide when they hear such a case,” Grote said, “but with more than — and we’re confident it’s more than 1,100 people — serving this unconstitutional sentence, this is a constitutional crisis.”

Straight Ahead, ALC, and other advocates actively involved in conversations around the Lee decision are ready to do the most good for the most people, Damon said. “So, I’m not being glib when I say we’re ready to go a mass resentencing.”

More than 500 of the people serving life sentences for felony murder were convicted in Philadelphia, where the courts do not “tend to throw the book at people,” Damon said, and where there is a reform-minded district attorney in Krasner.

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“We’re going to have lower sentences in Philly,” Damon said.

___

This story was originally published by Spotlight PA and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.





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12-year-old boy on e-bike killed in crash with pickup truck in Pennsylvania

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12-year-old boy on e-bike killed in crash with pickup truck in Pennsylvania


A 12-year-old boy on an electric bike was killed in a crash in Manchester Township, Pennsylvania, on Monday, authorities said. 

The Northern York County Regional Police Department said in a news release that the crash happened at the intersection of North George Street and Emig Road on Monday at around 9:30 p.m. Officers were called to the scene and found that the 12-year-old e-bike rider and the driver of a pickup truck had crashed. 

First responders performed life-saving measures on the boy, who died as a result of his injuries. The boy’s identity was not released as of Tuesday night. It was not immediately clear if the driver of the pickup truck was injured. 

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Police are investigating the crash. Law enforcement did not release any additional information. Anyone with information on the deadly crash can contact the Northern York County Regional Police Department at 717-467-8355 or email tips@nycrpd.org. The case number is 2026-029713, police added.



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Pennsylvania man who brought gun to

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A Pennsylvania man who brought a gun and other weapons to a rally in West Chester last year has been sentenced to more than three years behind bars. 

A federal judge sentenced Kevin Krebs, 32, of Malvern, Pennsylvania, to 37 months in prison and three years of supervised release for possessing unregistered explosive devices, officials announced Tuesday. 

Krebs was arrested on June 14, 2025, in the area of North High Street in West Chester, near a “No Kings” protest against President Trump’s deportation policies and other actions by his administration.

Police arrested Krebs with a fully loaded concealed Sig Sauer P320 handgun under a yellow raincoat, an M9 bayonet, a pocket knife, pepper spray, a ski mask and gloves. Court documents showed police also found an AR-15-style rifle on the floor of Kreb’s SUV. Investigators said Krebs did not have a concealed carry permit.

Investigators found over a dozen improvised explosive devices, including pipe bombs, at his home on Conestoga Road days after his arrest. 

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Krebs pleaded guilty to the federal charges in December. 

A state case against Krebs is still pending. 



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